AggieMUN III
Sri Lankan Civil War
Letter From the Chair
Distinguished delegates:
It is my pleasure to welcome you all to AggieMUN 2016’s Sri Lankan Civil War Crisis
Council!
I am Radhika Iyer and I have the honor of being your Head Chair this year. Currently I’m
a third year Microbiology Major and pursuing Global Disease Biology and Art Studio minors at
UC Davis. I started MUN in my freshman year of college and have enjoyed it immensely. My
experiences at Davis MUN have given me a broader insight of the world around us. Most
importantly however, it has given me the opportunity to meet people from different backgrounds
having various ambitions and passions and, I hope, that as delegates you too can experience that
at AggieMUN!
The Sri Lankan Civil War was a devastating event that culminated from several attempts
by a country trying to reestablish its identity post-independence, and coming to terms with having
two dominant languages and cultures. It is a recent war that ended in 2009 and, even today,
Northern parts of Sri Lanka continue to experience the aftermath of the conflict. In this
committee, as delegates, you will be thrown into a government that now has to deal with shifting
ideologies and public dissent due to a rising terrorist threat. My hope is that as a committee you
will be willing to tackle these issues and come up with a reasonable solution to regain peace to
your government.
Wish you all the best of luck and I look forward to seeing you all in committee!
Radhika Iyer
If you have any concerns or questions about the committee, crisis topic, or debate flow, please
contact me at “email”
Letters From the Co-Directors
To the delegates:
I would like to welcome you all to AggieMUN III’s Sri Lankan Civil War committee!
First of all, I am Hugo Rios, one of the co-directors for our committee. I am a fourth-year
International Relations major (as are many of us in MUN) with an emphasis on Western Europe. I
have always held a strong interest in the world’s affairs and its history in particular, as I believe
the lessons of the past can be applied to the issues of the present. My journey with MUN would
begin as a sophomore attending Diablo Valley College and the next two years would consist of
some of the best college experiences primarily as a delegate. Some delegates can relate with my
own experience of not being much of a public speaker at first but through practice and utilizing
those skills in committees, it becomes easier and interesting. Therefore, to the novice delegates
out there, I believe in you. In my free time, I tend to be quite a chill person who enjoys sports
(primarily viewing soccer and baseball), hanging out with friends, travelling, drinking (drinks are
on me; just kidding), gaming, and art.
Sri Lanka is indeed a country that is unfamiliar to the vast majority of us at first. But through
studying its history and the civil war especially, one can see that Sri Lanka has a connected
historical background to its South Asian neighbors due to British colonial policies and its postcolonial events. With divisions between not only the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils but
the Sri Lankan government and its allies as well, delegates must seek to remend these divisions
within Sri Lankan society while formulating a plan to restore peace to the island. Whether the
plan is carried out through peaceful means or via force, the committee as a whole shall incur the
consequences if its plan is detrimental to progress in Sri Lanka.
Above all, good luck,
Hugo Rios
Questions about the committee or your role? Contact me at the following email:
[email protected]
Letters From the Co-Directors
To our distinguished delegates,
I would first like to welcome you to AggieMUN 2017 and express my gratitude for your
joining us in this committee.
My name is Nicholas Archibald, and I am your other Co-Director for this committee. I am a
second year History and Political Science Double Major, and this will be my second year with
Model United Nations. Overall, even with my experiences with MUN so near the very beginning
, they have already greatly enriched my college experience with many new friends, things to
learn, and ways to challenge myself to become a better speaker, leader, and thinker. My favorite
subjects of study have always been history as well as politics on a global scale. Not only do I
wish to better understand the workings of international relations, I enjoy piecing together how
history has affected politics and the events that have unfolded around the world. I enjoy writing
creatively, and have for many years, and it is my hope that I will be able to help create a
memorable experience for all with an engaging story of events that you will largely affect and
write yourselves.
The Sri Lankan Civil war is no different in how the history of the island nation ties so
intimately into the causes and the conflict itself. It is my hope that the history shall both better
inform your decisions and thoughts, as well as being a powerful and interesting tool to enrich
your knowledge of the world and find unique solutions to the complex problems before you. A
saying I have always held close and found true is that history is written by the victors. I
encourage you to keep your mind open and consider the history of the conflict as well as the
topics debated through all perspectives, and to not be adverse to being convinced, or stepping up
to persuade others to your point of view. While I know that the prize of the gavel or
commendations is high in your sights in these committees, I hope that you can also look past this
and be driven by the experiences of bettering yourselves and making new friends. Overall, I hope
you enjoy this committee and bring your best.
Best wishes,
Nicholas Archibald
PS: Questions? You can contact me at [email protected]
Introduction
Sri Lanka, a former colony of the once-prestigious British Empire known as Ceylon, is a divided
island. Achieving its independence, Sri Lanka would divide itself socially between the majority
Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. As the British encouraged divisions between ethnic groups
through policies favoring certain groups, the Sinhalese would be the ones to enjoy most of the
nation’s benefits while the Tamils faced discrimination. Tensions between the two ethnic groups
escalate the point of violence in the 1980s and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is
formed in response by Tamil nationalists seeking to create the independent state of Tamil Eelam
in the country’s north. For the people of Sri Lanka, the beginning of a series of civil wars would
burden their nation.
Procedure
Debate Structure:
The committee will run in a perpetual moderated caucus. Time will not run linearly during
committee; delegates will receive updates on times and dates from the head chair. At the
beginning of committee, delegates will receive a list of powers, resources, and additional
information about their respective characters as well as a full report of the current situation that
the Sri Lankan government faces. Delegates are expected to come into committee with a full
understanding of their character, their past actions and his or her abilities. Further information on
the extent of the delegate’s powers is outlined in detail later on in this topic guide. During debate,
the crisis directors will give periodic updates regarding the current status, the actions of
individual delegates, and the effects of directives.
Language: All proceedings shall be conducted in English. Delegates wishing to address the
committee in any other language must provide for translation.
Devices: Delegates are not permitted to use laptops, smartphones, or other electronic devices
while the committee is in session. However, permission to do so briefly may be granted to
individual delegates by the Chair upon request.
Time: The flow of time in committee will be variable and change based on actions taken by the
committee.
Attire: All delegates must wear western business attire.
Administration: The proceedings of the committee will be moderated by the dias staff consisting
of chair and his/ her various vice chairs.
Decorum: The Chairman fully expects all members of his high command to behave courteously
during the proceedings of committee. If any committee members engage in ad hominem attacks
the chair may recognize a right of reply if submitted in writing by a delegate.
RULES OF DEBATE
Flow of Debate
Moderated Caucus: The default form of debate will be a perpetual moderated caucus with 1
minute 30 second speaking times. Delegates are welcome to motion a moderated caucus with a
specific time limit and on a particular topic.
Unmoderated Caucus: Unmoderated caucuses, during which the Chair does not moderate the
proceedings, are to be used as a time for lobbying for support and drafting of committee
documents. They can be started or extended by motions to do so.
Points:
There are four points that may be raised by all delegates:
Point of Order: A Point of Order may interrupt a speaker, and can be raised when the delegate
believes the rules of procedure have been violated. The chair will stop the proceedings of the
committee and ask the delegate to provide warranted arguments for which rules of procedure has
been violated.
Point of Personal Privilege: A Point of Personal Privilege may be raised when a delegate’s ability
to participate in debate is impaired for any physical or logistical reason (for instance, if the
speaker is not audible). This point may interrupt a speech, and the dias will immediately try to
resolve the difficulty.
Point of Parliamentary Inquiry: This Point may be raised by a delegate who wishes to clarify any
Rule of Procedure with the Chair. It may not interrupt a speaker, and a delegate rising to this
point may not make any substantive statements or arguments.
Point of Information: As the name suggests, this point may be raised by a delegate to bring
substantive information to the notice of the Commission. It may not interrupt a speaker, and must
contain only a statement of some new fact that may have relevance to debate. Arguments and
analyses may not be made by delegates rising to this point. A Point of Information may also be
used to ask questions of a speaker on the General Speakers’ List.
Motions
Motions control the flow of debate in the committee. A delegate may raise a motion when the
Chair opens the floor for Points or Motions, and require a vote to be passed. Procedural motions,
unless mentioned otherwise below, require a simple majority to pass.
Motion for moderated caucus: This motion begins a moderated caucus, and must specify the
topic, the time per speaker, and the total time for the proposed caucus. The bulk of debating will
likely be conducted through moderated caucus
Motion to introduce: A delegate may move to introduce after the elapse of a passed moderated
caucus or any time after a speech during the perpetual moderated caucus. A successful motion to
introduce essentially puts the document on the floor to be debated by the committee. The sponsor
of the document will be asked to read this document and then, if deemed appropriate, the chair
will entertain a moderated caucus on the topic.
Motion to suspend debate: This motion suspends debate for a stipulated amount of time.
Motion to adjourn: This motion brings the committee’s deliberation to an end, and is only
admissible when suggested by the Chair.
Motion to appeal a chair’s decision: If a delegate feels that a Chair has made a judgment that has
done grave injustice to one or more delegates of the committee, he may move to appeal the said
decision. Once the motion is recognized, the delegate may address the Commission. The Chair
may then make a statement defending his decision. The motion is then put to vote, and requires a
supermajority 67% + 1, to pass. If it passes, the Chair will reconsider the decision.
Motion to Censure: In instances of gross misconduct of a delegate, a delegate may submit a
written motion to censure. A motion to censure is a vote of no confidence in the delegate and his
office on the part of the body. A motion to censure may also include recommended punishments.
The chair will use their discretion in determining the substantive nature of their punishment. A
motion to censure requires a supermajority, 75% + 1 to pass.
Motions relating to Resolutions
Motion to divide the question: This motion may be moved by a delegate to split the resolution
into its component clauses, for the purpose of voting. This may be done when a delegate feels that
there is significant support for some clauses of the resolution, but not for the complete resolution.
Motion for a roll call vote: A delegate may move to have the vote conducted in alphabetical
order.
Motions for speakers for/against: If it would help the proceedings of the committee a delegate
may motion for speakers for and against a resolution.
Amendments
After the first draft of a committee document has been introduced has been submitted, delegates
may move to amend particular clauses of the draft. If the amendment is supported by all the
sponsors of the resolution, it passes as a friendly amendment. Otherwise, it must be put to vote,
and requires a two-third majority to pass.
NOTE: The Chair reserves the right to change any of the procedures described herein at his/her
discretion.
History of Sri Lanka
Introduction
Before delving into the history of the island nation gripped by a bloody civil war, one must
go back in time and remember how Sri Lanka was before it chose its name. To understand the
malicious overgrowth of war and strife, the roots of its existence must be dissected. These roots
run deep, taking hold not in the country of Sri Lanka, but the British Colony of Ceylon.
History of Ceylon (~1815- 1948)
Long before becoming a British colony, the island, located southeast off the coast of India,
was transferred between many other powers be it either under European rule or rule under its
neighbours (Turner, nd). In the Ancient World, Sri Lanka served as an important port, seeing
merchants from Malay, Persia, Burma, Malaysia, much of Southeast Asia, and Europe (Turner,
nd). Arab and Indian settlers set the foundations for the diversity of culture and religion found in
Sri Lanka, the religions of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity intermingling. The
Portuguese established a colony in 1505, led by Lourenco de Almeida, carving territory out of the
three kingdoms controlling the island, Kotte, Kandy, and Yarlpanam (modern day Jaffna)
(Turner, nd). Though Kotte in the West Coast and Yarlpanam suffered losses to territory, the
Europeans were largely unable to penetrate into the hilly center of the island, ruled by the capital
city of Kandy (Turner, nd). Though the Dutch arrived in the seventeenth century, along with the
Netherlands, Kandy still largely held out until its demise in 1815 (Turner, nd). Surprisingly, the
British were the late players in colonizing Sri Lanka. The infamous East India Company did not
arrive until 1796 and establish dominance until 1802 (Turner, nd). In 1815, the kingdom of
Kandy fell, and the island was under complete British control, becoming the colony of Ceylon
(Turner, nd).
Ceylon was structured like many mercantile holdings in the last ages of imperialism. The
British mainly used Ceylon to grow cash crops like tea leaves, rubber, cinnamon, sugar, coffee,
and indigo (Turner, nd). Upon taking control, large scale renovation took place, including the
creation of a reliable road system, modern English schools, universities, and churches (Turner,
nd). The administrative capital of Colombo was built, and from there, the colony was governed
and renovation of the island began (Turner, nd).
Though Westernization meant modernization of the country, not all enjoyed the
benefits. Here, the roots of the civil war to come become more apparent. As part of a common
imperialist strategy to make ruling a colony easier, the British employed a tactic commonly
known as divide and rule (Szczepanski, nd). This meant taking factions and pitting them against
one another in order to prevent uprisings or organized causes from rising up against the
British. The Sinhalese and Tamils were the targets. Though the Sinhalese were the dominant
group, most of the benefits, such as new schooling as well as opportunities to serve in civil
service were given to the minority Tamils (Szczepanski, nd). The animosity sewn between the
previously peaceful ethnicities became the backdrop for the civil war in the future. Discontent
grew among the Sinhalese, starting an uprising in the 1930s to gain independence for Ceylon,
struggling continuously even through WWII (Szczepanski, nd). However, their goal was not
reached until the British emancipated Ceylon, leaving governance to the people on February 4 ,
1948 (Szczepanski, nd). Governor William Manning oversaw the transition, after continually
holding the seat of power between the Tamils and Sinhalese in parliament for decades
(Szczepanski, nd). After emancipation, the backlash from the ‘divide and rule’ style of leadership
of Ceylon would have significant political consequences for the island nation.
th
Ceylonese Independence and the Growing Anti-Tamil Sentiment (~1948-1983)
Ceylon gaining its independence was merely the end of damaging colonialism, and the
beginning of the long road to recovery. In 1948, when Ceylon was recognized as its own
independent nation, redubbing itself the Commonwealth of Ceylon, the absence of an
administration discriminating in favor of the Tamils gave way to a more majoritarian system,
placing the majority Sinhalese back into power.
Almost immediately, memories of the colonial days and discrimination influenced the
new nation’s politics. The Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), elected to parliament in 1936,
passed the Ceylon Citizenship Act as one of its first initiatives in 1948 (Szczepanski, nd). The
law’s purpose was to define the requirements of being a citizen of Ceylon, as well as reverse the
discrimination on the Indian Tamils. Many found it impossible, or extremely difficult to gain
citizenship, ending up deported, or stateless in the country they called home (Szczepanski,
nd). Over 700,000 Indian Tamils found themselves nationless (Szczepanski, nd). Faced with
blasé disregard for their citizenship, it became increasingly difficult for the Tamils to maintain
political representation. Also, any Tamil fortunate enough to remain a citizen was barred from
the bureaucracy (Szczepanski, nd). The crippling legislation continued to pass. In 1956, the
Prime Minister at the time, Bandaranaike, was able to pass the Sinhala Only Act, making
Sinhalese the official language of Ceylon, meaning all legal documents, proceedings, etc. were to
be written exclusively in the majority ethnic group’s language (Szczepanski, nd). Those who
spoke only their native Tamil language were effectively barred from entering into most careers
(Szczepanski, nd). The anti-Tamil sentiment also began to break out into rioting and
violence. This same year, at least 150 Tamils were murdered in the Gal Oya Settlement (Vittachi,
1958). The tensions began when the government commenced construction of the Gal Oya
settlement, in a province where Tamils considered the land sacred. They saw the settling
Sinhalese and Muslims as invaders, and another act of discrimination by the government
(Vittachi, 1958). Tempers finally flared among alleged rumors that a Sinhalese girl walking
alone at night was raped by a Tamil man, and that armed Tamils were terrorizing the people; both
rumors could not be confirmed and were likely untrue (Vittachi, 1958). Angry Sinhalese mobs
seized government vehicles, firearms, and blasting tools and massacred Tamil civilians for five
days before the police were able to bring the riot under control (Vittachi, 1958). Riots across the
country continued in 1958 and sprang up intermittently in the years to follow. While the 60s
were the birth of the separatist movement, tangible resistance came about in the 70’s..
Building the Resistance & Reaching the Flashpoint
Aside from the political unrest at hand, Sri Lanka officially took the name we recognize
today in 1972 (Turner, nd). In this point of Sri Lanka’s history, the discrimination now spilled
over into the educational system in the policy of standardization. This policy changed admission
standards so Sinhala students did not have to achieve as high test scores as Tamils, as well as
basing proportions of admission on residence, so Tamils were largely barred from admission
(Szczepanski, nd). In response to this discrimination, and the rising volatility of the separatist
ideology, Tamil advocacy and resistance groups began to form.
In 1972, the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) formed in 1972, and was led by
Appapillai Amirthalingam as a political movement to advocate for the separate state of Tamil
Eelam that would be a secular home for all Tamils (Szczepanski, nd). TULF was largely
supportive of attacks by disgruntled Tamils on the government, though soon found itself arguing
for a more conservative, peaceful path toward a separate state, avoiding a violent revolution
(Sczepanski, nd).
In 1975, the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students formed, inspired by Marxist
thought (Jeyaraj, 2004). This think tank, led by Eliyathamby Ratnasabapathy based in London,
established links with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in setting up guerilla camps
to train rebel soldiers, including V. Prabhakaran who would form and lead the main militant
faction, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), just a year later (Jeyaraj, 2004). Much
like the PLO and their operations in Palestine, the LTTE’s primary aim was to create an armed
resistance to carve out a separate state for the Tamil people.
As tensions rose, so did the number of hit and run attacks hitting the government and
civilians by the LTTE. It was in 1983 that the flashpoint erupted. In July of 1983, Prabhakaran,
leader of the LTTE, ambushed a checkpoint facility on the outskirts of Tirunelveli named Four
Four Bravo with a small force of insurgents, setting up machine guns and hiding on the sides of
the road (Szczepanski, nd). The attack wounded Prabhakaran and left thirteen Sri Lankan
military and police dead at the end of the assault (Szczepanski, nd). For many, this event marked
the beginning of the civil war, dubbed the First Eelam War.
The First Eelam War & Indian Involvement
The beginning of the Eelam War for the LTTE involved fighting amongst the other
insurgent groups and consolidating their front rather than battling the Sri Lankan military. The
idea was again similar to the methodology of the PLO, that there can be only one resistance
faction (Jeyaraj, 2012). While militants fell into rank through coercion or choice, others
denounced the Tigers’ violence and actually sided with the government (Jeyaraj, 2012). One
prominent example was the TULF group which disbanded in 1990, half joining the LTTE, while
the other half became paramilitaries fighting against the group they once supported (Jeyaraj,
2012). Two years into the fighting, the government attempted to host peace talks in the city of
Thimphu, though they broke down, leading the fighting to the Jaffna peninsula (Szczepanski,
nd). Here, the fighting was especially bloody, though moving slowly to a close in favor of the
government.
However, in 1987, India in support of the Tamils air dropped munitions, medical
supplies, and provisions to the embattled LTTE, while training their fighters through their
Research and Intelligence Wing (RAW) (Szczepanski, nd). It was speculated Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi hoped to control the Tamil movement by aiding the LTTE and other rebel groups
by keeping them divided (Jeyaraj, 2012). While India was pressured by its Tamil Nadu state to
support the rebels, negotiations with Sri Lanka eventually produced the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace
Accord on July 29 1987 (Szczepanski, nd). In exchange for ceding the Northern and Eastern
Provinces to the Tamils with Tamil the official language, the Indian military with a peacekeeping
force (IPKF) would secure the regions and disarm the rebels (Szczepanski, nd). The IPKF
operated with limited success, disarming most groups peacefully, though finding themselves in a
bloody conflict with the LTTE (Szczepanski, nd). Over 1200 Indian soldiers were killed in the
fighting alongside over 5000 Sri Lankans (Szczepanski, nd). By 1989, Prime Minister Gandhi
would have continued the peacekeeping mission in Sri Lanka, though his ousting in a
parliamentary election led to the force’s withdrawal (Szczepanski, nd). A suicide bomber alleged
to have ties to the LTTE assassinated the ex PM in 1991 (Szczepanski, nd). The end of the Indian
occupation of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka was considered the end of the First Eelam
War.
th
Temporary Peace after the First Eelam War
With the departure of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in March 1990, a truce had been
established between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. Peace had arrived and the
Thirteenth and Sixteenth Amendments to the Sri Lankan Constitution were viewed as one of the
first steps taken to appease Tamils by making Tamil, as well as English, official languages of Sri
Lanka alongside Sinhala. But without the presence of the IPKF in the Northern and Eastern
Provinces, the LTTE easily takes control of these areas and as a result, would become the one to
dictate the laws for its residents.
President Ranasinghe Premadasa would become mocked by the LTTE, which would
claim that “they, the LTTE, were the people's choice in the North and East. The real political
negotiations with regard to the future nature of the Sri Lankan state would take place thereafter,
after they had proved to Premadasa that they had the majority support in the North East”
(Rajasingham). Working to become a legitimate political party that would have a chance of
dominating the Northern and Eastern Provinces, the LTTE sought to have the Sixth Amendment
to the Sri Lankan Constitution abolished as it outlawed the existence of groups supporting
independence movements within Sri Lanka; attempts to repeal this amendment failed and the
LTTE’s transformation into a legitimate political party never came to fruition. The LTTE were
further insulted by the government’s negotiations with a different Tamil militant group, the Eelam
People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), renewing tensions.
Eelam War II (1990-1995)
Continuing their campaign to undermine the Sri Lankan government’s control of the Northern
and Eastern Provinces, the LTTE proceeded in June 1990 to order police officers in these areas to
abandon their police stations or risk retaliation. Most police officers complied but for those who
attempted to surrender or refused to leave, they would be kidnapped by the LTTE. There are
reports that “the police laid down their weapons and surrendered to the militants after the Tigers
promised no harm would come to them. Then, the militants took the policemen into the jungle,
forced them to kneel, and shot them all dead, one by one” (Szczepanski, nd). The Sri Lankan
government became outraged by the LTTE storming army camps in the north and the massacre of
Sinhalese and Muslim civilians. Within a few months, the LTTE had proceeded to start expelling
the Northern Province’s Muslims to the south. The second Eelam War had begun and at first, the
LTTE would hold the military advantage over the government forces. In the largest battle of
Eelam War II, taking place on July 1991:
5,000 Tamil Tigers surrounded the government's army base at Elephant Pass,
laying siege to it for a month. The pass is a bottleneck leading to the Jaffna
Peninsula, a key strategic point in the war. Some 10,000 government troops
raised the siege after four weeks, but over 2,000 fighters on both sides had been
killed, making this the bloodiest battle in the entire civil war (Szczepanski, nd).
The Sri Lankan government would retaliate through the indiscriminate attacking of Tamils in
LTTE-controlled areas that were suspected of having sympathy for the rebels. Punitive actions
were undertaken against Tamils which would escalate to massacres committed by military forces
or militias. One notorious example of the Sri Lankan government’s response to its northern crisis
is that “Premadasa's administration imposed collective punishment on Tamils by cutting off
electricity and telecommunications, thus plunging the Jaffna district into darkness and also
isolating the Peninsula. The Government also imposed an economic blockade by banning more
than 100 types of food and other essential items from being brought into the region”
(Rajasingham). By 1992, the Sri Lankan military began to directly focus its wartime operations in
the North, where civilian casualties continued to rise; indiscriminate attacks by both the Sri
Lankan military and rebels would become the norm, with civilians vulnerable to both sides.
According to Human Rights Watch’s 1993 report on Sri Lanka, “On May 20, 1992, for example,
artillery shells hit the Vattappalai Temple in Mullaitivu District where some 3,000 Hindu Tamil
worshippers had gathered for the annual Pongal festival. Twenty-three worshippers were killed
and at least 30 were injured.”
The Defeat of the UNP (1994)
Earlier in 1991, the Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, had been assassinated by the
LTTE in a suicide bombing for being perceived by the group as anti-Tamil. Sri Lankan President
Premadasa would become the next victim of the LTTE in 1993; the New York Times reported
that his assassination occurred due to a suspected LTTE suicide bomber “who detonated
explosives strapped to his body during a May Day political rally. At least 10 other people were
believed killed in the explosion in Colombo, the capital, including most of the President's
bodyguards and several close aides. Dozens were wounded.” While the LTTE celebrated
Premadasa’s death, the Sri Lankan government would have to endure a power vacuum as he had
concentrated power into the executive branch and suppressed the political opposition. His
presidential successor, D.B. Wijetunga, was viewed as weak and therefore, decided only to serve
until the 1994 elections, an important year as the United National Party (UNP) lost to their rival,
the People’s Alliance (PA); the election is summarized in Amnesty International’s 1995 report on
Sri Lanka:
In August, the People's Alliance (PA), a coalition of parties headed by the Sri
Lanka Freedom Party, won parliamentary elections and formed a government
together with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress party, bringing an end to 17 years
of government by the United National Party (UNP). The leader of the PA,
Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, was sworn in as President after winning
presidential elections in November. The UNP presidential candidate, Gamini
Dissanayake, was among more than 50 people killed at an election rally on 24
October by a suicide bomber suspected of belonging to the LTTE.
The new President of Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga, would at first attempt to peacefully
negotiate with the LTTE as the public had become repelled by war; therefore, “a number of
goodwill measures were taken, including the release of prisoners by both sides. The government
partially lifted the embargo imposed in June 1990 on the LTTE-controlled areas in the north of
the country. Representatives of the new government and the LTTE met in mid-October”
(“Amnesty International”). The LTTE initially approves of the PA’s victory; the government and
rebels agree to establish a ceasefire in January 1995, ending Eelam War II and peace temporarily
returns to Sri Lanka.
Eelam War III (1995-2002)
With the end of the UNP’s 17-year hold on power in Sri Lanka, peace under the new
government controlled by Kumaratunga’s People’s Alliance seemed possible as the party was
more open to a peaceful solution to the war. But the LTTE, which had used the ceasefire as an
opportunity to rebuild their military strength, would recommence hostilities with the Sri Lankan
government only a few months later through the sinking of two ships, Sooraya and Ranasuru; in
Human Rights Watch’s 1996 report on Sri Lanka:
The LTTE broke the ceasefire on April 19, sinking two patrol boats and then
shooting down two troop transport planes, killing all ninety-seven persons on
board. An LTTE massacre of forty-two Sinhalese villagers in a coastal town
north of Trincomalee and the assassination of a Buddhist priest, both on May 26,
along with new reports of "disappearances," extrajudicial executions and torture
by Sri Lankan security personnel, were indications of how far the country was
from the peace envisioned only months before.
The Sri Lankan government once again resorts to engaging the LTTE under the proclamation of
“war for peace” and the fighting resumes. The government’s first goal in Eelam War III would be
to capture Jaffna, the main port city in Sri Lanka’s north. In an arduous battle, the Sri Lankan
military prevails over the LTTE for control of one of their main strongholds by December 1995.
“For almost two months, the military slowly closed in, pulverizing the city with bullets and
gunfire and causing most of the 120,000 civilians to flee their homes”, CNN would then report.
“By the government's count, some 2,500 soldiers and rebels were killed and 7,000 wounded in
the battle to win Jaffna.”
While the LTTE had suffered the loss of Jaffna, the group would retaliate in July 1996 through
Operation Unceasing Waves, also known as the Battle of Mullaitivu. Outnumbering the Sri
Lankan military in their nearby base, the LTTE overran the defenders and would fend off their
reinforcements as well as executing Sri Lankan troops that surrendered; the implications of the
battle were significant:
The LTTE attacked the Mullaitivu camp at a time when the Sri Lankan
government and press were repeatedly claiming that two thirds of the LTTE's
fighting strength had been destroyed in the 'Riviresa' operations. The attack
rocked the Sri Lankan military establishment and the military correspondents
were left speechless as their predictions were reversed. (Puligal)
The second Operation Unceasing Waves follows in September 1998, this time an LTTE attack
to control the strategically important city of Kilinochchi in Sri Lanka’s north. Control of the city
would allow the rebels to cut off supplies from the Sri Lankan government to the Jaffna peninsula
by land. CNN reported that “last week 520 rebels and 443 soldiers were killed in the battle for
Kilinochchi. The loss of Kilinochchi was ‘the largest blow after Mullaitivu,’ said Tennakoon, in a
reference to a military camp overrun by rebels in 1996.” Reinforcements from the nearby
Elephant Pass base, where the third Operation Unceasing Waves would take place, were cut off
from Kilinochchi by the LTTE.
The Elephant Pass, an area linking the Jaffna peninsula to the rest of Sri Lanka, had been
unsuccessfully attacked by the LTTE in 1991. But in 2000, with Kilinochchi under their control,
the rebels mounted a new attack on the Elephant Pass base. The lessons learned from the defeat in
1991 led the LTTE leader Prabhakaran to attempt to succeed by “gradually encircling and
enfeebling the troops inside by cutting off supplies and strangulating the base. The idea was to
avoid a frontal assault that would have led to the loss of many lives, since the armed forces had
numerical and logistical superiority” (Jeyaraj). The siege, cutting off support for the Sri Lankan
military defending and rapidly lowering morale amongst the troops, leads to the LTTE forces
seizing the base and weapons such as artillery guns.
The Road to Peace Once Again (2000-2002)
The LTTE declares a ceasefire of its own in December 2000 to once again rebuild their
military forces. Sri Lanka would experience peace for a few months until the LTTE strikes near
Colombo in the Bandaranaike Airport attack. Defense company Jane’s states that the “Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam staged an audacious attack on Sri Lanka's Bandaranaike international
airport and the adjoining air force base at Katunayake on 24 July 2001. In three waves, a highly
trained and heavily armed 14-man squad penetrated the 800-acre high security complex and
destroyed or damaged 26 commercial and military aircraft.” Sri Lanka’s economy was damaged
by the attack, with tourism suffering due to security concerns and fears of all-out war reemerged.
On September 11, 2001, the terror attacks in the United States would result in the start of
the “War on Terror”. The possible international pressure on the LTTE due to its terror activities
and the subsequent Sri Lankan election in December would become the catalyst for the group to
actively seek a serious ceasefire with the new government.
The Return of the UNP (2001)
In 2000, the Sri Lankan public were becoming discontent with the government’s failures
in the war. The ruling PA party lost its majority in parliament and were unable to form a new
majority in time, leading to another election in December 2001. In a new governmental change,
“Ms Kumaratunga, whose governing People's Alliance (PA) lost to the opposition United
National Party, will continue as president but will have a potentially uneasy relationship with an
opposition government” (BBC News). Therefore, the two rival parties have now caused a divided
and unstable government whose future is unknown.
Committee Structure
Introduction
The year is 2002 and many lives have been claimed. Though refusing vehemently to
accept a ceasefire and negotiate in the past, the LTTE tentatively accepted a peace agreement and
negotiations. It is speculated that two reasons can be cited for the sudden change in the militants’
attitude. Considering the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center in the United States,
the LTTE may fear a reprisal by the country against what it deems a terrorist threat (Szczepanski,
nd). The operations of the Sri Lankan Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) have also
struck crippling blows to the organization with the assassinations of key Tiger leaders. Through
the efforts of the brave covert operations team as well as the fortunate new political stance of the
US on terror, a ceasefire was declared on December 19 , 2001, and a Memorandum of
Understanding signed between the LTTE and government in February of the next year has named
Norway a mediator to the peace talks (Szczepanski, nd). While negotiations have opened
fruitfully with the return of commercial flights and the country’s A-9 highway, it still remains to
be seen if a peaceful resolution can be found.
th
Key Issues
Key problems plaguing the situation involve the alarming failure so far of negotiations,
leading to thousands of unnecessary deaths and civilians displaced or endangered from the
fighting. Massacres like the Gal Oya riots and the Kent and Dollar farms have persisted leading
to the murders of Tamils and Sinhalese alike. Many have fled to the edges of the country or
surrounding nations as refugees of war, with your state economy, image, and ability to function in
the eyes of the world hanging in the balance. Due to your previous policies concerning
citizenship, many Tamil, close to 700,000 are now stateless or actively participating in the
rebellion, fueling the ethnic divide to continue to burn hotly. Both your forces and the LTTE’s
failures to keep the peace in ceasefires, as well as UN intervention, have led to the continuance,
and even exacerbation of these issues. Negotiations seem to have hit a wall, and it may be soon
that the ceasefire will be broken. Esteemed officials of the Sri Lankan government and military,
you are urged to come to the table with an open mind and willingness to do what must be done to
restore order to your country. Will you brave the tumultuous sea of anger and strife to the shores
of common ground? Will you pursue your enemy relentlessly until it is no more? The paths to
choose from are as vast as your creative thinking. Each a journey of its own, there will be
triumphs and challenges. Your choices will forever change the fabric of the country, so be sure to
choose wisely.
Purpose of the Committee
The purpose of the committee, comprised of relevant officials representing the Sri
Lankan government, is primarily to restore order to the country. Delegates will debate amongst
themselves in generating solutions in the ever changing environment of the civil war. Though the
broad goal is to put an end to the civil war, the methodology is largely up to the
delegates. Solutions can involve peaceful means, such as attempts at compromise, or military
maneuvers to defeat and ultimately destroy the LTTE. The choices made will carry significant
weight concerning future events and may bear fruit or grave consequences. Decisions made in
the short term may return later for better or for worse.
Committee Structure & Powers/Limitations
The committee will be made up primarily of government officials, commanders of the
military and police forces, pro-government rebels, and foreign diplomats. Delegates will be able
to command the powers realistically attributed to their positions. For example, airstrikes and
operations involving aircraft can be attributed to the Air Force, and naval operations can be
ordered by delegates with authority in the Sri Lankan Navy. It is possible for a delegate to take
actions outside the scope of their powers, though not unilaterally. Committee directives, including
military actions, may attempt to utilize the resources of other delegates; however, dissent is
permitted. For example, if the committee decides to pass a committee directive that ordered the
entire Sri Lankan military to attack the LTTE in the north, those who disagree with the directive
can each send a crisis note to the crisis staff that states their disapproval of the directive and their
reasons if they wish to include them. In the above case for example, if the Commander of the Air
Force disagreed with the directive, they can send a note with their dissent and the crisis staff will
take their disapproval into account when formulating crisis updates, which may result in only
some units of the Air Force joining the attack or even none at all. Crisis notes that contain
dissents will only be accepted until our staff collects the passed committee directive for us to
review. Therefore, once a committee directive passes, your time to submit a crisis note with a
dissent will be very limited so be sure that the dias receives it before we collect the committee
directive along with the crisis notes.
th the committee starting in 2002, it should decide how to proceed with a ceasefire present while
taking into account that peace has failed before with three Eelam Wars arising from these failures.
Delegates in this committee share a common enemy in the form of the LTTE but each one should
be aware that there are divisions within the committee and therefore, it is advised to proceed with
caution. The crisis staff will be pleased with delegates writing excellent crisis notes and wellorchestrated committee directives. However, the crisis staff will contain surprises of its own.
Good luck and remember: have fun and keep a vigilant eye on your fellow delegates!
Positions List
Sri Lankan Government: (12th Parliament)
Chandrika Kumaratunga - President of Sri Lanka (People’s Alliance)

As the daughter to two former prime ministers, Kumaratunga would continue her
family’s tradition of political involvement. Educated at the Sciences Po in Paris, she
returned to Sri Lanka in the 1980s and would help establish several left-leaning political
parties, including her husband’s Sri Lanka People’s Party. By 1994, Kumaratunga’s
efforts in forming a leftist coalition of parties, the People’s Alliance, resulted in her rise
to the presidency. At first, she would pursue a policy of reconciliation until an
assassination attempt from rebels during the 1999 election campaign convinced
Kumaratunga to adopt a more militaristic solution. Her governmental rival, Ranil
Wickremesinghe of the UNP, became prime minister in 2001; they clash on how to deal
with the rebels as Wickremesinghe prefers a more peaceful solution.
Ranil Wickremesinghe - Prime Minister of Sri Lanka (United National Party)

As the son to a press magnate and a patron of the arts, Wickremesinghe would be
motivated to enter politics by the government’s nationalization of his father’s company in
1973, known as Lake House. Educated at the University of Ceylon, Colombo, he joined
the right-leaning United National Party and rapidly advanced through its ranks, holding
various ministerial positions in the government. By 1994, Wickremesinghe had been
prime minister for a year after the LTTE had assassinated the previous holder when his
governmental rival, Chandrika Kumaratunga, defeated him in the parliamentary elections.
For seven years, he would be the Leader of the Opposition. But in 2001,
Wickremesinghe’s opportunity would arrive as the UNP won the parliamentary elections
and therefore, would become prime minister. However, one predicament remains:
Kumaratunga is still president and as a result, the opposing politicians must negotiate on
how to deal with the rebels.
Tilak Marapana - Minister of Defence (United National Party)

Originally from Ratnapura, the “city of gems”, Marapana joined the Sri Lankan Attorney
General’s Department in 1968. Recognized for his excellent talents as a governmental
attorney, he was awarded the rank of President’s Counsel in 1988. Marapana’s career
would excel further with his appointment as Attorney General in 1992. However,
Marapana would retire two years later after a governmental change, deciding to return to
his private practice. Prospering in the 1990s, he would later return to governmental life
and in 2001, was appointed the Minister of Defence under the UNP’s victory in the
parliamentary elections. As peace has once again arrived in Sri Lanka, Marapana is
responsible for the government’s defense policy and the coordination of operations
undertaken by the Sri Lankan armed forces.
K. N. Choksy - Minister of Finance (United National Party)

As a member of the Parsi community, Choksy’s family faced the risk of becoming
“stateless” with the passage of the Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 as Choksy’s father,
Nariman Choksy, lost his citizenship; the post-independence government made an
exception for certain individuals in 1950 and Choksy’s family were permitted to stay. K.
N. Choksy joined the Sri Lankan Bar in 1958, becoming one of the most prominent
members during the next several decades. By 1981, he would obtain the rank of
President’s Counsel. Throughout his successful career, Choksy has represented various
interests from the Sri Lankan government to foreign contractors. In 1989, his next
position would be as a Member of Parliament specifically appointed to represent the
interests of professionals. Choksy would then be appointed in 2001 as the Minister of
Finance due to the victory of the UNP in the parliamentary elections. With the Sri Lankan
economy slowly recovering due to the cessation of hostilities, Choksy is responsible for
ensuring that its recovery is not only maintained, but that the economic livelihoods of the
Sri Lankan people are improved.
Tyronne Fernando - Minister of Foreign Affairs (United National Party)

One of the few Sri Lankan officials to be educated in Europe, Fernando obtained his
master’s degree in political science at Oxford University and would then work as a
barrister in England and Wales. He would eventually return to Sri Lanka and be granted
the rank of President’s Council; Fernando would then win a seat in Parliament in 1977.
Under the presidency of J.R. Jayewardene, he was given the position of Deputy Minister
of Foreign Affairs, an experience that would be useful in 2001 as the UNP gained a
majority in the parliament; Ranil Wickremesinghe would appoint Fernando as the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. Considering Sri Lanka’s position in the world, both
geographically and ideologically, Fernando is responsible for managing the involvement
in Sri Lanka’s affairs by foreign forces, particularly by regional rivals India and Pakistan.
Mahinda Rajapaksa - Leader of the Opposition (People’s Alliance)

Pursuing his studies in law, Rajapaksa’s career would become successful earlier than
most as he became the youngest Sri Lankan Member of Parliament to be elected, at the
age of 24, in 1970. Four years later, he would obtain his law degree and continue to serve
as an MP until losing his seat in 1977. Rajapaksa would later rejoin the parliament in
1989, being given the positions of the Minister of Labour and Minister of Fisheries and
Aquatic Resources in the 1990s. With the defeat of the SLFP to Wickremesinghe’s UNP
in the 2001 parliamentary elections, Rajapaksa would receive the position of Leader of
the Opposition. As the government of Sri Lanka is currently in an awkward position with
the SLFP holding the presidency and the UNP having appointed the prime minister as
well as various crucial ministerial positions, Rajapaksa is responsible for asserting the
positions of the SLFP and other opposition parties when formulating the policies of the
Sri Lankan government.
Sarath N. Silva - Chief Justice of Sri Lanka

Obtaining his master’s degree in law from the University of Brussels, Silva would return
to Sri Lanka to receive a position as an Advocate of the Sri Lankan Supreme Court in
1967. He would continue to serve the Supreme Court, being promoted to the position of
Deputy Solicitor General in 1979, and later teach at the Sri Lanka Law College in the
1980s. The successful promotions continued for Silva as he would be appointed as a
Judge of the Supreme Court in 1995 and became the Court’s Chief Justice in 1999 under
the appointment by President Kumaratunga, who views Silva as very loyal to her
government. With the ceasefire in place and the two rival parties, the UNP and SLFP,
dividing the government, Chief Justice Silva has a responsibility to maintain the rule of
law and review the constitutionality of decisions undertaken by the Sri Lankan
government.
Sri Lankan Military
Lt. General Lionel Balagalle - Commander of the Army

Starting his Army career in 1965, Balagalle is a specialist from the Sri Lankan Artillery
forces. His illustrious career would lead to an eventual promotion to the post of General
Officer Commanding (GOC) in Jaffna, an area in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province that had
only been retaken by the Sri Lankan military seven years before. By 1999, Balagalle
would take change of the Sri Lankan Army as its Commander. His largest engagement to
date as Commander is Operation Agnikheela, a plan that would backfire as the Sri
Lankan Army incurred heavy casualties. Now that a ceasefire is in place, Balagalle is
supportive of a possible integration of LTTE forces into the Sri Lankan military at a
future date; however, there are issues on how to enact such an integration and dealing
with the criticism from Sri Lankans opposed to the plan.
Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri - Commander of the Navy

Joining the then Royal Ceylon Navy in 1966, Sandagiri would become part of the first
class of cadets to join the Naval and Maritime Academy in 1969. Commissioned as a Sub
Lieutenant in 1973, he receives specialized naval training at various institutes in India
and would graduate by 1984. Assigned to the Sri Lankan Navy and Ceylon Petroleum
Corporation, Sandagiri would proceed to be promoted as an Area Commander throughout
Sri Lanka. The promotions continued; his rise to Chief of Staff would occur in 1998.
Three years later, Sandagiri would be in charge of Operation Varuna Kirana (Colorful
Rays), a primarily naval effort to blockade LTTE ships on the northern coast from
smuggling in military supplies. As a ceasefire has been established, Sandagiri is
responsible for maintaining peace on Sri Lanka’s seas; the necessity of the naval
blockade has therefore been brought into question.
Air Chief Marshal Donald Perera - Commander of the Air Force

Entering the Sri Lankan Air Force in 1972, Perera would be commissioned as a Pilot
Officer the next year. He would become a commander of various Sri Lankan air force
bases and, in an uncommon move, graduated in 1990 from the Air Command and Staff
College at Maxwell Air Force Base in Alabama, United States. Perera would then attend
the National Defence College in India in 1998 and return to Sri Lanka, where his career
leads him to playing a role in providing support to Sandagiri’s naval forces for Operation
Varuna Kirana in 2001; the next year, he would be appointed the Sri Lankan Air Force’s
Commander. Now with a ceasefire in place, Perera is responsible for control of the skies
through the maintenance of air superiority by the Air Force and deterrence of attacks by
the militarily disadvantaged “Air Tigers” which, for now, are under the ceasefire as well.
Benjamin Lakdas Victor de Silva “Lucky” Kodituwakku - Inspector General of Police

From his origins of receiving a university education on business, Kodituwakku joins the
Sri Lankan Police as a Probationary Assistant Superintendent of Police in 1966. He
would then serve in various police departments across Sri Lanka as well as the Prime
Minister’s Security Division. While being at the rank of Deputy Inspector General of
Police in 1998, the then IGP, W.B. Rajaguru, would retire and Kodituwakku receives his
position. In his four years as the IGP, Kodituwakku has primarily focused on internal
reforms such as the reinforcing of upholding the law and human rights. While the Sri
Lankan Police is not a military force but rather a civilian force, the SLP regularly works
with the military on security and counterterrorism operations and Anandarajah is
therefore responsible for maintaining such cooperation.
Sri Lankan Pro-Government Rebels
Col. Karuna Amman - Leader of Tamil People's Liberation Tigers

Originally Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, he adopts the nom de guerre Col. Karuna.
Seeking to become a doctor, his goals were ended due to ethnic riots in 1983; the riots
start the civil war and many Tamil youths, including Karuna, join the LTTE. Soon after,
he is appointed as a personal bodyguard for the leader of the LTTE, Thiruvenkadam
Prabhakaran, who later promotes Karuna as Military Commander of the Eastern
Province. From studying World War II commanders such as German Field Marshal
Rommel and Soviet General Zhukov, Karuna became one of the LTTE’s most successful
commanders; his 30,000 strong army successfully defeats an 80,000 strong Sri Lankan
army in 1997. But by 2000, he becomes disillusioned, believing that the war could never
be won. With the ceasefire now in place, Karuna has now left to join the government’s
side, taking about half of the LTTE forces with him. Prabhakaran wants his head and
therefore, Karuna must decide how to proceed in his new alliance with the government
and deal with the controversies surrounding him such as kidnappings, killing civilians,
and the usage of child soldiers.
Douglas Devananda - Leader of Eelam People's Democratic Party

Born Kathiravelu Devananda, he adopts the nom de guerre Douglas Devananda. Through
the idea of Tamil independence, he is lead to the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of
Students (EROS). His militancy would result in his arrest in 1980 and is sent to prison,
where he manages to survive the 1983 anti-Tamil riots. Devananda successfully escapes
to India but becomes tied to the 1986 Choolaimedu incident, with Indian casualties. Soon
freed on bail, he forms the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) in 1987; Devananda
is then tied to kidnappings of Sri Lankan Tamils for ransom and flees back to Sri Lanka
in 1990, forging a deal with the Sri Lankan government to transform the EPDP into a
paramilitary organization. Since then, Devananda has become a Sri Lankan MP, strongly
supports President Kumaratunga, and has survived numerous assassination attempts by
the LTTE, which considers him to be a traitor to the Tamils. Therefore, Devananda
should maintain excellent relations with the government while dealing with the LTTE
and India, whose government has not forgotten him.
Foreign Forces
Nirupam Sen - India's High Commissioner to Sri Lanka

Joining the Indian Foreign Service in 1969, Sen’s career has primarily been focused on
Europe. His career has included the following positions representing India: the Chargé
d’Affaires to Hungary, the Political Counsellor to the United Kingdom, the Deputy High
Commissioner to Sri Lanka, the Economic Minister and Deputy Chief of Mission to
Russia, the Ambassador to Bulgaria, and the Ambassador to Norway. Currently, India
and Sri Lanka maintain cordial relations. However, due to the Indian intervention in the
Sri Lankan Civil War in 1987, India is still viewed in suspicion in modern day Sri Lanka.
Therefore, Sen’s ultimate responsibility lies in not only improving relations between
India and Sri Lanka, but protecting Indian interests on the island as well as deterring the
influence of Pakistan.
Bashir Wali Mohmand - Pakistan’s High Commissioner to Sri Lanka

Having already served as the intelligence chief of the Pakistani Embassy in Sri Lanka
during the 1990s, Mohmand serves his next assignment at the Pakistani Embassy in Great
Britain. Through Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), he becomes an important
officer within the ISI under dubious circumstances. Mohmand holds close, questionable
connections to Pakistan’s President, General Pervez Musharraf, who himself had
overthrown the Pakistani government in 1999 through a coup d'état. Within a few years,
Mohmand is then asked by President Musharraf to return to Sri Lanka to serve as the next
High Commissioner. Relations between Pakistan and Sri Lanka are excellent, as Pakistan
has given military aid to Sri Lanka to combat the rebels and therefore, Mohmand is to not
only maintain strong relations with Sri Lanka but strengthen Pakistan’s interests and deter
India’s influence.
Focus Questions
1. Often times the end of a war does not necessarily mean the end of a conflict, or a
calming of the volatility that caused the conflict in the first place. What kinds of
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
solutions would be required to not only end the fighting, but resolve the
underlying conflict?
Besides the breaches in ceasefires perpetrated by LTTE cadres, what do you think
has led to the repeated breakdowns of the peace process? What would you
change to try to help it succeed? Do you think a diplomatic solution is attainable?
For what reasons is it paramount that this committee is victorious in ending the
civil war on its terms? What could be the consequences of a divided Sri Lanka on
both ethnic and territorial lines?
While the country is divided between Sinhala and Tamil, this committee also
shows significant division amongst itself. What kinds of compromises should be
made? Which matters should not be compromised?
While each ethnicity claims its rights and territory, morally who can be said to
have the high ground? Both Tamil and Sinhalese coexisted peacefully until the
British system created the minority rule? Is it truly a one sided that is being
fought for, preserving policies enacted to avenge wounds in the past, or are there
some compromises to be considered in dealing with the LTTE and Tamil peoples?
Throughout the beginning of the war, both India and Pakistan, rival countries
have taken sides and/or directly intervened in the conflict. Is this war simply the
result of colonial wrongs, or is it in part a proxy battleground for larger states with
political and ethnic agendas? Consider what both India and Pakistan have to gain
from this war, and how their interventions have affected its outcome.
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