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HOW-TO SERIES
Values-Based Management of
Archaeological Resources at a
Landscape Scale
Francis P. McManamon, John Doershuk, William D. Lipe, Tom McCulloch,
Christopher Polglase, Sarah Schlanger, Lynne Sebastian,and Lynne Sullivan
Historically, there are examples of large public
projects in which more broadly conceived
approaches have been used to assess the value
of archaeological resources in a management
area prior to development or for the mitigation
QHKPHTCUVTWEVWTGRTQLGEVKORCEVUVQUKIPKƂECPV
archaeological resources (Altschul 1997). Examples
of such management and mitigation approaches
include: the Wetherill Mesa program at Mesa
Verde National Park (Hayes 1964); the Dolores
Archaeological Program in southwestern Colorado
(Dolores Archaeological Program 2015); the
Theodore Roosevelt Dam Studies (Theodore
Roosevelt Dam Studies 2015); the Jamestown
Archeological Assessment (Brown and Horning
2006; Colonial National Historical Park 2001); and
Michelle S. Nelson, Harrison J. Gray, Jack A. Johnson, Tammy M. Rittenour,
James K. Feathers, and Shannon A. Mahan
INTRODUCTION
Use of geochronologic techniques has become a cornerstone
of archaeological research, Quaternary geology, and paleoenvironmental reconstruction. Luminescence dating, including
optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating (Huntley et al.
1985) and thermoluminescence (TL) dating (Aitken 1985), can
be an important tool for archaeologists and geologists, as the
technique is widely applicable to diverse archaeological settings
and depositional environments (e.g., see reviews by Duller 2004;
Feathers 2003; Jacobs and Roberts 2007; Lian and Roberts 2006;
Liritzis et al. 2013; Preusser et al. 2008; Rhodes 2011; Rittenour
2008; Roberts 1997; Wintle 2008). The number of publications
reporting luminescence results has increased substantially since
the development of single-aliquot and single-grain dating
methods (Figure 1). Due to the increased demand for luminescence dating, we present a sampling guide for archaeologists
and geologists who wish to apply luminescence dating to their
research. (Note: Terms that appear in bold are defined in the
glossary in the sidebar.)
The Untapped Potential
of Magnetic Survey in the
+FGPVKƂECVKQPQH2TGEQPVCEV
Archaeological Sites in
Wooded Areas
Lisa Hodgetts, Jean-Francois Millaire, Edward Eastaugh,
and Claude Chapdelaine
Wooded sites are often among the best preserved
precontact archaeological sites in North America
since they are protected from ploughing, which
often destroys the small, shallow features
ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
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+ÕiLiV]܅iÀi̅iÌiV…˜ˆµÕiÀ>«ˆ`Þ`iÌiÀ“ˆ˜i`ÈÌiˆ“ˆÌÃ>˜`«ˆ˜«œˆ˜Ìi`̅iœV>̈œ˜œvÃiÛiÀ>œ˜}…œÕÃiÃ>˜`œÌ…iÀvi>ÌÕÀið
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`iÌÀ>Û>ÕÝ`½>ÀV…jœœ}ˆiVœ˜ÌÀ>VÌÕiiœÕ>V>`j“ˆµÕi°
La datación por luminiscencia proporciona una estimación directa de la edad del último momento en el que el cuarzo o los minerales
de feldespato se expusieron a la luz o al calor y que se ha aplicado exitosamente a depósitos, superficies rocosas y materiales
expuestos al fuego en distintos contextos arqueológicos y geológicos. Las estrategias de muestreo son diversas y pueden ser
individualizadas dependiendo de las circunstancias locales, aunque todas las muestras de sedimentos deben incluir una muestra
segura que no haya sido expuesta a la luz y material para calcular la tasa de la dosis. La exactitud y precisión de los resultados de la
datación por luminiscencia están directamente relacionadas con el tipo y la calidad de los materiales muestreados y los métodos de
recolección de muestras en el campo. La elección del material de estudio para su datación debe incluir las siguientes consideraciones
en torno a la idoneidad de poder reposicionar la señal de luminiscencia (blanqueador óptico y térmico), la capacidad de caracterizar
el ambiente radiactivo que rodea la muestra (la tasa de la dosis) y el que no exista evidencia de una alteración posdeposicional
(bioperturbación en suelos y sedimentos). Se discuten las estrategias de muestreo para la recolección de muestras de contextos
sedimentarios y de materiales expuestos al fuego. Este artículo debe utilizarse como una guía para el muestreo por luminiscencia
y tiene la 2.
intención
de proveer
información
básica de
cómo recolectar
muestras
y sobre
de materiales
para la
FIGURE
Illustration
of traditional
OSL sample
collection
by pounding
a tube
intolos
antipos
outcrop
exposure:apropiados
(a) circle depicts
datación
por luminiscencia.
area
of surrounding
sediment that should be uniformly sampled for dose-rate analysis; (b) measurement of the burial depth,
indicating any recent changes to depth through deposition or erosion..
Advances in Archaeological Practice 4(2), 2016, pp. 132–148
Copyright 2016© The Society for American Archaeology
DOI: 10.7183/2326-3768.4.2.132
typical of such sites. Unfortunately, evaluating
the archaeological potential of wooded areas
is challenging because many of the techniques
that archaeologists use to locate and map
ABSTRACT
Luminescence dating provides a direct age estimate of the time of last exposure of quartz or feldspar minerals to light or heat and
has been successfully applied to deposits, rock surfaces, and fired materials in a number of archaeological and geological settings.
Sampling strategies are diverse and can be customized depending on local circumstances, although all sediment samples need to
include a light-safe sample and material for dose-rate determination. The accuracy and precision of luminescence dating results are
directly related to the type and quality of the material sampled and sample collection methods in the field. Selection of target material
for dating should include considerations of adequacy of resetting of the luminescence signal (optical and thermal bleaching), the
ability to characterize the radioactive environment surrounding the sample (dose rate), and the lack of evidence for post-depositional
mixing (bioturbation in soils and sediment). Sample strategies for collection of samples from sedimentary settings and fired materials
are discussed. This paper should be used as a guide for luminescence sampling and is meant to provide essential background
information on how to properly collect samples and on the types of materials suitable for luminescence dating.
Public agencies at all levels of government and other organizations that manage archaeological resources often face the problem of
“>˜Þ՘`iÀÌ>Žˆ˜}Ã̅>ÌVœiV̈ÛiÞˆ“«>V̏>À}i˜Õ“LiÀÜvˆ˜`ˆÛˆ`Õ>ÞÈ}˜ˆwV>˜Ì>ÀV…>iœœ}ˆV>ÀiÜÕÀVið-ÕV…ÈÌÕ>̈œ˜Ã>ÀˆÃi
when an agency is managing a large area, such as a national forest, land management district, park unit, wildlife refuge, or military
ˆ˜ÃÌ>>̈œ˜°/…iÃiÈÌÕ>̈œ˜Ã>Ãœ“>Þ>ÀˆÃiˆ˜Ài}>À`̜>À}i‡ÃV>i`iÛiœ«“i˜Ì«ÀœiVÌÃ]ÃÕV…>Ãi˜iÀ}Þ`iÛiœ«“i˜ÌÃ]…ˆ}…Ü>ÞÃ]
ÀiÃiÀۜˆÀÃ]ÌÀ>˜Ã“ˆÃȜ˜ˆ˜iÃ]>˜`œÌ…iÀ“>œÀˆ˜vÀ>ÃÌÀÕVÌÕÀi«ÀœiVÌÃ̅>ÌVœÛiÀÃÕLÃÌ>˜Ìˆ>>Ài>ð"ÛiÀ̈“i]̅i>VVՓՏ>̈œ˜
œvˆ“«>VÌÃvÀœ“Ó>‡ÃV>i«ÀœiVÌÃ̜ˆ˜`ˆÛˆ`Õ>>ÀV…>iœœ}ˆV>ÀiÜÕÀViÓ>Þ`i}À>`i>˜`ÃV>«iœÀÀi}ˆœ˜>‡ÃV>iVՏÌÕÀ>
«…i˜œ“i˜>°/Þ«ˆV>Þ]̅iÃiˆ“«>VÌÃ>Ài“ˆÌˆ}>Ìi`>Ì̅iÈÌiiÛiÜˆÌ…œÕÌÀi}>À`̜…œÜ̅iˆ“«>VÌÃ̜ˆ˜`ˆÛˆ`Õ>ÀiÜÕÀViÃ>vviVÌ
̅iLÀœ>`iÀ«œ«Õ>̈œ˜œvÀiÜÕÀViðƂV̈œ˜Ã̜“ˆÌˆ}>Ìiˆ“«>VÌÃÀ>ÀiÞ>Ài`iÈ}˜i`̜`œ“œÀi̅>˜>ۜˆ`ÀiÜÕÀViÜÀi˜ÃÕÀi
ܓiiÛiœv`>Ì>ÀiVœÛiÀÞ>ÌȘ}iÈÌið-ÕV…“ˆÌˆ}>̈œ˜>V̈ۈ̈iÃ>Àiˆ˜V>«>Liœv>``ÀiÃȘ}ÀiÃi>ÀV…µÕiÃ̈œ˜>Ì>>˜`ÃV>«iœÀ
Ài}ˆœ˜>ÃV>i°
User Guide for Luminescence
Sampling in Archaeological
and Geological Contexts
Advances in Archaeological Practice 4(1), 2016, pp. 41–54
Copyright 2016© The Society for American Archaeology
DOI: 10.7183/2326-3768.4.1.41
Advances in Archaeological Practice 3(2), 2015, pp. 166–177
Copyright 2015© The Society for American Archaeology
DOI: 10.7183/2326-3768.3.2.166
&ŽƌŝĚĞĂƐĂŶĚŝŶƋƵŝƌŝĞƐĂďŽƵƚƐƵďŵŝƟŶŐƚŽƚŚĞ
ũŽƵƌŶĂůƉůĞĂƐĞĐŽŶƚĂĐƚ͗
Sarah Herr, Editor at [email protected]
The Magazine of the Society for American Archaeology
Volume 16, No. 4
September 2016
Editor’s Corner
2
Anna Marie Prentiss
From the President
3
Diane Gifford-Gonzalez, RPA
In Brief
5
Tobi A. Brimsek
SAA’s New Publishing Partnership
6
Teresita Majewski and Deborah L. Nichols
A Look at Past Scholarship Recipients and the Native
American Scholarships Committee
8
Ora Marek-Martinez
Volunteer Profile: Dorothy Lippert
10
Call for Editor: American Antiquity
11
Welcome to Vancouver:
A Place of Contestation about the Past
12
Andrew Martindale and Mark Guerin
Member Survey: Repatriation and
SAA’s Relationship to NAGPRA
14
Diane Gifford Gonzalez
SAA Repatriation Survey Analysis
15
Elise Alonzi
Responses to Survey Results
21
Sharing Space: Football Meets the
5,000-Year-Old LSU Campus Mounds
28
E. Cory Sills
Coyote Skull and Digging Sticks: Behavioral Models
and Preservation Imperatives in the Archaeological
Southwest
32
R.E. Burrillo
Call for Award Nominations
38
In Memoriam: Herbert Wright, Jr.
41
Scott Anfinson and Julie Stein
In Memoriam: James J. Hester
42
Vance Haynes
On the cover: Excavations of Housepit 54 during 2016 at the Bridge River site,
British Columbia. The Bridge River Archaeological Project is a collaborative
partnership of the University of Montana and Xwisten, the
Bridge River Indian Band
The Magazine of the Society for
American Archaeology
Volume 16, No. 4
September 2016
EDITOR’S CORNER
The SAA Archaeological Record
(ISSN 1532-7299) is published five
times a year and is edited by Anna
Marie Prentiss. Submissions should
be sent to Anna Marie Prentiss, anna
[email protected], Department of Anthropology, The University of Montana, Missoula, MT 59812.
Deadlines for submissions are:
December 1 (January), February 1
(March), April 1 (May), August 1
(September), and October 1 (November). Advertising and placement ads
should be sent to SAA headquarters,
1111 14th St. NW, Suite 800, Washington, DC 20005.
The SAA Archaeological Record is
provided free to members. SAA
publishes The SAA Archaeological
Record as a service to its members
and constituencies. SAA, its editors, and staff are not responsible
for the content, opinions, and information contained in The SAA
Archaeological Record. SAA, its editors, and staff disclaim all warranties with regard to such content,
opinions, and information published in The SAA Archaeological
Record by any individual or organization; this disclaimer includes all
implied warranties of merchantability and fitness. In no event
shall SAA, its editors, and staff be
liable for any special, indirect, or
consequential damages, or any
damages whatsoever resulting from
loss of use, data, or profits arising
out of or in connection with the use
or performance of any content,
opinions, or information included
in The SAA Archaeological Record.
Anna Marie Prentiss
Anna Marie Prentiss is Professor in the Department of Anthropology at The University of Montana.
The September 2016 issue of The SAA Archaeological Record (tSAR) is largely dedicated
to presentation and discussion of the results of SAA’s 2015 survey of membership
regarding repatriation and SAA’s position regarding the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). The survey was initiated by SAA’s Board of
Directors under previous SAA President Jeff Altschul. The summary and responses
provided in this issue of tSAR were organized and edited by our current president,
Diane Gifford-Gonzalez. Content includes the summary itself by Elise Alonzi and
responses by Robert Bettinger, Ann Kakaliouras, Keith Kintigh, Sarah Gonzalez, Ora
Marek-Martinez, Patricia Garcia-Plotkin, and Joe Watkins.
This issue includes several additional articles covering diverse subject matter. We offer
our regular columns, Volunteer Profile (Lippert) and Native American Scholarship
recipient (Marek-Martinez). Majewski and Nichols introduce SAA’s new publishing
partnership with Cambridge University Press. Sills discusses the politics of preserving
two Native American mounds on the campus of Louisiana State University. Burrillo
offers a creative examination of several challenges in public archaeology on landscapes
in the desert southwest. Martindale and Guerin provide us with a nuanced introduction to First Nations and archaeological practice in Vancouver, BC, the host city for
SAA’s 82nd meeting next spring.
Finally, I want to encourage the membership to consider submitting articles for publication in tSAR. As of this writing we have published our entire backlog and are actively
seeking new content. While we have a number of special issues in the works, we also
want to continue our long-standing tradition of publishing stand-alone submitted manuscripts. Please refer to the guidelines on the SAA website for details regarding style.
Thanks!
Copyright ©2016 by the Society for
American Archaeology. All Rights
Reserved.
2
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
FROM THE PRESIDENT
FROM THE PRESIDENT
Diane Gifford-Gonzalez, RPA
M
ay through July normally sees a lull in
SAA activity, but various developments required Executive and Board
actions, outlined below.
Amity Pueblo
On May 20, 2016, on the advice of the Amity
Pueblo Task Force (APTF), the Board of Directors voted to sign the January 22, 2016, “Memorandum of Agreement Regarding the Mitigation
of Adverse Effects to and Long-Term Preservation of the Amity Pueblo (AZ Q:15:74[ASM])
near the Town of Eagar in Apache County.” In
December 2014, SAA was asked by Pueblos of
Zuni and Acoma, the Hopi Tribe, and the Navajo Nation to join
them as a consulting party in negotiations with U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service (USFWS) and Arizona Department of Game
and Fish (AZGF) on mitigation of impacts on the Amity Pueblo.
Members will recall that, using a USFWS grant to construct a
recreational fishing pond on USFWS land, an AZGF-sponsored
crew bulldozed cultural deposits at Amity Pueblo, disturbing
human remains, associated funerary objects, and other artifacts.
the remains of Zuni ancestors and to begin healing the damage done to a Zuni ancestral site….”1
Other tribes signed the MOA, as did the Advisory
Council on Historic Preservation (ACHP), Arizona State Museum (ASM), and Archaeological
Conservancy.
SAA’s decision was not taken lightly. The APTF
recommended signing, while the Board also
weighed concerns of AZSHPO in light of the
final work plan. Board consensus was that, as a
concurring party, SAA would be in a better position to press for fulfillment of stipulated treatment of human remains, associated funerary
objects, and non-funerary objects in the disturbed section of the site. A new SAA Task Force overseeing
MOA compliance is on the job, with three members from the
APTF and one new member. Recovery operations are underway,
and we continue to monitor these for compliance with the
MOA.
Tercera Conferencia Intercontinental Postponement
Under then President Jeff Altschul, the Board appointed the
APTF to serve as SAA’s observers and communicators with
other consulting parties. Protracted negotiations with USFWS
and AZGF over Section 106 compliance responsibilities ensued,
with human remains and funerary objects still left exposed.
During 2015–2016, SAA commented in detail on MOA drafts,
demanding greater detail and clearer commitment by USFWS
and AZGF to an archaeologically acceptable work plan. In
November 2015, the AZ State Historic Preservation Office
(AZSHPO) withdrew from MOA negotiations, citing concerns
over proposed treatment of non-burial associated artifacts.
On June 21, responding to violent civil disturbances in the Mexican State of Oaxaca, the SAA Executive Committee, in consultation with conference organizers, postponed the third Conferencia Intercontinental, scheduled for Oaxaca City on August 3–6,
2016. We did this with heavy hearts, but with the security of our
members in mind, as roads in the State were blockaded and several demonstrators were killed in confrontations with police. As
of the writing of this column, the roads continue to be blockaded by the Oaxaca CNTE teachers’ union and their allies, the
press reports dwindling food supplies, and the national government warns of decisive action to clear the roads. Thus, the
potential for further violence and disruption continues.
On February 11, 2016, the Pueblo of Zuni elected to sign the
January 22, 2016 MOA “[i]n the interests of moving forward
with constructive activities to appropriately collect and rebury
These events’ proximity in time to Conferencia meeting dates
and the unlikelihood of swift refund of SAA’s hotel security
deposit made it impossible to shift venues to another location at
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
3
FROM THE PRESIDENT
comparable cost. Conferencia participants were notified immediately by email, registrations were refunded, and participants
were advised to cancel their reservations in SAA’s block of hotel
rooms.
A number of Latin American participants informed us that their
airline reservations could be used only through April 2017.
Given this, SAA’s Executive Director swiftly sought availability
at Hotel Misión de los Angeles for April 2017. A contract has
been negotiated for April 26–29, 2017. Upcoming elections in
Oaxaca State at the end of this year may produce some positive
political shifts, but we will remain vigilant. With our continued
commitment to the Oaxaca venue, our organizing team remains
the same: the Local Arrangements Chair is Nelly García Robles,
and the Program Chair is Luís Borrero.
Predictive Modeling Takes a LEAP Forward (150)
SAA has been participating for three years in Leaders in Energy
and Preservation (LEAP), formerly Gas and Preservation Partnership (GAPP). LEAP brings together cultural heritage preservation
advocates with representatives from the energy sector, now
including alternative as well as petroleum sectors. Substantive
progress can now be reported: the industry side is now investing
company time and skills to work with SHPOs to construct landscape-scale predictive models for an entire state—Ohio. John
Douglass outlined this in the June Government Update. Douglass’s report coincides with publication of three Task Force articles in Advances in Archaeological Practice that advocate for this as
well as other strategies for best managing archaeological sites and
landscapes. SAA engagements for cultural heritage preservation
are producing results useful not just with energy development
but also in climate change risk assessment.
Upcoming Vote on New Principle of Archaeological Ethics
In September, please do vote on a new Principle of Archaeological Ethics: Principle No. 9. Safe Educational and Workplace
Environments. As reported at SAA’s Business Meeting, the
Board has voted to adopt a statement on sexual harassment and
violence, as well as a resource guide for members, both available
on our website. However, the Board holds that providing safe
educational and workplace environments for all archaeologists
is a shared ethical responsibility. It therefore is putting a new
Principle to member vote (see sidebar). Voting will open September 19, 2016 and close October 19, 2016.
Note
1. Letter from Zuni Governor Val. R. Panteah Sr. to Mr. Cliff
Schleusner, Chief, Wildlife and Sport Fish Restoration Program, February 11, 2016.
26–29 de Abril del 2017
4
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
IN BRIEF
IN BRIEF
Tobi A. Brimsek
Tobi A. Brimsek is Executive Director of the Society for American Archaeology.
Vancouver, BC, Canada 2017—Earlier Than Usual!
How Do I Get a Free Membership in SAA?
The SAA 82nd Annual Meeting will be held from March 29–April
2, 2017 in Vancouver, BC, Canada. Having been there in 2008, we
are returning to Vancouver by popular demand. The sessions,
exhibit hall, and posters will all be housed at the Vancouver Convention Centre. Other meetings will be scheduled in the headquarters hotel, the Hyatt Regency Vancouver. Because the meeting is a bit earlier than usual, the deadline for Advance Registration is March 1, 2017. Please mark your calendars. The Preliminary Program will be posted on SAAweb in mid-December and
will be mailed in late December. We hope to see you there!
Register for a room at any of the meeting hotels for the SAA
meeting by January 24, 2017, and your name will be entered
into a drawing for a one-year membership. There will be a drawing from each of the five SAA hotels.
Requirements for entry into Canada have changed. Links to the
appropriate Canadian websites are available at SAAweb.
Remember your passports!
Tweeting and the Meeting
We are proud to announce the official 82nd Annual Meeting
hashtag: #SAA2017. If you haven’t already, please connect with
SAA on Facebook (facebook.com/SAAorgfb), Twitter
(@saa.org), and LinkedIn (linkedin.com/groups/Society-American-Archaeology-2639725). Students have their own hashtag:
#SAAStudents.
Service on SAA Committees—Open Call for Volunteers
More on SAA’s 2017 Annual Meeting in Vancouver, BC
The headquarters hotel for the 82nd Annual Meeting in Vancouver, as noted above, is the Hyatt Regency Vancouver, with three
overflow properties: the Vancouver Marriott Pinnacle Downtown, the Pinnacle Vancouver Harbourfront Hotel, and the
Coast Coal Harbour Hotel. There is one property exclusively for
students, the Days Inn. Two of the overflows, the Marriott Vancouver Pinnacle and the Pinnacle Vancouver Harbourfront,
have student blocks, as well.
Complete reservation information for all of the properties is
available on SAAweb and, of course, is included in the Preliminary Program. Please click the “2017 Hotel Information” button
on SAA’s homepage (http://www.saa.org) to see this information now. Please pay particular attention to the cut-off dates for
the various properties. Updated information on hotel availability will always be posted in this location on SAAweb.
For the seventh year, SAA membership will receive an email
with an open call to volunteer for specific committees. Volunteer terms will begin at the close of the Annual Business Meeting in Vancouver, BC, Canada. Terms for most committees are
three years.
Re-appointments
If you are currently serving on a committee and would like to
volunteer for a second term, please fill out an application
through the open call.
Student Slots on Committees
Students should note that most committees are structured to
have two slots specifically for students. This is a wonderful way
for students to become more engaged with the Society. Please
consider getting involved!
An Invitation to Nonmember Canadian Archaeologists
As Canada is the host country to SAA’s 82nd Annual Meeting,
March 29–April 2, 2017, the Society for American Archaeology
would like to invite all nonmember Canadian archaeologists
(including students) to register at special discounted rates for this
meeting. Details will be included in the Preliminary Program.
Statements
Please be aware that you are required to write a statement introducing yourself to the committee and sharing what you are able
to contribute. The statement is significant in the decision-making process.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
5
PUBLISHING PARTNERSHIP
SAA’S NEW PUBLISHING PARTNERSHIP
Teresita Majewski and Deborah L. Nichols
Teresita Majewski is Chair, SAA Publications Committee. Deborah L. Nichols is SAA Treasurer.
T
he SAA journals—American Antiquity, Latin American
Antiquity, and Advances in Archaeological Practice—are
essential to the Society’s mission and its members. In an
email to the membership in May of this year, SAA President
Diane Gifford-Gonzalez announced that, beginning in January
2017, the Society will begin a formal partnership with Cambridge University Press (CUP) to publish the journals. Rapid
changes in scholarly publishing in recent years have created new
opportunities and also challenges. Self-publishing by societies
such as SAA has become increasingly difficult in the face of
declines in institutional subscriptions, digital technology costs,
the practice of libraries purchasing journals in bundles, reduced
support for editors by universities, and the expectations of
authors and readers for hosting of supplemental information. In
this article, we hope to answer some potential questions that
may be raised about the partnership, and SAA is committed to
disseminating more information in the future in various venues.
As a result of extended discussions, the SAA leadership determined that the Society cannot continue to self-publish its journals and provide the digital platform features and marketing
that have become the norm in scholarly publishing and also be
financially sustainable. The Board gave serious consideration as
to how to balance the financial stability of its journals, maintain
high quality, and facilitate dissemination. In 2015, then–SAA
Treasurer Jim Bruseth laid out the financial implications of a
move to full/gold Open Access and to make our journals available without subscription. The SAA Archaeological Record
already is published as fully Open Access. The Board concluded
that, at this time, a fully subsidized Open Access model is not a
viable financial option.
Following a trend in similar societies, including the American
Anthropological Association, the Society for Historical Archaeology, and the American Geophysical Union, the SAA Board
concluded that for the near term SAA should pursue a partnership with an established publisher experienced in producing
scholarly journals. In order to obtain and review proposals from
possible publishing partners, the SAA followed best practices.
6
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
To facilitate the search process, the Society retained publishing
consultants Kaufman, Wills, Fusting & Company (KWF), the
leading management consulting firm for scholarly publishing.
They worked with SAA Executive Director Tobi Brimsek and former manager, Publications, Liz Haberkorn. KWF communicated with possible publishers, received proposals, and provided
detailed analysis and comparisons. Interviews were then conducted with a final group of publishers, and KWF prepared a
detailed analysis of the final proposals that were presented to
the SAA Board. The chair of the Publications Committee, Teresita Majewski, joined the Board last fall for its discussion of proposals from publishers. The SAA also retained the services of a
legal firm that specializes in publishing contracts for professional societies. In short, solicitation of proposals, reviewing
proposals and contract negotiations, and concluding the final
partnership with CUP was an intense, year-long process, a
reflection of the importance of the SAA journals to the Society’s
leadership and its members.
The partnership with CUP, a distinguished scholarly publisher,
allows SAA to address the immediate needs of sustaining and
enhancing our journal publishing program while retaining
ownership and editorial control of its journals, including
appointment of editors and editorial boards. All SAA members
will receive digital subscriptions to all SAA journals as part of
their membership, along with an option for one journal in
paper copy at no additional cost.
Beginning in 2017, the SAA journals will be hosted on the Cambridge Core portal with a range of enhanced features for readers, authors, and editors, including journal homepages on their
website; content alerts; First View, which allows articles to be
published more quickly; and the ability to include supplemental
materials. With their large professional staff, CUP will be
responsible for everything post-acceptance (when manuscripts
are exported from Editorial Manager©), and will see papers
through copyediting and typesetting to publication.
Marketing and distribution of the journals will also be handled
PUBLISHING PARTNERSHIP
by the press. CUP’s dedicated marketing team will prepare a
plan to generate usage, increase demand, and to drive citations
of journal articles globally. In the plan, CUP will develop thematic marketing strategies and collaborate with the editors to
craft journal-specific campaigns. In addition to more effective
marketing of its journals, the profit-share agreement between
the Society and CUP ensures the financial sustainability of our
journals for the next five years. The SAA Board voted to invest
some of these funds in technology and revamping of the SAA
website and web services and also created a publishing development fund to recognize that rapid changes in publishing will
require on-going assessment as well as investment.
On July 26, 2016, the CUP team hosted the SAA editors, Executive Director Tobi Brimsek, former manager, Publications, Liz
Haberkorn, and Publications Committee Chair Teresita Majewski at their offices in New York for a transition meeting that
focused primarily on marketing and production tasks. We left
this extremely productive meeting feeling very optimistic about
the benefits that this partnership will provide to the SAA on so
many levels.
members, authors, and readers want their research as widely
disseminated as possible. CUP explained the difference
between “free” access and “open” access. Free access is used for
promotional purposes (i.e., context is “ungated” for a period of
time); Open Access refers to a publishing model that allows for
content to be made available and used openly. There are two
ways to achieve Open Access, both of which are supported by
CUP: “gold,” where the author or funding organization pays for
completely free access, and “green,” the standard Open Access
option, where the author can post (archive) a version of the article for free. The latter meets UK Open Access policies. The partnership with CUP follows a “hybrid” model, and our journals
will continue to meet the standards for “green” Open Access.
Further details on Open Access and open data options will be
available through Cambridge Core, the SAA website, and in the
forthcoming revised version of the SAA Style Guide.
Watch for more information on this exciting transition, and if
you have questions about the publishing partnership that were
not answered here, contact SAA Publications Committee Chair
Terry Majewski ([email protected]) or SAA manager, Publications, Maya Allen-Gallegos ([email protected]).
At the New York meeting, the group agreed that promoting
Open Access and open data options is very important. SAA
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September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
7
NATIVE AMERICAN SCHOLARSHIPS COMMITTEE
A LOOK AT PAST SCHOLARSHIP RECIPIENTS
AND THE NATIVE AMERICAN SCHOLARSHIPS
COMMITTEE
Ora Marek-Martinez
Ora Marek-Martinez was the 2007 recipient of the Arthur C. Parker scholarship. She and the Navajo Nation Archaeology Department also received an Arthur
C. Parker scholarship in 2014. Ora is the Tribal Historic Preservation Officer and Director of the Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department.
Each year at the SAA Annual Meeting, the Native American
Scholarships Committee (NASC) holds a silent auction to
raise money for six competitive scholarships that are awarded
annually to Native students and employees of Native cultural
preservation programs. Silent auction earnings are combined
with an endowment fund, individual donations, book royalties, and grants to support the Arthur C. Parker Scholarship,
three National Science Foundation scholarships for archaeological training, and awards in support of undergraduate and
graduate archaeology education. This is the fifth installment
of a series of articles featuring former scholarship recipients.
—Tsim Schneider, Department of Anthropology, University of
California, Santa Cruz
Y
a’at’eeh! My name is Ora Marek-Martinez. I am from the
Navajo Mountain Cove clan and born of the Nez Perce.
My maternal grandfather was Hopi, and my paternal
grandfather was Bohemian. I am originally from Lapwai, Idaho,
and I now live in Flagstaff, Arizona. I was greatly humbled and
honored to receive the Arthur C. Parker Scholarship in 2007 and
again in 2014 as part of the Navajo Nation Archaeology Department (NNAD). I am currently the Tribal Historic Preservation
Officer and the Director of the Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department.
I began working for the NNAD as a student archaeologist in
1999 while also attending classes at Northern Arizona University (NAU). I was able to attend classes and work part time, applying the methods taught in my undergraduate anthropology and
archaeology classes at NAU. I was fortunate to learn from several archaeologists who dedicated their careers to investigating
Southwestern prehistory. I was encouraged to continue my education at NAU, where I embarked upon my graduate education
in 2001 in applied cultural anthropology with an emphasis on
tribal cultural resources management. In 2004, I entered the
doctoral program in archaeology at the University of California,
Berkeley.
8
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
In my classes at Berkeley, I learned about various techniques
used in archaeological fieldwork, and I became interested in the
potential of nondestructive geophysical techniques for use on
the Navajo Nation, which practices a very restrictive policy for
excavation. I was referred to the National Park Service’s training
on “Current Archaeological Prospection Advances for NonDestructive Investigations,” which is held every summer at various places across the U.S. and introduces cultural resources
personnel to various geophysical techniques and data analyses.
I applied for the 2007 Arthur C. Parker Scholarship and was
awarded a grant to cover the expenses for this class, which was
in Richland, Washington. After presentations in the training
center, the class surveyed a historic cemetery and then applied
information presented in class to determine the locations of
grave sites.
In 2014, I applied and received the Arthur C. Parker scholarship
on behalf of the NNAD for 15 Navajo archaeologists to attend
the National Preservation Institute’s training seminar in Los
Angeles, California on “Cultural and Natural Resources: An
Integrated Management Strategy.” The training provided an
overview of pertinent legislation and discussions based on various management approaches designed for our unique needs.
The training provided NNAD archaeologists with tools for integrating natural and cultural resources management approaches
in their work on the Navajo Nation and to develop a management approach that is more in line with Navajo traditions.
The Navajo people view the land as a Traditional Cultural Landscape (TCL) that they refer to as Dine’ Bikeyah, or Navajo homelands. These sacred lands are bound by the four sacred mountains in each direction: Mount Blanca (Tsisnaasjini) to the east,
Mount Taylor (Tsoodzil) to the south, San Francisco Peaks
(Doko’oosliid) to the west, and Mount Hesperus (Dibé Nitsaa) to
the north. The Navajo Nation officially encompasses a sprawling 17 million acres of semi-arid, mountainous land that more
than 300,000 Navajo tribal members consider home. Dine’
NATIVE AMERICAN SCHOLARSHIPS COMMITTEE
Bikeyah represents more than a piece of land. To the People it
represents the journey and development of the Nihooka’ Dine’e’
Bila Ashdla’ii (the five-finger earth surface people), which is
manifested in the landscape imbued with sacred and cultural
meanings.
The Arthur C. Parker Scholarship benefited me and a part of my
community, and it afforded us with an opportunity to serve our
communities in a culturally appropriate and sensitive manner.
The 2014 training helped us to develop an approach to heritage
management that provides Navajo communities with the ability
to contribute to the investigation and use of both natural and
cultural resources found throughout Dine’ Bikeyah. Funding
contributed to the positive and beneficial capacity building of
the Navajo Nation in its pursuit to protect, preserve, and manage tangible and intangible aspects of Navajo cultural heritage
that are irreplaceable. Ahe’hee’, or thank you, to the Native American Scholarship Committee and the SAA for the fantastic
opportunities provided by the Arthur C. Parker Scholarship.
The NNAD training aided the preparation of Navajo Nation
employees to address environmental and cultural heritage concerns for undertakings on Dine’ Bikeyah. Materials from the
class provided employees with a toolkit to help facilitate ways to
consider, evaluate, and mitigate effects on the TCL and Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs) that benefit the Nihooka’
Dine’e’ Bila Ashdla’ii. Such an approach is now standard operating procedure for the Navajo Nation Division of Natural
Resources, and it is a welcome change to managing resources
on Dine’ Bikeyah.
Archaeology Professor
Skidmore College
The Anthropology Department at Skidmore College invites applications for a tenure-track position in archaeology, with a preference for hire at the rank of associate professor or full professor. The successful candidate will have proven excellence in teaching, whose theoretical and regional expertise can strengthen our undergraduate program and expand work with our archaeological collections of Upper Hudson Valley material culture. We seek candidates with topical interests that include, but are not limited to, indigenous heritage, cultural patrimony, and public archaeology. The successful candidate will strengthen connections
between existing department sub-disciplines and collaborate with colleagues in other areas of the College such as Documentary
Studies, the GIS center, the Tang Museum, Gender Studies, Environmental Studies, and other interdisciplinary programs. The
candidate should have familiarity with the National NAGPRA program and will work to expand links to local institutions in the
Hudson Valley region. The successful candidate will teach our introductory course in archaeology and human evolution, a geographic course open to area, and two advanced offerings that will include a practicum course working with archaeological materials. Candidates are required to have a doctorate. Applicants for appointment as associate or full professor must have a distinguished publication record suitable for a tenured appointment.
For full consideration, applicant materials should be received by September 30, 2016. Review of applications will begin on October 7, 2016 and will continue until the position is filled.
To learn more about and see the full position description please visit us online at:
https://careers.skidmore.edu/applicants/Central?quickFind=57449
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
9
VOLUNTEER PROFILE
volunteer profile
Dorothy Lippert
I’ve been a member of SAA for
more than 25
years and had
never
really
thought of service
to the organization in terms of
volunteering, but
rather as a way to
get more deeply involved in the mission of the Society. My first
role was serving as a member of the Committee on Native
American Relations. I was in graduate school at the time and
felt honored that my peers thought I could contribute to the
work of the committee. I remained on the committee for two
terms and was asked to take over as chair from Kurt Dongoske.
This was another honor, but this also allowed me to review my
previous service and I quickly figured out that my major qualifications for becoming chair were the fact that I had been so
conscientious about replying to Kurt and participating in committee business. This was my first lesson about volunteering:
the eager participant is highly welcome, the resume-filler not so
much!
During my two terms on the committee, there were a lot of lowlevel conflicts between Native Americans and archaeologists
playing out as people began to organize how to respond to the
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act
(NAGPRA). Uncertainty about how repatriation would be implemented caused some archaeologists to view Native participants
in SAA either as troublemakers or as converts to the “cause of
archaeology.” From my perspective as an Indigenous archaeologist, I knew that both perspectives were true for this generation
of Native people. We were/are troublemakers, and we do respect
archaeology, but we require that the respect goes both ways. This
was my second lesson about volunteering: each person’s perspective is unique, and that makes their input valuable.
10
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
After this, it all starts to blend together. I served on the Repatriation Committee, the Native American Scholarship Committee,
a Program Committee for an annual meeting, and as a member
of the Board of Directors. All of these gave me insight into how
the Society actually functions. It’s a complex organization with
many working parts. I remember that one of the tasks I took on
for the Board was viewing the movie Apocalypto after issues with
the film were raised by members. I also learned just how much
the SAA staff does behind the scenes. We show up at the annual
meeting and have programs, an organized exhibit space, name
tags, etc. etc. It takes a hardworking team to pull all this together. My third lesson is that the SAA is more complicated than you
might realize and, therefore, there are a variety of ways to get
involved.
My work with SAA began at the time when archaeologists and
American Indian tribes were first negotiating new interactions
in the post-NAGPRA world. These relationships continue to
change and evolve, sometimes in mutually beneficial ways and
sometimes in ways that will bring new challenges. In order to
maximize the benefits of these relationships, it is important to
be fully involved in the discipline, including participating in the
work of SAA. I am fortunate to have had a cohort of Native
American archaeologists with whom I’ve worked alongside in
volunteering for SAA. We sometimes see our efforts pay off in
making the discipline and the Society better and there will definitely be more opportunities to work on issues. My final lesson
about volunteering may be related to my long years of service
and that is: get involved early and often; there’s a lot of work to
do, you have unique experience, and Apocalypto notwithstanding, it’s often a lot of fun!
CALL FOR EDITOR
CALL FOR EDITOR
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
T
he Society for American Archaeology (SAA) invites applications for the editorship of American Antiquity—the first
journal published by the Society, currently in its eightyfirst volume. The editorial term is for a period of three years; it
may be renewed for one additional term. The editor position
falls vacant on March 31, 2018, when the current editor, Robert
L. Kelly, completes his term. The editorship is preceded by a
transition period with the current editor beginning with the editor-designate’s appointment in Spring 2017 through to the start
of the new editor’s term in Spring 2018.
American Antiquity has now been joined by Latin American
Antiquity and Advances in Archaeological Practice, and all three
journals are part of what is offered to SAA members and institutional subscribers. The SAA has self-published its journals
since the Society’s founding, but has now entered into a partnership agreement, beginning with the 2017 volume year, with
Cambridge University Press. This partnership will enhance the
journals’ visibility and impact worldwide and streamline the
production process from the editor’s perspective. However, as
noted elsewhere in this issue, SAA will continue to own its journals, and the journal editors will continue to implement their
own editorial visions during their terms. The SAA Board is
strongly committed to providing the means by which all of the
Society’s journals will flourish in changing conditions for academic publishing.
In addition to encouraging submissions, the editor oversees the
progress of an article from the time it is submitted electronically
through the Editorial Manager© system until a decision is
made. Although the editor is responsible for substantive editing
of an article, technical copy-editing will now be done by Cambridge University Press as part of the production process. The
editor has final responsibility for all journal content within general policies established by the SAA Board but will work closely
with SAA’s publishing team at Cambridge University Press and
SAA’s manager, Publications, and interface with the editors of
the other SAA journals and the SAA Publications Committee
throughout his/her editorship. The SAA Style Guide is currently being updated.
Although editors of the SAA’s journals have often been senior
scholars with many years of experience, individuals of lesssenior standing may also be able to devote the necessary time
and attention to the journal that it requires. Specific editing
experience is helpful.
Applications should include: (a) discussion of the applicant’s
vision for the journal and how it would be achieved during the
term of the editorship; (b) relevant qualifications and experience, including a current curriculum vitae (for both applicants
and an assistant, if one is recommended); and (c) a realistic
budget for the editorial term. The editors do not receive compensation for their service, but applications should contain a
financial proposal that demonstrates how the expenses of the
editorial office will be met through support from SAA as well as
the applicant’s institution/employer. The editor should receive
enough release time from his/her employer to ensure that they
have sufficient time to carry out their duties, and a letter from
the host institution/employer confirming the level of support
should be included in the application.
Potential applicants for the editorship should make an expression of interest to the chair of the editorial search task force at
the earliest possible date so that the chair can make contact,
answer any questions they may have, and as appropriate,
encourage them to complete and submit a proposal for the editorship. Submit application materials electronically to Lynne
Goldstein, Chair of the SAA American Antiquity Editorial Search
Task Force and Professor of Anthropology and Director of Campus Archaeology, Michigan State University, Tel: (517) 353-4704;
Email: [email protected] by no later than January 1, 2017.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
11
82ND ANNUAL MEETING
WELCOME TO VANCOUVER
A PLACE OF CONTESTATION ABOUT THE PAST
Andrew Martindale and Mark Guerin
Andrew Martindale is Associate Professor, University of British Columbia. Mark Guerin, Musqueam First Nation member, studied Fine Arts at Langara
College and likes to combine different perspectives and materials in his design and sculptural works. One of his welded aluminum sculptures was featured in the
the Richmond Art Gallery’s 1999–2000 “Embrace The Visionaries” spotlight on Salish Art, and two other pieces are in private collections.
F
or the 82nd Society for American
indigenous scholarship. Much archaeology
Archaeology Annual Meeting, an
in the Vancouver area offers grounds for
Indigenous artist has designed the
such optimism. It is hard to think of a major
meeting logo. Mark Guerin is from the
research project in the province that does not
Musqueam Indian Band, one of four First
work in partnership with the Indigenous
Nations whose territory includes Vancouver
descent community/communities. For
(the others are Lil’wat, Squamish, and
example, all archaeological field schools
Tsleil-Waututh). Based on the traditional
offered by the provinces’ universities in
and distinctive Coast Salish spindle-whorl
recent memory have both celebrated their
motif, the design symbolizes different
association with First Nations and brought
forms of knowledge and cultural underindigenous perspectives and scholarship
standings coming together. Its traditional
into the curriculum. Several are jointly
circle form reflects Coast Salish artistic trataught by archaeologists and Indigenous
ditions as well as the symbolism of the
community members. Many publications on
Moon, associated with traditional knowlthe archaeology of the indigenous past in the
edge and wisdom. The human face is the
region are now presented as collaborations
face of all those who seek to understand,
between traditional and non-native scholars,
even if the patterns of understanding may
projects that frame their understanding
vary, symbolized by the most distinctive of archaeologists’ tools,
through translation between distinct, but equally legitimate,
the trowel, surrounded by stylistic elements of traditional art
views (see for example, Grier and Shaver 2008). CRM projects
and understanding. The design is hand-drawn and deliberately
routinely hire from First Nation communities on whose territory
reflects the handcrafted and often off-balance designs used on
they work, and several Indigenous governments have developed
the whorls, which come more into being
their own consulting businesses or archaeowhen seen in motion. The process then
logical research and monitoring offices.
utilizes computer graphics to color and
Indigenous scholars in the province have
It is the artist’s hope that the become archaeologists (Reimer 2010), adoptreproduce the image, bringing modern
and traditional techniques together. It is
piece is reflective of one of ed archaeology for their own purposes (Menthe artist’s hope that the piece is reflective
zies 2015), or considered the cultural content
the ideals behind the meet- of the western scholarly perspective’s influof one of the ideals behind the meeting: to
ing: to bring understanding ence on Indigenous knowledge (Atleo 2004).
bring understanding of past and present,
aboriginal and non-aboriginal, and tradiof past and present, aborigitional knowledge and technological perSuch partnerships began as early as 1949
nal and non-aboriginal, and when
spectives together.
pioneering archaeologist Charles Bortraditional knowledge and den sought permission to work on
The logo is an optimistic view of the prestechnological perspectives Musqueam heritage sites on Indian Reserve
ent and the future, one in which the archaelands in the Point Grey area of Vancouver.
together.
ological endeavor works in concert with
His work, often in collaboration with
12
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
82ND ANNUAL MEETING
Musqueam community member Andrew Charles, Sr., created
the foundational archaeological chronology of the area, one that
remains largely intact today. As Susan Roy (2010) notes, however, archaeological memory of Charles Borden tends to be selective. His use of race as a construct to undermine indigenous history and territoriality is rarely noted. Archaeologists are also less
aware of Borden’s political influence as the architect of the
province’s Heritage Conservation Act, legislation that drew
funds from construction projects to support archaeological salvage. This relationship between destruction of heritage and
archaeological research continues to define archaeology in
British Columbia today. Thus, despite our somewhat naïve optimism, archaeology in British Columbia reverberates with the
legacy of colonialism.
Nowhere is this history more visible than in the “c̓əsnaʔəm, the
city before the city”1 series of exhibits at the Museum of Vancouver, Musqueam Cultural Centre, and Museum of Anthropology.
Focusing on the ancient landscape and living culture at
c̓əsnaʔəm, known archaeologically as The Great Fraser Midden,
the Marpole Site, and DhRs-1, this award-winning partnership
explores Musqueam history and identity refracted through the
history of archaeology and colonialism. The last of these
exhibits, at the Museum of Vancouver, will be the focus of one
of our tours (more on these in the November issue of The SAA
Archaeological Record).
Archaeology in British Columbia is primarily the interpretation
of indigenous history by non-native people who devote limited
attention to the challenges of understanding indigenous ways of
knowing and recording their past. There are few avenues for
Indigenous contribution or critique within the discipline of
archaeology or its presentation of the past to the public. The
legal arena in which Aboriginal rights and titles are debated
continues to place greater value on archaeological than indigenous knowledge. These tensions reveal an ongoing debate
about the cultural content of archaeological knowledge and the
persistence of double-standards in our discipline. These are
challenging issues, which some argue undermine the legitimacy of archaeology entirely (see, for example, La Salle and Hutchings 2016, but see Martindale et al. 2016 for a counter-view).
If our future aspires to the more equitable archaeology of our
logo, then the archaeology in and around Vancouver points us
in a few directions. There is considerable thirst for evidencebased science and empirically sound assessments of the archaeological record by archaeologists and descent communities
alike. Borden’s central thesis, of a quadripartite chronological
sequence, was challenged by C. Ames et al.’s (2010) statistical
reassessment of artifact types, which showed greater evidence
of continuity than change, and upended by Coupland et al.’s
(2016) recent discoveries. Borden, like many of us, was vulnera-
ble to seeing a history he believed existed. Our limitations can
be overcome by data, but also by symmetrical partnerships with
descent communities whose knowledge and record of their own
history is both scholarly and accurate, even as it exists in forms
and places distant from archaeology. These are contested issues
and Vancouver is not a place where we have forged many solutions, but it is a place where fulsome discussions are emerging.
We invite you to join us in 2017.
References
Ames, Christopher, Andre Costopoulos, and Colin D. Wren
2010 8,000 Years of Technological Change in the Gulf of Georgia: Is
There a Major Transition at 4850 cal. B.P.? Canadian Journal of
Archaeology 34(1):32–63.
Atleo, Eugene R.
2004 Tsawalk: A Nuu-chah-nulth Worldview. UBC Press, Vancouver,
British Columbia.
Coupland, Gary, David Bilton, Terence Clark, Jerome S. Cybulski, Gay
Frederick, Alyson Holland, Bryn Letham, and Gretchen Williams
2016 A Wealth of Beads: Evidence for Material Wealth-Based
Inequality in the Salish Sea Region, 4000–3500 Cal B.P. American
Antiquity. 81(2):294–315.
Grier, Colin, and Lisa Shaver
2008 Working Together: The Role of Archaeologists and First
Nations in Sorting Out Some Very Old Problems in British Columbia. The SAA Archaeological Record. 8(1):33–35.
La Salle, Marina, and Rich Hutchings
2016 What Makes Us Squirm—A Response to “Community-Oriented Archaeology” Canadian Journal of Archaeology. 40(1):164–180.
Martindale, Andrew, Natasha Lyons, George Nicholas, Bill Angelbeck,
Sean P. Connaughton, Colin Grier, James Herbert, Mike Leon,
Yvonne Marshall, Angela Piccini, David M. Schaepe, Kisha Supernant, and Gary Warrick
2016 Archaeology as Partnerships in Practice: A Reply to La Salle
and Hutchings. Canadian Journal of Archaeology. 40(1):191–204.
Menzies, Charles
2015 Revisiting “Dm Sibilhaa’nm Da Laxyuubm Gitxaała (Picking
Abalone in Gitxaała Territory)”: Vindication, Appropriation, and
Archaeology. BC Studies. 187 (Autumn):129–155.
Reimer, Rudy
2010 Nach’en or Transforming into a Squamish Nation Indigenous
Archaeologist. In Being and Becoming Indigenous Archaeologists,
edited by George Nicholas, pp. 258–266. Left Coast Press, Walnut
Creek, California.
Roy, Susan
2010 These Mysterious People: Shaping History and Archaeology in a
Northwest Coastal Community. McGill-Queens University Press.
Note
1. http://www.thecitybeforethecity.com
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
13
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
MEMBER SURVEY: REPATRIATION AND SAA’S
RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
Diane Gifford Gonzalez
S
AA’s Board of Directors, under my predecessor Jeff
Altschul, elected to circulate a member survey on
repatriation and SAA’s relationship to the U.S.A’s
NAGPRA legislation. The final version was formulated by a
subcommittee of SAA’s Board from questions devised earlier
by several SAA committees. The survey was opened for
member response in early 2015. Data from the Repatriation
Survey were analyzed by Ms. Elise Alonzi, a doctoral student
at Arizona State University, under the supervision of Past
President Keith Kintigh, in 2015. Ms. Alonzi submitted her
report to the Board in the fall of 2015 and presented some of
the data at SAA’s 2016 Annual Meeting. The report and the
base response data have been posted on SAA’s website since
mid-April, 2016 at http://www.saa.org/AbouttheSociety/
RepatriationIssues/tabid/214/Default.aspx.
I thank all committee and Board members who worked hard
on developing and refining the survey, and the analysts.
This issue of The SAA Archaeological Record offers Ms.
Alonzi’s revised version of her report, accompanied by many
cross-tabulations of member demographic against question
responses, available as an online supplement at
14
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
www.saa.org/Portals/0/SAA_Record_Sept2016_Suppl.pdf.
To accompany this descriptive report on the responses, I
asked eight members to offer brief opinions and interpretive
commentary on the survey results. I tried to involve a diverse
set of commentators. In addition to some senior members
who have seen NAGPRA and other repatriation initiatives
emerge, I asked younger members who represent bioarchaeological, land management, and cultural/historical preservation as well as academic perspectives. Cross cutting these
work placements are the varied and internally variable standpoints of Native and non-Native American archaeologists. I
hope you find these perspectives interesting and educational.
Finally, on behalf of the Board of Directors, I want to assure
you that one thing we have heard loud and clear from this
survey’s structured responses and free comments is that we
need to do a better job of educating North American about
NAGPRA and what is involved in consultation and compliance. In addition to Annual Meetings Forum formats, we are
looking toward our online seminar series to distill and convey not just the legal parameters but also views on the new
world of community engagements prompted by consultation
and repatriation.
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
SAA REPATRIATION SURVEY ANALYSIS
Elise Alonzi
Elise Alonzi is a Ph.D. Student and Teaching Associate, Center for Bioarchaeological Research, School of Human Evolution
and Social Change, Arizona State University.
T
his survey gauges SAA members’ positions on the
impact of the Native American Graves Protection and
Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) and related legislation on
archaeology, and it assesses opinions on the various ways
that the SAA interacts with repatriation. The survey attempts
to identify demographic trends that might be linked to certain opinions about the SAA’s past, present, and future
responses to NAGPRA and similar laws. Many of the respondents submitted written comments suggesting changes to
the SAA’s policies or requesting support for approaching
repatriation procedures ethically and effectively. The survey
has revealed no great divide within the SAA on the subject of
repatriation. While some individuals disagree with the path
that the SAA has taken, there is no particular work setting,
regional, or age group that is distinctly unrepresented in the
SAA’s current statements and policies.
The survey was sent out to 8,783 individuals, and 1,905
members of the SAA responded to this survey, a response
rate of 22%. Of the respondents, 32% (n = 609) provided
written clarification in the open responses section. In all, the
survey comprises 20 questions, addressing the broad topics
of: (1) demographics, (2) experience with repatriation and
opinions on repatriation-related issues, and (3) open-ended
written responses to the survey questions. Each question had
a response rate of 97.8% or higher, and no particular question was frequently skipped by the respondents.
Methods
The analysis of the survey is straightforward. The responses
to demographic questions and questions about repatriation
were cross-tabulated. Percentages were calculated for each
category of response, including non-responses for the nondemographic survey questions. All percentages are calculated out of the total number of respondents to the survey (n =
1,905). Readers should note that those who did not respond
to a demographic question were not included in the tables
that compare demographic variables and opinions on survey
questions. Because of this, the “Counts” column in each
table does not add up to the total respondents to the survey
(n = 1,905), and the difference between these values is the
number of respondents who did not answer the demographic question.1 The omission of the responses of those who did
not answer specific demographic questions avoids overemphasizing the opinion of the small group of respondents
who did not answer the demographic questions.
In the presentation of the tables, several categories were
combined to facilitate easier viewing and to avoid small sample sizes. For instance, the survey questions asked respondents to provide their Year of Degree in five-year intervals
(i.e., 1950–1955), and these categories were combined into
decade-long intervals (i.e., 1950–1960) in the tables. Similarly, the Work Region2 categories, Work Setting,3 and Repatriation-related Activities4 categories have been compressed in
these tables. Further, in order to provide a parsimonious
analysis of the most important points uncovered by the survey, not all demographic questions included in the Repatriation Survey have been examined in comparison to the
respondents’ answers to other questions.
Some of the tables’ cells are highlighted in gray, to show the
most common response to the question within each demographic category. Responses were highlighted in gray if the
percentages were significantly different from the next most
common response based on a z-score test with a 90% confidence interval. More than one most common responses may
be highlighted if they do not significantly differ.
Section 1. Background and Representativeness of
Respondents
This section addresses the demographic profiles of the
respondents in terms of Work Setting, Year of Degree, and
Work Region. The distribution of Work Setting of the
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
15
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
respondents to this Repatriation Survey is similar to that of
the respondents to the SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey
(Supplemental Table 1). Note that the percentages of students and retired members who responded to the Repatriation Survey are higher than those of the respondents to the
SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey. This may be due to the
wording and structure of the questions themselves, as the
2015 survey allows multiple responses for this question and
the SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey requires the
respondent to pick the most relevant category. For example,
a respondent to the Repatriation Survey could identify his or
her Work Setting as both “Academic—4-year institution
without a graduate program” and “Student”; whereas a
respondent to the SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey could
identify his or her Work Setting as either “Academic—Graduate Program” or “Student.”
The summary of Year of Degree for respondents to the Repatriation Survey (Supplemental Table 2) reveals that over half
(56%)5 of the respondents received their highest degree in
2000 or later. While directly comparable information was not
available from the SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey, it
does appear that younger members are overrepresented in
the Repatriation Survey in comparison to the composition of
the membership of the SAA. The SAA 2010 Needs Assessment Survey recorded both the respondent’s age and highest
degree in separate questions. In that survey, 49% of respondents had Ph.D.s, 36% had master’s degrees, and 10% had
bachelor’s degrees. Making some reasonable assumptions
about the average age at award for each degree,6 one obtains
a weighted average of about 29 years of age when receiving
the highest degree for the members of the SAA. That would
suggest that the 23% of members younger than 35 would
have gotten their degrees about 6 years earlier than the average, and 22% of members between the ages of 35 and 44
would have gotten their degrees about 16 years earlier than
the average. Translating those dates to the 2015 Repatriation
Survey from the 2010 Needs Assessment Survey, that would
place about 23% of SAA members in the 2010-present
degree category, and 22% in the 2000–2010 category, for a
total of 45% in those two categories combined. In contrast,
56% of the respondents to the Repatriation Survey received
his or her highest degree after 2000, indicating that younger
SAA members seem to be somewhat overrepresented in the
more recent Repatriation Survey.
The overwhelming majority of the respondents identify the
United States as part of their regional focus of “research,
education, and/or CRM/ Heritage work,” although many
also identify other regions (Supplemental Table 3). Not surprisingly, the Repatriation Survey results are highly influ-
16
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
enced by the views of archaeologists with professional ties to
the United States. The next most common Work Region is
Mesoamerica, followed by Europe, and then Asia (Supplemental Table 3). Over 30% of respondents reported research,
work, or study ties to each of the aggregated categories of the
Old World or Latin America (Supplemental Table 4).
A large majority (77%) of respondents reported some sort of
experience with “Repatriation-related Activities” (Supplemental Table 5). The most common experiences were Consultation (61.4%), which includes the categories of “Consultation with indigenous or descendant communities,” and
“Other communication or coordination with indigenous or
local communities,” and fieldwork or collections research
(57.7%), which includes the categories of “Responding to
inadvertent discoveries during fieldwork,” “Field research to
determine cultural affiliation,” and “Collections-based
research to determine cultural affiliation.” The least common experience was drafting agreements and summaries,
which includes “Drafting repatriation or disposition agreements,” and “Drafting required summaries and inventories.” Importantly, individuals from all regions, not just the
United States, were asked to answer this question, so these
responses do not necessarily refer to experience with NAGPRA and/or repatriation within the United States.
Section 2. Year of Degree, Work Setting, and Work
Region in Comparison to Questions 10-19
Q. 10 The NAGPRA regulation on the Disposition of Culturally
Unidentifiable Human Remains (43 C.F.R. § 10.11) outlines a
process by which human remains that have no lineal descendant
and have not been culturally affiliated may be transferred to certain Indian tribes and Native Hawaiian organizations. In general, how do you think the regulation has affected archaeological
research?
Only a small percentage (8%) of the overall respondents felt
that the effect on the field has been positive, while 34% felt
it had been negative, and the remainder reported mixed
results, little effect, or expressed no opinion. Respondents in
the two most recent degree categories see this regulation in
a somewhat more positive light than those with earlier
degrees. However, even in these recent degree categories, on
the order of twice as many felt that the effect had been negative, as opposed to positive (Supplemental Table 6).
Q. 11 On a scale of 1 to 10, with 1 being very negative and 10 being
very positive, what has been the effect of the NAGPRA regulation
on the Disposition of Culturally Unidentifiable Human Remains
(43 C.F.R. § 10.11) on your own work?
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
About 21% of all respondents indicated a negative effect
(responses 1–4) while only 13% felt the effect had been positive (responses 7–10), with the remaining 66% providing a
neutral response (5 or 6), no opinion, or no response (Supplemental Table 7). The responses do not reveal patterns of
the effects of NAGPRA based on Year of Degree. The median
answer for those with an opinion is 5 for most Year of
Degree categories.
Q. 12 Do you think that human remains from the Archaic period
in the United States should be considered Native American under
NAGPRA?
Nearly every respondent had an opinion about this question,
with very few responding that they had No Opinion.
Responses are strongly divided, although Yes’s substantially
outnumber No’s. The majority of respondents with more
recent degrees answered that Archaic-period remains
“should be considered Native American,” whereas the majority of respondents with older degrees answered that those
remains should not “be considered Native American.” The
split in opinion occurs between those with degrees before
and after 1980 (Supplemental Table 8).
Of respondents who work in the United States, 54% (n =
838) answered that human remains should be considered
Native American if they are from this period, and 38% that
they should not (n = 589) (Supplemental Table 9). Archaeologists who work in Canada and the Arctic have the highest
rate of answering “Yes” to this question (62.9%), and no category stands out as having a particularly high rate of answering “No” within the aggregated Work Region categories seen
in Supplemental Table 9. Opinions on this question also vary
by Work Setting (Supplemental Table 10). For all groups
except avocational and retired archaeologists, “Yes” responses outnumbered “No” responses (Supplemental Table 9).
Most respondents who have worked with NAGPRA in any
capacity think that Archaic remains should be considered
Native American (Supplemental Table 11).
Q. 13 Do you think that human remains from the Paleoindian
period in the United States should be considered Native American
under NAGPRA?
Although the most common response to this question overall is that Paleoindian remains should not be considered
Native American (47%), the majority of respondents who
reported any experiences with Repatriation-related Activities
responded that Paleoindian should be considered Native
American (Supplemental Table 15). As with the Archaic
question, the percentage of those who answered that the
Paleoindian-period human remains should be considered
Native American generally decreases as the respondents’
Years of Degree becomes more recent (Supplemental Table
12). Archaeologists who responded that they worked, studied, or researched in the United States were evenly split on
this question (Yes—47%; No—46%) (Supplemental Table
13). The Work Setting category with the most disparity
between answers was Government (Yes—51%; No—42%)
(Supplemental Table 14). The “Yes” and “No” responses both
received support from over 40% of respondents in Academic, CRM, Museum, and Private Foundation categories, indicating a split of opinion in these work settings (Supplemental Table 14).
Q. 14 Some consider NAGPRA legislation to be a compromise—
that is, a balance between science and Native American rights. Do
you agree?
The responses indicate that the majority of archaeologists
think of NAGPRA as a “balance between science and Native
American rights,” although nearly a third of archaeologists
disagree with this statement. In almost all subdivisions of
demographic categories, including Year of Degree (Supplemental Table 16), Work Region (Supplemental Table 17),
Work Setting (Supplemental Table 18), and Experience with
NAGPRA (Supplemental Table 18), nearly all respondents
had an opinion and substantially more respondents conceived of NAGPRA as a compromise than those who did not.
Q. 15 How would you evaluate the overall impact of NAGPRA on
archaeology?
These data indicate that respondents were likely to think of
NAGPRA’s impact on archaeology as mixed or positive
(87%) with many fewer (16%) believing that NAGPRA’s
impact has been negative. Overall and in nearly all subdivisions by Year of Degree (Supplemental Table 20), Work
Region (Supplemental Table 21), Work Setting (Supplemental Table 22), and Experience with NAGPRA (Supplemental
Table 23), the most common response was “Mixed Results,”
with “Positive” being the next most common. This pattern is
the same as Question 14, which suggests that thinking of
NAGPRA as a compromise is connected to thinking that
NAGPRA’s effect has been positive.
Q. 16 How well does the current SAA “Statement Concerning the
Treatment of Human Remains” reflect your views?
The responses to this question indicate that SAA’s 1986
Statement does not systematically misrepresent the views of
any group of archaeologists who have different work regions,
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
17
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
degree years, work settings, or repatriation-related experiences. The three most common answers were “Very Well“
(39.7%), “Varies by Issue” (21.6%), and “Somewhat” (21%),
with “Not At All” being rare (3%). The largest percentage of
individuals responded that the SAA’s Statement reflects their
views “Very Well” regardless of their reported experiences
with Repatriation-related Activities (Supplemental Table 27).
Fewer than 11.4% of any ten-year age category responded
that the statement does not reflect their views at all (Supplemental Table 24). Only 3.9% of respondents working in the
United States answered that the statement did not reflect
their views (Supplemental Table 25). Unfamiliarity about the
SAA’s 1986 Statement was higher amongst the respondents
who do not work, study, or research in the United States
(17.3%) than those who do (8.1%) (Supplemental Table 25).
Of the Work Setting categories, Students had the highest rate
of unfamiliarity with the SAA’s position (17.3%) (Supplemental Table 26). Respondents working in CRM were the
most likely to report that the SAA’s position reflected their
views “Very Well” (48.1%), whereas around one-third of
respondents working in Private Foundations (29.3%) and as
Students (32.5%) consider the SAA’s position as reflecting
their views “Very Well” (Supplemental Table 26). However,
students presumably have a younger average age than other
Work Categories, and this may have influenced the results
seen in Supplemental Table 26.
Q. 17 Do you think the current SAA “Statement Concerning the
Treatment of Human Remains” needs revision?
The most common responses were that the statement
should be revised to “place greater emphasis on cooperation
and balance among different stakeholder’s interests” (26.2%)
and that it “Does not need revision” (25%) (Supplemental
Table 28). In only three of seven decade-long Year of Degree
categories, between 1990 and the present, did over 10% of
respondents answer that the statement “Needs revision to
place greater emphasis on Native American individual and
community rights,” which indicates a possible shift in
thought of younger archaeologists (Supplemental Table 28).
Of respondents who work in the United States, 26.7% think
that the statement should emphasize cooperation between
stakeholders more, 25.2% think that it does not need to be
revised, whereas only 12.4% think that it should place
greater emphasis on “Native American individual and community rights” (Supplemental Table 29). Roughly the same
percentages of Academic, CRM, Government, Museum, Private Foundation, Student, and Other individuals think that
the statement “Does not need revision” as think that the
statement “Needs to place greater emphasis on cooperation
and balance among different stakeholder’s interests” (Sup-
18
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
plemental Table 30). Divisions based on experience with
repatriation-related activities show similarly ambiguous patterns, with the same two most common answers mentioned
above (Supplemental Table 31). No category has a strong
majority of individuals who prefer revising the statement in
a particular way to the option of not revising the statement.
Many respondents addressed Question 17 in the written
comments. Some suggested specific changes to the language
of the statement. These possible revisions include addressing: the distinction between cultural and biological affiliation
(e.g., ID# 3694978621); requiring archaeologists to consult
with Native groups before beginning work (e.g., ID#
3683450590); acknowledging possible changes to views on
repatriation in the future (e.g., ID# 3728118139); and defining and communicating the meaning of “respect” for
remains and cultural views (e.g., ID# 3717789128;
3716936831). Several commenters suggest that the statement emphasizes scientific goals over those of Native Americans (e.g., ID# 3690043548; 3683390175; 3683199249),
although other commenters stated that they agree with a
stance against repatriation of unaffiliated human remains
(e.g., ID# 3719184024; 3718048196; 3683848848). Overall,
the comments suggest more detailed language is needed in
the statement, although there is not a widespread outcry to
change the sentiments expressed in it.
Q. 18 Given the SAA's historic and ongoing level of engagement on
repatriation issues, what level of involvement would you like to see
in the future?
Most respondents would prefer that the SAA have “More
involvement” or “The same level of involvement” in repatriation issues (Supplemental Table 32). Only 2.2% of total
respondents would prefer “Less involvement.” The responses do not clearly vary by Year of Degree category, although
36.4% of those with a degree earned 2010-present are “not
familiar with the SAA’s activities on repatriation issues”
(Supplemental Table 32). Of the Work Region categories,
more of the respondents who work in the United States
would like the SAA to demonstrate “More involvement”
(36.4%), than those who work outside the United States
(22.7%) (Supplemental Table 33). Percentages of Academic,
CRM, Government, Museum, Private Foundation, Student,
and Other respondents who would like “More involvement”
range from 29% (Student) to 38.3% (Museum) (Supplemental Table 34). Students have the highest rate of unfamiliarity
“with the SAA’s activities on repatriation issues” (42.1%),
although many individuals who belong to different categories are also unfamiliar with the SAA’s activities on this
issue (Supplemental Table 34). Those with no reported expe-
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
rience with Repatriation-related Activities were most likely to
be unfamiliar with the “SAA’s activities on repatriation
issues” (35.7%), and those with any reported experience with
these activities were most likely to respond that they would
like to see “More involvement” (37.9% to 43.3%) (Supplemental Table 35). No category of individuals surveyed would
like to see less involvement in these issues from the SAA.
Q. 19 Where do you think SAA should place its emphasis in its
engagement with NAGPRA?
Of the general population of respondents to the survey, the
most popular answer was that the SAA’s engagement should
“place greater emphasis on cooperation and balance among
different stakeholder’s interests” (30.6%), and the next most
popular answer was that the SAA’s engagement should
“place greater emphasis on scientific values” (20.8%) (Supplemental Table 36). The answer of “Needs revision to place
greater emphasis on Native American individual and community rights” only attained more than 10% of responses
from individuals who received their degrees after 2000 (Supplemental Table 36). In contrast, the response “the SAA’s
engagement with NAGPRA” should “place greater emphasis
on scientific values” was more popular with those who hold
older degrees (Supplemental Table 36). The response that
“the SAA’s engagement with NAGPRA” should “place
greater emphasis on scientific values” was more popular
with archaeologists working, studying, or researching within
the United States than elsewhere (Supplemental Table 37).
About a quarter of respondents who work, study, or research
outside of the United States responded that they are “not
familiar with SAA’s level of engagement” (25.3%) (Supplemental Table 37), as are 36.1% of students working in any
region (Supplemental Table 38). Beliefs about “SAA’s
engagement with NAGPRA” pattern relatively evenly in
terms of Work Setting (Supplemental Table 38), and Year of
Degree and Work Region seem to have more influence on
archaeologists understanding and beliefs about “SAA’s
engagement with NAGPRA.” Similarly to Question 18, those
who reported no experience with Repatriation-related Issues
are most likely to have no opinion on “SAA’s engagement
with NAGPRA,” and the majority of those who reported any
such experience were most likely to respond that the statement needs revision to address “different stakeholders’ interests” (Supplemental Table 39).
Section 3. Summary of Open Responses
Several themes stand out within the open responses (n = 609).
Besides personal anecdotes about experiences with NAGPRA, a
common suggestion was that the SAA draft a protocol for col-
laboration between archaeologists and other stakeholders.
These respondents suggested the establishment of a workshop
on collaboration and NAGPRA protocols at each SAA annual
meeting (e.g., ID# 3694978621) and the development of a more
general educational program on NAGPRA legislation and best
practices (e.g., ID# 3689481293; 3685205152). Some individuals
argued that NAGPRA legislations have hindered bioarchaeology (e.g., ID# 3742180746; 3741612277; 3734533099;
3718931756; 3685792389; 3683297705; 3684571556), although
others suggest that there is increasing interest in bioarchaeological data across different stakeholders (e.g., ID# 3685065134).
Some also discussed the increase in communication between
archaeologists and tribes that came with NAGPRA (e.g., ID#
3684571556; 3684275253) and emphasized the importance of
communication between these groups (e.g., ID# 3683710312).
Some commenters addressed the issue of NAGPRA as a civil
rights legislation (e.g., ID#3689742272; 3694198847). These
responders tended to see repatriation as a reaction to historical
and colonial relationships, and they thought that the SAA’s policies should be revised to reflect this.
Also, several responses addressed the validity of certain questions or definitions within the survey. Questions 12 and 13,
concerning whether Archaic and Paleoindian human
remains “should be considered Native American under NAGPRA,” were commonly commented upon (e.g., ID#
3717082586; 3717011977; 3698829457; 3683760650) and
other responses pointed to the importance of these questions
(e.g., ID# 3717067736). Other qualms with the survey questions included its emphasis on repatriation in the United
States at the expense of other regions (e.g., ID# 3730665565).
The responses represent a wide range of positions, which
were stated with varying degrees of conviction, and at times,
hostility. Some notable responses are:
“I was actually shocked to read the SAA Repatriation Policy. It is extremely outdated and Eurocentric. NAGRPA
[sic] is a civil rights law, not an archaeology law, and
should be viewed as such.” (ID# 3689742272).
“The SAA Statement Concerning the Treatment of
Human Remains seems to put Native American archaeologists and those who work on behalf of and/or for tribes in
an untenable position and actually creates a rather hostile
environment for these archaeologists specifically.” (ID#
3692582425).
“The SAA needs to provide NAGPRA training workshops
at EVERY annual meeting to help educate the membership.” (ID# 3694978621).
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
19
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
“A question on the relationship between the law and its
implementation would have been useful, since it is there
that the greatest tension resides.” (ID# 3716973682).
“SAA leadership has established and continues to update
a very responsible position on repatration [sic] and treatment of human remains. I am glad the positions are
increasingly objective and open to multiple views of membership. Thank you.” (ID# 3685272725).
“SAA shouldn’t tell people what to do, but help them to do
it.” (ID# 3739997473)
Section 4. Conclusions
This survey reveals that the majority of the members of the
SAA are not calling for drastic revision of the SAA’s Statement Concerning the Treatment of Human Remains. Some
individuals are calling for revision to balance interests
between different stakeholders, but relatively few are calling
for revision to emphasize either Native American community and individual rights or scientific values (see Supplemental Tables 28-31).
Many members of the SAA, especially students and younger
members, would benefit from learning more about the
SAA’s activities concerning repatriation and other issues surrounding the NAGPRA legislation (see Supplemental Tables
34 and 38). Opinions on some issues seem to be influenced
most by the respondents’ Year of Degree. Some factors that
are related to Year of Degree, for instance: (1) individuals
with more recent degrees are more likely to consider Archaic
and Paleoindian human remains to be Native American
(Supplemental Table 12, Supplemental Table 16), and (2)
individuals with older degrees are more likely to consider
that NAGPRA has had a negative effect on archaeological
research (Supplemental Table 20). On the whole, Year of
Degree and Experience with Repatriation are more important underlying factors in the responses to this survey than
Work Setting and Work Region. The greatest differences
amongst the members of the SAA seem to reside in differences of opinion between members who pursued their educations at different times.
20
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
Supplemental Materials
Supplemental Tables 1–39 are available as an online supplement at www.saa.org/Portals/0/SAA_Record_Sept2016_
Suppl.pdf
Notes
1. Breakdown of the total number of respondents who did not
answer the demographic questions:: Year of Degree (n = 4), Work
Region (n = 3), Work Setting (n = 3), and Repatriation-related Experience (n = 13).
2. The Work Region categories originally found in the survey
are: United States, Canada, Arctic-any continent, Caribbean,
Mesoamerica, Central America-other, South America, Oceania,
East Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, West Asia,
Europe, Africa- Northern, Africa-Sub-Saharan, and Other (please
specify).
3. The Work Setting categories originally found in the survey
are: Academic-Community College, Academic-4-year institution
without a graduate program, Academic-4-year institution with a
graduate program, CRM-Cultural Resources Consulting Firm,
CRM-Environmental or Engineering Consulting Firm, CRM-Museum or University-based Consulting Organization, Education (K12), Government-Federal, Government-Tribal, Government-State,
Government-Local, Museum, Private Foundation, Avocational,
Retired, Student, and Other (please specify).
4. The Repatriation-related Activities categories originally found
in the survey are: Not Applicable/None, Consultation with indigenous or descendant communities, Other communication or coordination with indigenous or local communities, Drafting repatriation
or disposition agreements, Drafting required summaries and
inventories, Responding to inadvertent discoveries during fieldwork, Field research to determine cultural affiliation, Research on
the history of repatriation, Research on comparative multinational
repatriation legislation and processes, Independent repatriationrelated ethnographic research, Participate in multinational repatriation agreements, and Other (please specify).
5. Note: The original survey responses for Year of Degree in the
Repatriation Survey were formatted with overlapping years (e.g.,
1950–1955, 1955–1960, 1960–1965, etc.). This formatting may have
skewed the results because two of every five years are represented
in two ranges.
6. I assume that bachelor’s degrees were typically awarded at the
age of 22, master’s at the age of 26, and Ph.D.s at the age of 32.
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
RESPONSES TO SURVEY RESULTS
I
speak here as one who served on the SAA Board during
creation and passage of NAGPRA (1988–1992) and who
served in various NAGPRA-related capacities within the
University of California (1990–2105), and as California State
Repatriation Oversight Commissioner. Surely the most striking pattern in the Alonzi report is the respondents’ date-ofdegree bias: individuals receiving degrees before 1980 would
like to see SAA advocate for greater protection for the curation and study of Native American human remains under
NAGPRA. While this seems a minority view within SAA
today, it was the majority view when NAGPRA was being
crafted in the 1980s. The obvious question is why SAA supported and worked so hard for the passage of NAGPRA,
when the majority of its members were at best skeptical,
fearing NAGPRA signaled the beginning of the end for
research involving Native American human remains? The
answer is that SAA did so because the skeptical majority saw
the importance of compromise and were willing to go
halfway to meet those holding the minority view that favored
NAGPRA. Much to their credit, and despite many reservations, this majority held that the minority view needed to be
respected and incorporated into a compromise partnership
that would benefit SAA going forward.
Time has reversed the original majority-minority relationship between these two points of view in SAA. The Society
has not done nearly so well in protecting and respecting the
interests of those who hold the now-minority view. In particular, those holding the now-majority view regarding NAGPRA, especially 43 C.F.R. § 10.11, seem disinclined to give
those holding the now-minority view the same protections
they and their views once received. SAA, which worked tirelessly for the passage of NAGPRA, did not work nearly as
hard to prevent the finalization of 43 C.F.R. § 10.11, which
justified the fears of those who had major reservations
regarding NAGPRA but put them aside in the spirit of finding common ground within the SAA.
A good faith compromise requires that each side honor what
the other concedes by protecting the things they did not concede. SAA could have and should have done more to protect
what remained of the interests of those who were skeptical
of NAGPRA but were willing to compromise.
SAA must do better on this count, defending not merely the
right to conduct, but also the legitimacy of conducting,
appropriate research on human remains, because no other
entity is left to do so. The universities and colleges where
much of this work occurs, once the bastions of academic
freedom, no longer see such research as being in their interests. The reason, at least in the case of the University of California system where I worked on NAGPRA issues for nearly
three decades, is all about money.
As state funding for the University of California system has
dwindled, fundraising from private sources has become critically important. The University of California motto “Let
there be light” seems to have become “Show me the loot.”
The NAGPRA connection lies in the financial support to be
had by some campuses from gaming tribes, which are being
aggressively pursued as sources of endowments. This creates a conflict of interest when it comes to NAGPRA compliance, pitting scientists engaged research with human
remains allowed under NAGPRA against fundraisers anxious to please potential tribal donors. Not surprisingly, given
other, nationally publicized serial lapses in judgement and
ethics, my own UC Davis administration has sided with the
fundraisers. It is hardly by chance that the two Native American representatives on the UC Davis NAGPRA committee
now are from the two largest gaming tribes in northern California, one of which has already provided major funding to
UC Davis and is constantly courted by UC Davis fundraisers
for additional donations.
When they excavate, archaeologists know it is their ethical
responsibility to save even objects they do not intend to study
for future research. It would behoove SAA to think likewise
with regard to NAGPRA—understanding that, as the Alonzi
report shows, values and beliefs change; that those dominant
today may not be dominant tomorrow; and that acting to
serve only the view that is momentarily dominant will
inevitably prove short-sighted.
— Robert L. Bettinger, Professor, Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Davis
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
21
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
The SAA’s Repatriation Survey:
Whither North American Bioarchaeology?
I
grew up as a bioarchaeologist with repatriation, receiving
my Ph.D. in the early 2000–aughts. In the late 1980s,
when I entered college, repatriation hung over North
American physical anthropology, bioarchaeology especially,
like an ominous cloud. Then NAGPRA struck the field like
slow motion lightning; one could see it coming, brace for
impact, or even duck and run. Charred beyond recognition
in some places but only singed in others, bioarchaeology
continues. Bioarchaeologists still produce research, gain
Masters degrees and Ph.D.s, and embark on careers in academic institutions, museums, and CRM settings. SAA’s
Repatriation survey took a valuable snapshot of perspectives
within the Society that bear directly on the state of bioarchaeology in the United States. I am grateful to have been asked
by the SAA’s leadership to reflect on the survey results and
will, to the best of my ability, fairly represent respondents’
views while providing my own impressions of bioarchaeology alongside repatriation.
Like other bioarchaeologists of my generation, I was warned
early in my graduate education that I should cultivate an
international project. Repatriation, it was said, would curtail
excavation opportunities in the United States, so I needed a
project abroad that would solidly propel my career. Survey
respondents who discuss bioarchaeology clearly indicate that
people are seeking both training and PI opportunities outside of the U.S. because of repatriation. Further, while the
1990s saw a surge in bioarchaeological research because of
NAGPRA’s inventory requirements, respondents also perceive that new and innovative research contributions from
the U.S. have declined. Survey participants also comment on
the climate for bioarchaeological research: they believe
human remains of every era are being repatriated or
reburied too rapidly without proper analysis, researchers do
not want to request access to skeletal remains and risk wading into contentious political waters, and excavation of
human remains now rarely occurs in educational (e.g., field
school) settings. This is a bleak assessment.
Others’ comments, however, advocate repairing relationships with Native communities, cite how NAGPRA (with all
of its flaws) has facilitated cooperation, and press for a more
nuanced consideration of Native rights in SAA policies. Likewise, in some very eloquent statements, participants discuss
the historical inequities that created museum and university
22
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
skeletal collections, and narrate the fulfilling work they do in
partnership with descendant communities. Calls for more
engagement with tribes and other stakeholders are also frequent, as reflected in the numerical results of question 18
(“Given the SAA’s historic and ongoing level of engagement
on repatriation issues, would you like to see: more involvement, less involvement, the same level, etc.”). While the
poles of the original “reburial controversy” are represented in
the survey results, it is clear that the repatriation conversation within archaeology has largely shifted from “science vs.
Native America” to how NAGPRA is playing out in different
regions where SAA members do their work. Further, my
own demographic and those who attained their degrees after
2010 believe NAGPRA has had a positive effect on archaeology in larger numbers than do our disciplinary elders.
Bioarchaeology is not what it was in 1990, nor should it be.
Bioarchaeological research and interpretation have gotten
better and better. Some bioarchaeologists work productively
with tribes and nations, others handle a repatriation claim
here and there, and others do not participate in NAGPRA
consultations, for one reason or another. Many skeletal individuals have been repatriated, and others cursorily observed
in situ and then covered back up. However, many thousands
of Native American ancestors still lie on shelves or in drawers in museums and universities. In the 1980s and 1990s,
bioarchaeologists contributed their views to the emerging literature on repatriation. Few scholarly venues exist today,
though, for bioarchaeologists to talk about repatriation and
NAGPRA. I believe we need to create those spaces anew.
I urge my bioarchaeological colleagues to take the advice of
many survey participants: do not shy away from engagement—with each other, with archaeologists, with Native people, and with other stakeholders involved in repatriation. By
far the most rewarding research experiences I have had with
Native American ancestors arose directly from relationships
of camaraderie and mutual trust with their tribal descendants. Bioarchaeology cannot, in good conscience, hold itself
above or apart from either the history of colonial collection,
or the complex restorative politics that have arisen in
response to that history. By choosing to be bioarchaeologists,
we become part of a disciplinary descendant community,
with responsibilities to that past in the present.
—Ann M. Kakaliouras, Associate Professor of Anthropology,
Whittier College ([email protected])
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
cases; they were also effective in communicating a clear and
understandable rationale underlying SAA’s positions.
Comments on the SAA Repatriation Survey
S
hould the SAA Statement on the Treatment of Human
Remains be modified, and, if so, how? I assume this
was a key question motivating the survey, and I focus
most of my comments on it. In the interests of full disclosure: As a member of the SAA Board in 1986, I was one of
the key drafters of the present statement, and I served as
chair of the Task Force on Reburial and Repatriation when
NAGPRA was negotiated. Apart from my terms as SAA President and Secretary, I was a chair, member, or advisor to the
Committee on Repatriation (or the predecessor Task Force),
from its establishment in 1989 until 2009. In all these capacities, I frequently represented the Society on repatriationrelated issues, including before U.S. House and Senate
Committees and the NAGPRA Review Committee.
The survey reveals that about two-thirds of the respondents
expressing an opinion on Question 17 believe that the SAA
Statement does need revision. While that represents a prima
facie case for change, let us look closer. Of those expressing
an opinion, a third do not believe it needs revision and a
third think the language should better emphasize cooperation and balance. Of the remaining third, more believe that
it needs a stronger emphasis on scientific values (19%) than
believe Native American interests should have more emphasis (15%). Overall, that strikes me as a strong endorsement
of the principles (and less so the language) expressed by the
statement.
So should SAA change the Statement? Having observed SAA
internal debates over this issue for the last 30 years, my
answer is “no.” There are three reasons.
First, the Statement has served the Society quite well and can
continue to do so. It articulates a key set of principles that
guide SAA’s actions: that both scientific and traditional
(Native American) interests in human remains are legitimate and must be respected; that those interests should be
balanced on a case-by-case basis assessing the scientific
importance of the remains on the one hand and the strength
of claimants’ relationship on the other; that all remains
should receive appropriate scientific documentation; and
that human remains must always be treated with dignity and
respect.
Second, while cooperation with Native American communities is both important and valuable, further elaboration on
that point here isn’t essential. These values are explicitly recognized in the Statement and are even more forcefully stated
in the SAA Principles of Archaeological Ethics.
A final reason to leave the Statement alone is the same reason we don’t invite amendments, for example, to NHPA,
even though it could certainly be improved. Whenever
important, established language is opened up for change,
there is a substantial risk of ending up with a worse result. A
revision consistent with the existing principles has more
potential for fostering division than unity and, in any case,
won’t change perceptions of archaeology in Indian Country.
Whether or not the statement is changed, it is essential
that—firmly contextualized in a balance with Native interests—SAA strongly and actively promote the value of scientific research on human remains and mortuary contexts. If
SAA cannot or will not defend principled scientific research,
then who will?
Finally, a point on NAGPRA’s history. A third of the respondents expressing an opinion on Question 14 were just plain
wrong to say that NAGPRA did not represent a compromise
between science and Native American rights. Whether or not
one agrees with the particulars, it was, unquestionably, a
compromise. Why else would John McCain, one of two Senators leading the fight for NAGPRA, state on the Senate
floor: “I believe this bill represents a true compromise”
(Lovis et al. 2004).
—Keith W. Kintigh, School of Human Evolution and Social
Change, Arizona State University ([email protected])
Reference Cited
Lovis, William A., Keith W. Kintigh, Vincas P. Steponaitis, and
Lynne G. Goldstein
2004 Archaeological Perspectives on the Native American
Graves Protection and Repatriation Act: Underlying Principles.
In Legal Perspectives on Cultural Resources, edited by Jennifer R.
Richman and Marion P. Forsyth, pp. 165–184. Altamira Press,
Walnut Creek, California.
Not only were these principles critical in guiding the Society’s
negotiation of NAGPRA’s language and in framing SAA’s
positions on NAGPRA amendments, regulations, and court
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
23
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
NAGPRA and Archaeological Values: A Response to
the SAA Repatriation Survey
A
s members of the “post-NAGPRA” generation of
archaeologists who currently work with, by, and for
Native American tribes in the U.S., we would like to
say that many things have changed in regards to our discipline’s perspective on NAGPRA. Certainly, several of the
buzzwords of archaeology in the twenty-first century—collaborative archaeology, community archaeology, public
archaeology—reflect a discipline-wide shift toward a more
engaged, collaborative approach to archaeological practice.
Representative of this shift are the diversity of positive, working relationships established between archaeologists and
Indigenous peoples across the globe. In the United States,
these partnerships range from federally or state-mandated
consultation to fully collaborative and community-based
research and learning partnerships that demonstrate how the
opening and strengthening of dialogue between our communities has the potential to resolve complex issues surrounding
the protection, care, and disposition of tribal heritage.
We also see changes in the ways our professional bodies and
institutions have attempted to become more inclusive of
Indigenous peoples. Collectively, we have been the chairs of
the SAA’s Committee on Native American Relations
(CNAR), Indigenous Populations Interest Group (IPIG), and
one of us (Pattie Garcia-Plotkin) was recently elected to the
SAA Board. We are not alone in these accomplishments and
many of our colleagues who are working to create space for
indigenous perspectives have served in similar capacities
within the SAA. This past spring at the SAAs annual meeting, we also witnessed and were a part of two historic events:
President Diane Gifford-Gonzalez’s and the SAA’s official
welcome and recognition of the Seminole Tribe at the opening ceremony and the Executive Board’s sponsorship of the
Native American Welcome Reception, which draws over 50
attendees each year. These actions signify a larger attempt on
behalf of the SAA to build a path forward that allows for us—
archaeologists and indigenous communities—to work
towards a better understanding of each other’s roles and
responsibilities within the discipline.
NAGPRA is certainly not the only contributing factor in these
developments, but it remains a watershed moment in our discipline’s history, one that reflects both the impact of and growing integration of indigenous critiques and perspectives into
archaeological and anthropological theory and practice. And
24
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
yet, 25 years on, institutions report that at current rates, repatriation through NAGPRA and the NMAI Act, will take another 60–75 years to return the 125,000 ancestors still held in federally funded repositories (Chari and Lavallee 2013:13). And
despite the inroads of indigenous and collaborative archaeological approaches, we still see few articles in flagship journals
that address the impact of repatriation and indigenous perspectives on archaeological theory and methodology. If we
have indeed come so far, shouldn’t we see more progress?
The SAA NAGPRA Survey
Responding to these questions, the SAA’s Committee on
Native American Relations, Indigenous Populations Interest
Group, and Repatriation Committee set out six years ago to
survey the membership to determine how far perspectives
within the membership of the SAA have changed. The idea
for the survey emerged out of a working retreat sponsored by
the SAA Board that was convened following the publication
of 43 C.F.R 10.11, the regulations concerning the Disposition of Culturally Unidentifiable Human Remains. While
discussing the Society’s response on matters related to repatriation, several of the attendees pointed out that we had no
quantitative or systematic qualitative data concerning where
the membership stood on the issue.
This past Spring, the survey as drafted by the NAGPRA Survey Committee was finally administered to the membership.
With the publication of the results, we now have a valuable
opportunity to understand and reflect upon the diversity of
perspectives within our discipline. The results of the survey
document a membership still deeply divided over the impact
of NAGPRA, with the majority classifying those impacts as
mixed or negative for our discipline. These perspectives also
appear to be generational, with archaeologists trained prior
to 1990 more likely to support the view that both NAGPRA
and the 10.11 regulations have had a detrimental impact
upon North American archaeology (Alonzi 2015).
The questions that were asked of the membership only
touch the surface of the larger issues that NAGPRA has
manifested. For example, the majority of the SAA membership that responded to the survey believes that NAGPRA represents a balance of scientific interests and Native American
perspectives. This legislation was drafted as human rights
legislation created to equalize the treatment of Native American human remains, associated and unassociated funerary
objects, sacred items, and items of cultural patrimony to be
treated in a humane fashion and not simply as “scientific
specimens.” NAGPRA is more than a federal process that
affects museum collections or a law designed to balance
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
Native American and Hawaiian perspectives with science; it
is a tool used to begin the healing process for tribal communities whom have survived processes of colonization that
turned their ancestors into objects of scientific inquiry.
According to Zimmerman (1997) the former viewpoint
remythologizes the relationship between Native Americans
and archaeologists and is part of a process of our discipline
coming to terms with its colonial past. We thus read the current memberships’ view of NAGPRA as a positive sign, one
that indicates a willingness to consider and integrate indigenous perspectives into archaeological practice.
well as directly by the SAA President. SAA’s current pledge to
support the participation of Indigenous peoples at our annual
meeting and directly sponsor the Native American Welcome
Reception, which was previously sponsored by CNAR and
IPIG, is a welcome step for building bridges between our
respective communities. The recent participation of over a
dozen tribal historic preservation offices in the SAA meetings
points to their and the Society’s willingness to listen to each
other. In our respective roles within the SAA, we are committed to creating more platforms for such listening and healing,
as it opens the possibility for us to find common ground
between our perspectives.
Moving Forward Together
While the survey identifies the challenges we continue to
face in fostering ethically grounded relationships with
indigenous communities, we also see the positive ways in
which we can use this survey to inform how we might continue to work with each other to create an archaeological
community that embraces indigenous perspectives and
respects their fundamental human rights. Education and
involvement of students and practicing archaeologists in collaborations and consultations with indigenous communities
is, perhaps unsurprisingly, a critical venue for shaping disciplinary perspectives of repatriation and transforming our
relationship with tribal communities. Individually, we each
see the power of an archaeological education that is grounded in respect for and understanding of Native Americans
and other indigenous and descendant communities not as
“stakeholders” or “interest groups,” but as the traditional
owners of the lands and heritage with which we work on a
daily basis. The positive outcomes from community-based
field schools such as the Pimu Catalina Field School (Martinez and Teeter 2015), Kashaya Pomo Interpretive Trail Project (Gonzalez et al. 2005), Eastern Pequot Archaeological
Field School (http://www.faculty.umb.edu/stephen_silliman/html/northeast.html), Field Methods in Indigenous
Archaeology (http://blogs.uw.edu/gonzalsa/field-methodsin-indigenous-archaeology-2015/), The Mohegan Field
School (Cipolla and Quinn 2016), Cayuga Field School
(Rossen 2008), and others, point to the possibilities that
emerge when archaeologists, students, and tribal communities come together to care for tribal heritage.
But education alone is not enough. As a society, we should
commit to and support greater dialogue between archaeologists, heritage managers, and indigenous and descendant
communities. At the SAA, we have seen increasing support
for such dialogue through the development of sponsored sessions by the committees on Repatriation, Native American
Relations, and the Indigenous Populations Interest Group, as
Conclusion
There remains much work to be done before indigenous
land and heritage managers and tribal historic preservation
officers begin to see the SAA as a welcoming space. We
remain optimistic that such a change is possible if it is
premised on mutual understanding and respect for the dignity and human rights of Native Americans. To reiterate the
anonymous comment of one survey respondent, “Research
solely for the sake of scientific knowledge regardless of the
impacts to the living is not worth the cost, nor is research
that causes great sociological harm to the living.”
As we take stock of how far our discipline has come and
where we are headed into the future, we want to acknowledge that this SAA Archaeological Record forum is shaped by
each of our positions within the discipline. While we might
represent a Post-NAGPRA generation of archaeologists, it is
important that we recognize our own limited perspectives as:
(1) professional archaeologists; (2) who work with tribal communities in the Pacific Northwest, Southwest and California;
and (3) who are employed by federally recognized tribes and
a research university. The scope of analysis presented in this
venue might look far different with the inclusion of other
voices and vantage points not represented and it is important
not to forget them as we push ahead.
—Sara L. Gonzalez, Assistant Professor, Department of
Anthropology, University of Washington, Seattle, WA
([email protected])
—Ora Marek-Martinez, Department Manager and Tribal
Historic Preservation Officer, Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department, Window Rock, AZ ([email protected])
—Patricia Garcia-Plotkin, Director and Tribal Historic
Preservation Officer, Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians,
Palm Springs, CA ([email protected])
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
25
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
References Cited
Alonzi, Elise
2015 SAA Repatriation Survey Analysis. Submitted to the
Society for American Archaeology. Electronic document,
http://www.saa.org/AbouttheSociety/RepatriationIssues/tabid/
214/Default.aspx, accessed August 31, 2016.
Chari, Sangita, and Jaime M.N. Lavallee
2013 Introduction. In Accomplishing NAGPRA: perspectives on the
Intent, Impact, and Future of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, ed. by Sangita Chari and Jaime M.N.
Lavallee, pp. 7–18. Oregon State University Press, Corvallis.
Cipolla, Craig N., and James Quinn
2016 Field School Archaeology the Mohegan way: Reflections on
Twenty Years of Community-Based Research and Teaching.
Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage 3(2):118–134.
Gonzalez, Sara, Darren Modzelewski, Lee Panich, and Tsim D.
Schneider
2006 Archaeology for the Seventh Generation. American Indian
Quarterly 30:388-415.
Martinez, Desireé R., and Wendy G. Teeter
2015 Ho’eexokre ‘Eyookuuka’ro “We’re Working with Each
Other”: the Pimu Catalina Island Project. The SAA Archaeological Record 15(1):25–28.
Rossen, Jack
2008 Field School Archaeology, Activism, and Politics in the
Cayuga Homeland of Central New York. In Collaborating at the
Trowel’s Edge: Teaching and Learning in Indigenous Archaeology,
edited by S. W. Silliman, pp. 103–120. The University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Zimmerman, Larry J.
1997 Remythologizing the Relationships Between Indians and
Archaeologists. In Native Americans and Archaeologists: Stepping
Stones to Common Ground, ed. by Nina Swidler, Kurt E. Dongoske, Roger Anyon, Alan S. Downer, pp. 44–56. Alta Mira
Press, Walnut Creek.
I
n my opinion, the results of the Society for American
Archaeology’s (SAA) member survey on its stance on
repatriation was watered down and skewed by distributing it to people working outside the United States and those
with no direct NAGPRA experience. By including these individuals, the results are based on opinion and anecdotes as
opposed to direct knowledge of the impact of the law on
archaeology. While I recognize that repatriation legislation in
the U.S. has influenced archaeology on a global scale, I
believe that, if the SAA wanted informed opinions from its
members on its stance, it would have been more effective to
limit participation to those directly experienced with or
26
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
impacted by NAGPRA. Allowing people with no experience—but lots of political views—to speak on the SAA policy
on repatriation as presented in its Statement Concerning the
Treatment of Human Remains further politicizes the views at
BOTH ends of the spectrum. If being inclusive was the goal,
then an alternative instrument structure should have been
designed.
Alzoni’s analysis and report support the interpretation that
archaeologists and students who received their degrees or
training after the passage of NAGPRA are more likely to see
or feel the positive benefits of repatriation. Alonzi (2016:38)
expresses this as: “[t]he greatest differences amongst the
members of the SAA seem to reside in differences of opinion between members who pursued their educations at different times.” The other conclusion reached by Alonzi is that
“the majority of the members of the SAA are not calling for
drastic revision of the SAA’s Statement.” These are both good
to know, and it offers me hope that future generations of
archaeologists might not have to go through the struggles
the previous generations of archaeologists have endured in
this arena.
The Statement Concerning the Treatment of Human Remains is
NOT a repatriation policy, but rather a reinforcement of the
rights of science. While it calls for the concerns of different
cultures to be recognized and respected, it gives no indication that they should be afforded anything more. It presents
human remains as archaeological data and a source of information. If I were required to “sign” a condition-of-membership stating that I agreed to abide by the SAA’s Statement, I
would respectfully decline for two reasons. First, while I
believe it is important “‘to advocate and to aid in the conservation of archaeological data,” as specified in the Bylaws of
the Society for American Archaeology, I do not feel that advocating for the conservation of archaeological data should preclude consideration of the views, traditions, or heritage of
alternate stakeholders. Second, I don’t have “a professional
responsibility to seek to ensure that laws governing that
[archaeological] record are consistent with the objectives,
principles, and formal statements of the Society for American Archaeology.” It might be a responsibility of an SAA
member to lobby for the organization, but this statement can
be interpreted as counter to my professional obligation to
consult with multiple stakeholders and to consider their
wishes and perspectives concerning our “shared” archaeological record. To require me to lobby for any law that I do not
believe in merely for the “health” of my professional society
is restrictive and should not be used to define me as a “professional.”
REPATRIATION AND SAA’S RELATIONSHIP TO NAGPRA
The most useful aspect of the survey is within the various
perspectives reflected in the respondents’ “Comments.”
They offer a wide range of thoughts and perspectives about
NAGPRA, and the anonymity allowed people to answer
freely and candidly. There are nuggets of wisdom there that
will help anyone who is interested in studying the relationships between archaeologists and Native Americans. While I
did not categorize, sort, or do content analysis on them, a
quick read gave me the impression that broad categorization
would provide an almost bell-shaped curve. To me, that is
where the SAA can find the most telling information on
NAGPRA, archaeologists, and Native American issues.
—Joe Watkins, Supervisory Anthropologist,
National Park Service
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September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
27
ARTICLE
SHARING SPACE
FOOTBALL MEETS THE 5,000-YEAR-OLD LSU CAMPUS MOUNDS
E. Cory Sills
E. Cory Sills is an Assistant Professor at The University of Texas at Tyler ([email protected])
A
ncient sites, such as Stonehenge and Chichen Itza, are
spaces often appropriated by modern people for contemporary purposes not directly related to their use in prehistory. As the oldest known earthen mounds in the western
hemisphere, the Louisiana State University (LSU) Campus
Mounds are an important record of the indigenous past and
important to the cultural heritage of Louisiana. However, the
mounds have a long historical tradition of use, including political, religious, and leisure events, which are quite distinct from
their archaeological importance. After the mounds were incorporated into the LSU campus design by the Olmstead Brothers,
the mounds have become significant for their modern cultural
uses and their importance to local and regional groups. By
incorporating the mounds into the built landscape at a public
university, they are now part of public space, but can this space
be shared among the various interest groups?
The two LSU campus mounds are part of a mound-building
complex not ascribed to agricultural groups, but to hunters and
gatherers who used them for ceremonial gatherings (Gibson
1994). The mounds are a high feature (nearly 20 feet tall) sitting
on a natural bluff overlooking the Mississippi River in a flat
south Louisiana environment (Figure 1). Today, Tiger Football
Stadium as well as numerous campus buildings block the view
of the Mississippi River from the mounds. The mounds are part
of the Williams Plantation purchased by the State of Louisiana in
the early twentieth century to be the new location for LSU, which
was moved from the original downtown Baton Rouge area and
opened in 1926. The Olmstead Brothers design firm was granted
the architectural design contract. The firm decided to keep the
mounds intact by integrating the mounds into the plan.
Until recently, limited archaeological investigations have taken
place at the mounds. In 1982, Robert Neuman (1988) cored
both mounds and reported the first radiocarbon dates for
Mound A. These dates ranged from 5345 ± 235 B.P. to 4510 ±
185 B.P. Test excavations surrounding the mound indicate no
evidence of village habitation (Homburg 1988; 1991). The
mounds were listed to the National Register of Historic Places
28
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
on March 1, 1999, with a plaque placed between the mounds.
They are also part of the Ancient Mound Sites of Louisiana trail
guide published by the Ancient Mounds Heritage Area and
Trails Advisory Commission. Recently, remote sensing, subsurface coring, and excavations were undertaken by LSU
researchers Brooks Elwood, Rob Mann, and Rebecca Saunders
(Blitzer 2010).
Preserving the LSU Campus Mounds
Results of remote sensing conducted by Dr. Brooks Ellwood of
LSU indicated that the mounds were eroding and slumping.
Concerned archaeologists, professors, administrators, and students decided to take action to preserve these mounds by denying access to them during the 2010 LSU football home games.
In addition, under Louisiana State Law Chapter 13—Archaeological Resources (R.S. 41:1601–1615) section 1604, it is unlawful to damage archaeological resources on state land. During the
2010–2011 football season, with LSU Institutional Review
Board approval, I spent Saturdays during home games around
the mounds engaging in participant observation and conducting interviews on how the mounds were being used. At this
time, several LSU faculty, including Brooks Ellwood, Rob Mann,
Heather McKillop, and Rebecca Saunders, administrators, and
students decided to rope off the mounds at their base in order
to protect them, titling the campaign “Preserve the LSU
Mounds.” In addition to the support of the LSU administration
and faculty, the “Preserve the LSU Mounds” campaign was supported by the Louisiana Office of Cultural Development, Division of Archaeology. Further support came from the Red River
Choctaw who spent one Saturday at the mounds talking to the
public about the mounds’ importance and the Avoyel-Taensa
Tribe/Nation of Louisiana, Inc. Roping off the mounds became
a heated endeavor for people who previously had free access and
felt ownership of the mounds, especially tailgaters. In order to
provide information on why access to the mounds was being
restricted during game day, the LSU Department of Geography
and Anthropology Club stationed a canopy tent between the
mounds where students and faculty volunteers provided infor-
ARTICLE
before the game, a parade, commonly referred to as the “march
down victory hill,” composed of the football team accompanied
by the marching band, the Golden Girls dance team, and Mike
the Tiger—the school mascot—pass by the mounds on their
way into Tiger Stadium. Upwards of several dozen people or
more might be on the mounds trying to get a better glimpse of
the passing parade.
Figure 1. Overview of the LSU Campus Mounds showing Tiger Stadium in
the distance. Photograph by E. Cory Sills.
mation to the public (Figure 2). The mounds remained open to
the public except on football game days.
Car traffic is restricted Monday through Friday from 8 am to 5
pm on the LSU campus, which inhibits public access to the
mounds. The campus gates are open in the evenings and the
weekends for people to enjoy and visit. On a typical warm,
sunny day, I have observed students lounging, studying, or
socializing on the mounds. On the weekends, I have observed
families having a picnic lunch, taking photographs, and allowing their kids to roll down the mounds. I have witnessed dirt
bikes being ridden on the mounds, as well.
As the highest feature on campus and within close walking distance to Tiger Football Stadium, the mounds have become a
popular tailgating spot. Tailgating at LSU is a public spectacle
full of football rituals. Tailgaters set up tents with folding tables,
TVs, and grills between and around the mounds on home game
Saturdays during the Fall. At a typical game prior to restricting
access to the mounds, I witnessed kids and adults rolling down
the mounds and young adults playing alcohol-related drinking
games, such as beer pong and flip cup, as well as adults sliding
down the mounds on a red wagon and life-sized inflatable doll!
About two hours prior to a football game, the number of people
on the mounds increases in proportion as people gather to soon
enter the stadium. As people begin to enter the stadium,
teenagers move to the top of the mounds to hang out and play
in large groups where they can be seen and where they can view
the comings and goings of others. About an hour and a half
Football is a focal point of campus activity at LSU, as with other
schools in the South Eastern Conference. At the time of the
study, Tiger Stadium held 92,542 people. Now the stadium can
hold 102,321. However, tailgating outside the stadium can reach
upwards of 200,000 people. According to a January 6, 2012 article
in the Wall Street Journal, LSU ranks first in the percentage of
annual revenue the football program brings to the university
(Bachman 2012). In 2009 and 2010, the LSU football program
reported revenue of $69.4 million. Football is not just about the
game on Saturdays; it is a large revenue earner for Baton Rouge
and the Louisiana State University Board of Supervisors. The
Tiger Athletics Foundation is self-sustaining by raising its own
funds to support LSU athletics and, especially, football.
Season tickets to LSU football games and the associated cost of
tailgating are expensive. Many tailgaters arrive in RVs, bringing
with them tents, large industrial grills, generators, multiple
TVs, and enough food and drink to feed extended families,
friends, and the occasional passerby for the day. So, it came as
Figure 2. The LSU Geography and Anthropology Club informational tailgating tent. The tent was placed every Saturday and staffed with faculty
and student volunteers. The goal was to engage the public by telling them
the importance of the mounds. Photograph by Heather McKillop.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
29
ARTICLE
Tailgaters continued to actively resist the restriction of access to
the mounds. Some of the antagonism was directed at the science behind the restrictions. One Saturday, an unknown individual passed half sheets of paper with a conspiracy theory
directed at Dr. Brooks Ellwood’s remote sensing analysis. The
sheet read “PROF. BROOKS ELLWOOD HAS SHUT DOWN
THE INDIAN MOUNDS, HE SAYS THAT THISOTROPIC
SEDIMENTS HAVE BEEN DISTURBED BY THE CHILDREN,
ELLWOOD’S OWN REPORT GEOPHYSICAL STUDIES OF
16EBR6 AND JUST LOOKING AT THE MOUNDS PROVES IT.
THE REPORT DOES NOT VERIFY THE CLAIM!” Apparently,
this individual took the time to read the report about the campus mounds, print up these sheets, and pass them around the
mounds on a Saturday. The statement accuses professors of
denying children the right to slide or use the mounds due to
faulty science. However, as the season wore on and the Geography and Anthropology club, along with concerned citizens, continued to educate the public about the importance of the
mounds, the tailgaters’ resistance began to minimize. The
mounds continue to be fenced off during home football games
to help protect them.
The Appropriation of Native American Space
Figure 3. Kids using a “preserve the mounds” sign to sled down the mounds
during a Saturday football home game. Photograph by Heather McKillop.
no surprise that denying access to the mounds on game day to
tailgaters created tension between the tailgaters and LSU
administration, researchers, and students. Early initiatives to
restrict access to the mounds were met with vociferous resistance. At the first home football game of the 2010 season, large
signs were placed at the base of the mounds that read “Please
Do Not Slide On The Mounds,” “Help Preserve The Mounds,”
“Look But Please Do Not Climb,” and “LSU Mounds 6,000 Years
Old.” These signs did not stay in place long as event goers disregarded the signs, even uprooting them so their kids could use
them as slides (Figure 3). After the first game, LSU administration agreed to rope off the mounds, but people continued to disregard the barriers by climbing over or under ropes or tearing
them down. Finally, a large meter-high green plastic fence was
staked around the base of the mounds and a security guard was
hired by LSU to restrict access on game day (Blum 2010). The
larger fence minimized the foot traffic, even though I observed
a few parents lifting their children over the fence to slide down
the mound.
30
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
Many tailgaters disagreed with LSU attempts to restrict access.
However, setting up their tailgates between the mounds came to
have more importance over time than just for using the mounds
to slide down. One tailgating group called “Tiger Tailgatin’ at the
Cleavage” consists of an extended family that has tailgated in the
same spot for over 12 years. Their t-shirts and sign, which they
hang between two crepe myrtles, sexualize the mounds (Figure
4). However, the tailgate became a way to celebrate their family,
renew memories, and create and maintain rituals. For example,
when a matriarch of the family died, the family dedicated a
memorial plaque for an oak tree and scattered her ashes at the
base of the tree. To commemorate her passing, an hour before the
start of each home game, the family gathers around the oak tree,
places a dozen roses, and toasts her memory with champagne.
These memories and rituals—as well as others I have recorded—have no ties to the mounds as a Native American feature.
Instead, the mounds have been reappropriated and modified
without any association to the past. Nonetheless, the mounds
have become a place of memory and a socially constructed activity space for the current populace rather than those who occupied the space originally. Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) have
referred to the tension between various representations of the
past as “dissonant heritage” where the preservation of the past
by various stake holders can be fragmented and have very little
to do with the original connection to the past. The appropriation
of the LSU Campus Mounds from a Native American space to
one of additional meanings creates a disconnect between the
ARTICLE
Figure 4. The official sign for an extended family that tailgates between the
mounds. Photograph by E. Cory Sills.
past and the present. Of course, this disconnect is not just at the
LSU Campus Mounds but has been seen at other mound sites
in the United States as a product of colonization of the Americas where interpretations of the past are created and recreated by
archaeologists and heritage conservation groups (Mann 2005).
My archival research at the LSU Hill Memorial Library and the
T. Harry Williams Center for Oral History revealed many historical activities associated with the campus mounds in addition to
tailgating, including two notable incidents I report here that create additional meanings for this place. The first plaque to be
placed at the mounds was not the NRHP plaque but the result
of a tragic death of an LSU student in 1984. Courtenay Elizabeth
Smoak was killed by a truck while sitting on the mounds tailgating for a football game. The results of this incident led the LSU
administration to construct small physical barriers and lamp
posts around the mounds in order to prevent vehicular traffic on
the mounds. In 1986, a commemorative plaque sponsored by
LSU Student Government was placed on the southern side of
Mound A.
I found an oral history account in the archives describing a story
of a “stripper” who was hired by Gillis Long’s opposition to
make a speech during the Student Government Presidential
elections in 1946 (Brown 1986). Gillis Long, a respected U.S.
Representative, was a cousin of the renowned Louisiana Governor and U.S. Senator Huey P. Long. In this account by Brown,
at the LSU campus mounds, an angry mob attacked the “stripper” and threw her into a lake on the LSU campus grounds.
Unfortunately, the alleged “stripper” is nameless in history. She
is described as being from New Orleans and possibly hired as a
publicity stunt.
Over time, the mounds have become a prominent feature on the
LSU campus with multiple meanings and uses to the Baton
Rouge and LSU communities. The mounds are used as a public
space disconnected with the past of Native Americans. My
research regarding the use of the mounds shows that there are
many stakeholders, who have multiple views of the significance
of the mounds. Before archaeologists were there to inform the
public of the mounds’ historical significance, the campus and
local community had claimed the space as their own. The LSU
Campus Mounds are a place that is not attached to the original
ceremonial use of the mounds but a place, nonetheless, that
people go to as a location for various reasons. The mounds are
a place to employ political theater such as the story of the alleged
“stripper” as well as a place that people inhabit on game day to
grieve, to socialize, to have fun, and to tailgate. The mounds
have clearly become a feature for invented rituals and traditions.
Acknowledging the community history of the site has helped to
further community involvement in protecting the site. The
restriction of the mounds on football game days has insured
that this public space will continue to be a place that everyone
can share.
References Cited
Blitzer, Carol Anne
2010 LSU Mounds Have Storied Past. The Advocate. 10 December.
Baton Rouge.
Blum, Jordan
2010 Indian Mounds to Be Fenced Again. The Advocate. 1 October.
Baton Rouge.
Brown, W.K.
1986 Interview by Gary Huey. 5 August 1986. Louisiana and Lower
Mississippi Valley Collections, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge,
Louisiana.
Gibson, Jon L.
1994 Before Their Time? Early Mounds in the Lower Mississippi
Valley. Southeastern Archaeology 13(2):162–186.
Homburg, Jeff
1988 Archaeological Investigations at the LSU Campus Mounds
Site. Louisiana Archaeology 15:31–204.
1991 An Archaeological Investigation at the LSU Campus Mounds.
Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge.
Mann, Rob
2005 Intruding on the Past: The Reuse of Ancient Earthen Mounds
by Native Americans. Southeastern Archaeology 24:1–10.
Neuman, Robert
1988 Report on the Soil Core Borings Conducted at the LSU Campus Mounds Site (16EBR6), East Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana.
Louisiana Archaeology 15:1–30.
Tunbridge, John E., and Gregory J. Ashworth
1996 Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in
Conflict. John Wiley & Sons, Chichester.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
31
ARTICLE
COYOTE SKULL AND DIGGING STICKS
BEHAVIORAL MODELS AND PRESERVATION IMPERATIVES
IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOUTHWEST
R.E. Burrillo
R. E. Burrillo ([email protected]) is an archaeologist with the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
T
he treasures of the past have been favorites with fortuneseekers and adventurers since time immemorial, the fossils and artifacts of history often spending their dotage as
curios or décor. Science took official, institutional notice of
these things with the discovery of “deep time” in the 1700s by
Hutton and the subsequent chronological revolution of the
1860s by figures like Lyell and Darwin. Analyzing material
remains to infer conditions in the distant past became a popular
domain of inquiry, especially with regard to the human past,
although through modern eyes it is easy to conflate much of
early archaeology with plundering. The first American effort to
manage and protect its fragile archaeological resources commenced in 1906 with the federal Antiquities Act, a result of
increased awareness that archaeological materials are nonrenewable resources—they are not, after all, making any more
of them—and were being wholesale destroyed by looters.
Stronger laws like NHPA and ARPA followed, affording more
stringent protections for archaeological resources, and the passage of NAGPRA in 1990 doffed hat to Native Americans as
rightful cultural curators of those resources. But in the year
A.D. 2016, the treasures of the past are still favorites with fortune-seekers and adventurers, arguably more now than ever in
the case of the latter.
As with most social trends, fascination with antiquities is a difficult leviathan to track, although the modern Western version
probably dates back just a few generations. Known to many as
“heritage tourism,” travel to archaeological and historical sites,
parks, museums, and places of traditional or ethnic interest is
among the most popular sectors of the travel industry. A 2003
study in Ethnology by Cameron and Gatewood sought to understand this phenomenon, noting that “historical sites and museums in both North America and Europe have become increasingly popular visitor destinations over the past decades, a fact
prompting the observation that history has become a booming
industry” (Cameron and Gatewood 2003:55). The upshot of their
efforts was the discovery that, in addition to pleasure-seeking,
many heritage tourists seek to “transcend the present and
engage with the past in a highly personal way” (Cameron and
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The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
Gatewood 2003:57). This sentiment rings a noble tone, and it is
undoubtedly true of many visitors to historic sites and museums, but that still leaves pleasure-seeking as a principal motivator for many—if not most—other visitors. With regard to visitation of backcountry archaeological sites, it is undoubtedly the
vanguard motivation.
This study presents three behavioral models—two developed in
behavioral biology frameworks, and one that is original. They
differ in their levels of generality, applicability, and abstraction,
and they predict for three separate behavior sets. They converge,
however, on the imperative desperateness of cultural resource
conservation in an increasingly informed culture and in increasingly crowded wilderness settings. It is hoped that these models, the theory that underlies them, and the datasets that inform
them will prove not only educational but useful for the management and preservation of some of our most valuable and sacred
non-renewable resources.
Habitat Quality and Population Density
The Ideal Free Distribution (IFD) model from behavioral ecology is an attempt to account for settlement patterns from the
framework of optimal foraging theory (Fretwell and Lucas
1970). The model is used most often to represent or predict settlement patterns in terms of habitat selection choices based on
economic optimization. In doing so, it makes two assumptions:
first, all individual organisms have the information to select—
and the ability to settle in—the most suitable habitat available.
And, second, all individual organisms are free to shift their
habitat selection in response to local population density. The
assumption, then, is that organisms will distribute themselves
first in the “best” or most favorable location, in terms of desired
resources. As additional organisms move into that habitat and
population density increases, consequent resource stress causes
the suitability of the habitat to drop to or below the level of the
next-ranked habitat, at which point organisms will move to
occupy it, and so on. Figure 1, adapted from Kennett et al. 2006,
illustrates this concept.
ARTICLE
H1 through H3: three different habitats ranked
by suitability in terms of resources.
A: the point at which population pressure on
resources has driven Habitat 1 to be no better
than Habitat 2, at which point individuals are
expected to begin to colonize both of them.
B: the point at which population pressure on
resources has driven Habitat 1 to be no better
than Habitat 3, at which point individuals are
expected to begin to colonize all available
habitats.
Figure 1. Ideal Free Distribution model of habitat selection as a function of
resources and population density.
Like most models, this is best conceptualized in terms of analogy. Say you’re a bird that eats apples, and you come upon two
apple trees: one splendid tree that puts forth 100 apples per year,
and another one that puts forth only 10. You will clearly choose
the tree that puts forth 100 apples per year in which to build
your nest. Next season, four more birds take up roost in the
splendid tree, so that now each of you is entitled to 25 apples per
year—a far cry from 100 but still better than 10. But word gets
around. Within a few seasons the splendid tree is occupied by
20 avian families, each of which is able to secure about five
apples apiece, and suddenly the not-so-splendid tree looks considerably more desirable by comparison. So you leave the tree
that puts forth 100 apples per year (of which you now only get
five) to resettle in the tree that puts forth only 10 apples per year
(but at least they’re all yours). That, basically, is how IFD works.
Now consider not quantitative resources, like water or kilocalories of food, but qualitative resources like beauty, solitude, and
novelty. More properly the realm of postmodernism than of the
material positivism that characterizes the focus of most behavioral ecologists, these incorporeal resources are nonetheless the
principal currency desired by most people who don a heavy backpack and tramp forth into the wilderness. This notion is underscored and supported in the “get there before the crowds do”
columns that pervade magazines like Backpacker and National
Geographic Adventure. The gems, the splendid apple trees, are
those that promise breathtaking and unusual sights in the delicate sweetness of undeveloped and undisturbed Nature. The
problem, of course, is that the “crowds” decried in those magazine articles are comprised of the very people reading them.
As described by the solid theoretical framework of IFD, the
great bulk of recreationists will preferentially gravitate toward
any habitat that appears most suitable in terms of the resources
they desire—beauty, solitude, and novelty—and will begin to
consider other, less desirable habitats only when population
density depresses the value or quantity of these resources below
those of its lower-ranked alternatives. This, then, is the relationship between most recreationists and backcountry destinations.
While there will always be deep-backcountry fanatics whose
bedrock desire is to go as far as they possibly can toward the
edges of the map, the one-sigma majority is content to spend
one or several days on a sure path that promises sure rewards.
The trouble comes when such visitation increases so much that,
for many people, the qualitative resource value drops below that
of harsher but less-crowded locales. Then it isn’t just the few
fanatics pushing deeper and deeper into what Edward Abbey
called the “back of beyond.” Everyone else starts doing it, too.
Illustrative examples of the quantitative effects on backcountry
resources come from the Grand Canyon, where usage trends
show a steady increase in both front- and backcountry overnight
permits during the past several decades (Sullivan 2015). This
apparent correlation can easily be explained as part of a general
trend of increasing overall visitation, but a separate study conducted by Backland and colleagues (2008) suggests that this may
not be the case. Their study was aimed at characterizing
overnight hikers in Grand Canyon National Park in terms of their
preferences and motivations. The results showed that the three
most important motive domains were, respectively, Wild Setting,
Enjoying Nature, and Solitude, the last of which included items
like “Being in an area where human influence is not noticeable”
(Backland et al. 2008:18–19). Escaping noticeable human influence means going farther afield than the last group did.
These researchers also found that a substantial number of hikers
reported visiting archaeological sites as a planned part of the trip
(Table 1), and that the proportion of visitors who did so increased
with respect to how far into the backcountry they traveled (for
those unfamiliar with the Grand Canyon zone system, it goes
from Corridor for shallowest backcountry to Wild for deepest).
And an inventory of backcountry campsites in the Grand
Canyon by Foti and Divine (2006) reports that archaeological
resources, ranging from pits and rock walls to rock art and arti-
Table 1. Backcountry Visitation Trends in Grand Canyon
National Park, from Backland et al. 2008.
Of those who visited a backcountry site:
Zone
Visited an
Planned to
archaeological do so in
site
advance
%
%
Corridor
Threshold
Primitive
Wild
Total
35.7
29.7
35.0
64.4
35.1
18.7
41.5
46.7
55.8
26.5
Felt “very”
or “extreme”
respect
for site
%
78.8
86.9
82.0
84.0
80.5
Felt “very”
Felt “very” or “extreme”
or “extreme” temptation to
sense of
take an
sacredness artifact home
%
%
40.3
41.2
45.0
43.3
41.2
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
1.1
3.2
2.8
0.0
1.6
33
ARTICLE
facts, were present at 16.5 percent of backcountry campsites
(Foti and Divine 2008:8). They further note that, while this number might not be enormous, where archaeological resources
were present, they were impacted between 64 percent (for rock
art) and 81.3 percent (for artifacts) of the time (Foti and Divine
2008:9). In sum, the desire to escape the crowds by pushing
deeper and deeper into the Grand Canyon’s imposing backcountry includes both intentional and unintentional visitation of
archaeological resources, many of which bear scars as a result.
Meanwhile, in the archaeologically rich Cedar Mesa area in
southeastern Utah, recreational visitation of deep-backcountry
areas and archaeological sites has increased dramatically within
the past few decades, as traditionally popular destinations like
Grand Gulch become more and more crowded. A 1999 Deseret
News article by Jerry Spangler on “new restrictions” at Cedar
Mesa noted that some 15,000 people per year were “scurrying
through” its canyon systems at that time (Spangler 1999). That
number has since increased by an order of magnitude. Spangler’s article also included the following prescient statements:
Two decades ago, visitors to the area were experienced,
well-prepared hikers and backpackers. Today’s weekend
warriors are just not as knowledgeable. “What we have
seen is that a lot of users have become less sophisticated
as backcountry travelers. They are not as competent as a
whole,” [Dale] Davidson said. Davidson relates the story of
one woman who recently got lost in Fish [Creek] Canyon,
and she kept calling the BLM offices in Monticello from
her cell phone to have someone talk her out of the canyon.
Long-time Cedar Mesa backcountry ranger Laura Lantz is quoted
in a later article as saying, “We are seeing an increase in what we
call softer users… Guidebooks and magazine articles have sent a
new breed of hiker here, hikers who have no experience in this
kind of environment, and who just don’t know how to behave. It
makes our job harder” (Potterfield 2006). This juxtaposition of
backcountry conditions with recreationists not mentally or physically equipped to handle them is at least partially due to people
pushing deeper and deeper into the hinterlands in order to
escape the crowds. The Utah Office of Tourism’s website explicitly says as much in its section on the Owl Creek-Fish Creek Loop
backpacking route: “This wonderful canyon trek is becoming a
popular backpack… The area is experiencing increasing visitation as a result of overcrowding in Grand Gulch” (Visit Utah
2016). This also introduces the problem of knowledge about
location and access to fragile archaeological resources.
Left Limits and Data Accumulation
Statisticians call it the Drunkard’s Walk. It’s a paradigm for
explaining seeming directionality in certain types of random
34
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
motion; i.e., a thought experiment, not unlike Schroedinger’s
famous parable of the alive/dead cat, to explain why random
processes can nonetheless result in directional trends. Stephen
Jay Gould (1996) explained it like this:
A man staggers out of a bar dead drunk. He stands on the
sidewalk in front of the bar, with the wall of the bar on
one side and the gutter on the other… We will say that the
drunkard staggers in a single line only, either toward the
wall or toward the gutter. He does not move at right
angles along the sidewalk parallel to the wall and gutter.
Where will the drunk end up if we let him stagger long
enough and entirely at random? He will finish in the gutter—absolutely every time, and for the following reason:
Each stagger goes in either direction with 50% probability. The bar wall on one side is a “reflecting boundary.” If
the drunkard hits the wall, he just stays there until a subsequent stagger propels him in the other direction. In
other words, only one direction of movement remains
open for continuous advance—toward the gutter” [Gould
1996:149–150].
Which is to say, as Gould summarizes, “in a system of linear
motion structurally constrained by a wall at one end, random
movement, with no preferred directionality whatever, will
inevitably propel the average position away from a starting point
at the wall” (Gould 1996:151). Gould invokes the old heuristic as
a means to explain apparent directionality in the otherwise randomized process of biological evolution, specifically the phenomenon of increasing body size. Given that quanta plotted
along the X-axis in a typical graph positively increase from left
to right, the wall or “reflecting boundary” in a statistical model
like the Drunkard’s Walk would be at the left, with the inevitable
directionality skewing therefore to the right. This makes sense
in consideration of body size in evolution, where the left wall is
the smallest possible iteration below which a species cannot
drop; e.g., it would be impossible to have a duck the size of a
walnut that was still technically a duck, but not impossible to
have a sloth the size of a truck—as indeed once roamed the
Pleistocene Americas. Gould’s colleague Steven Stanley explicated the process, more formally known as Cope’s Rule, in a celebrated paper (Stevens 1973) from which Figure 2 is borrowed.
The relevance of this to archaeological resources may not be
readily apparent, so an anecdote may help to illustrate the comparison. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Fred Blackburn and
colleagues commenced a program of “reverse archaeology” in
the Cedar Mesa area that would culminate in a handful of celebrated volumes (Blackburn and Williamson 1997). Blackburn
had become enamored of Richard Wetherill’s wanderings in
Grand Gulch while working as a BLM ranger there in the 1970s
and sought to trace and understand the archaeologist-cowboy’s
ARTICLE
and drawings published in the periodical, much of which
amounts to recitations of events that befell the expedition members themselves.
A myriad of other such tales can be found in the annals not only
of archaeology, but of every conceivable domain of inquiry. Photographs, drawings, reports, notes, and maps have gotten misplaced, damaged, or destroyed, and the limited lifespan of
humans themselves means that innumerable data have also disappeared in the form of memories forgotten or taken to the
grave. Information could be lost, in other words, because there
was nothing like a worldwide digital database that holds fast to
every piece of information that enters into it. That all changed
in about 1992 with the creation and launch of what we now call
the Internet.
Figure 2. Postulated pattern of accumulation of random quanta/changes
with a left limit.
historic work. It didn’t take long for Blackburn et al. to find,
however, that the bulk of Wetherill’s notes and photographs no
longer existed. Their consequent objective became one of linking the artifacts from Wetherill’s expeditions housed in various
museums with the sites from which they came, thereby establishing provenience between artifact and origin long after the
fact. Hence: reverse archaeology.
The upshot of this story is that, once upon a time, information
about the location and nature of archaeological sites could be—
and routinely was—lost. Nor is this an isolated case trotted forward to advance a thesis. Consider another example: in 1891 a
popular but short-lived periodical called The Illustrated American
hired archaeologist Warren K. Moorehead to lead a scientific
expedition into the Four Corners area to record and photograph
archaeological sites, as well as to collect artifacts for the World’s
Columbian Exposition. The expedition serves as one among
many exciting tales of adventure and discovery in the Southwest, and the associated materials would likewise serve as a
database of early archaeological information for the region—
had not all of the original maps, negatives, and photographs
been lost when a fire later destroyed the Illustrated’s offices in
New York City (Gulliford 2011). All that remains are the reports
The Internet has created, so to speak, a left limit on information—a reflecting boundary below which potential knowledge
cannot be reduced. As any celebrity or politician who’s ever tried
to get a photo removed from the Internet knows only too well,
once it’s there, it is there for good. Professor of law Jeffrey
Rosen poignantly addressed this in a New York Times article in
2010 titled, appropriately enough, “The Web Means the End of
Forgetting.” In terms of impact, photos and text that disseminate the location of fragile archaeological ruins can have the
same devastating effects as compromising photos or text can
have on a fragile marriage or career. And they can only accumulate. Just like the cumulative increase of quanta of size against
the left limit of smallest possible iterations in species’ evolution,
the quanta of information about archaeological sites can only
accumulate against the left limit of the World Wide Web.
Preservation as a Function of Attention
Based on these and similar behavioral trends, efforts at preserving fragile and irreplaceable cultural resources are up against
formidable odds. Increasing visitation at backcountry archaeological sites by well-intended recreationists—as well as considerably less well-intentioned looters and vandals—is concomitant with the dual forces of (a) increasing availability of site
information and (b) increasing crowd presence at more wellknown and well-monitored front-country sites. This in turn precipitates a serious management problem: whereas people could
formerly be counted upon to aggregate into fairly discrete concentration areas, ever greater numbers of them are dispersing
into backcountry settings where resources are tremendously
more diffuse and difficult to monitor. Coupled with perennial
funding and personnel shortfalls among land management
agencies, this problem becomes ever direr. The sole solution
most often touted by proactive advocates is that of citizen
involvement, e.g., volunteer site stewardship programs and
“awareness campaigns” by groups like Grand Canyon Trust and
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
35
ARTICLE
Destruction
it was, hence “Sacrifice Rock.” The costs are obvious when you
visit the thing: the boulder has been so heavily impacted by fingers and graffiti that the petroglyphs are increasingly difficult to
discern. Yet the benefits are also obvious: however faint, the rock
art is still discernible, and the solstice marker signals reliably
every summer. The costs, in this case, are considerable, but they
do not outweigh the costs of removing the boulder to a safer location and thus obliterating its hallmark feature.
x
Attention
Figure 3. Articulation of attention and destruction with regard to two
impact factor domains.
Friends of Cedar Mesa. Not that this approach doesn’t provide
problems of its own.
Conservationists are saddled with the unenviable burden of
aiming for an optimum on the parabolic curve described by the
variables of attention and destruction (see Figure 3). When sensitive cultural resources receive too much attention, they get
destroyed by over-visitation and souvenir collectors (represented
in the figure as b factors). Too little attention and they get
destroyed by erosion, by looters, or—worse—by unmitigated
development (a factors). The ideal is the point on the Attention
axis marked x in the figure. The problem, of course, is that the
variables involved in this model are unquantifiable. This is
arguably true of the other two as well. Therefore, the curve and
its associated optimum, while theoretically sound, are also
entirely arbitrary. Where does the ideal x lie, exactly? How much
does yet another calendar, another poster, another book of photography actually help? How much does it hurt? And how many
citizen site stewards are too many? How few are too few?
In conservation, as in all behavior, the appeal of a strategy is in
whether—and, if so, to what extent—the benefits outweigh the
costs. And there are always costs. Take the case of Sacrifice Rock
in Zion National Park. Sacrifice Rock is a medium-sized boulder
with a few petroglyphs carved into it, one of few easily accessible
rock art sites in the park. When the road through the park was
constructed, NPS personnel wanted to move the boulder someplace else so that it wasn’t so close to the road and hence so easy
to visit and destroy. But there was a snag: the rock art on this particular boulder is archaeoastronomical, meaning that shadows
fall across it in a clear and deliberate way on a given day of the
year, in this case, the summer solstice (Hatfield and Hatfield
1997). Moving the boulder would protect it, but would remove it
from the very context that makes it what it is. In sum, the choices
were to leave it beside a busy road where tourists can visit it in
throngs, or move it elsewhere and guarantee its safety while
deliberately destroying its utility as a celestial marker, arguably
the most important thing about it. They chose to leave it where
36
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
Similar proposals buttress and inform the publication of location beta for places like the Paria Plateau’s Wave and Escalante’s
Golden Cathedral, such that a weekend visit to the tiny parking
area of the latter now looks like Figure 4. Other comparably
incredible sites and wonders abound in the areas surrounding
these places, and backcountry devotees have no trouble finding
them. But backcountry devotees also tend to be savvy and
respectful, and tend also not to require search-and-rescue
efforts. Meanwhile funneling the Weekend Warrior and Rental
RV crowds toward a few resource targets that can take the hit
incurs far lower overall costs than not telling anything to anyone
and letting them disperse willy-nilly across the backcountry.
Using signage and trails to direct the one-sigma majority of visitors to a few high-profile areas or sites doesn’t amount to cheating them out of a worthwhile experience, in other words, and it
helps to keep both the visitors and the resources safe.
The other and more financially costly approach takes the behavioral models outlined above head-on, and that is to deploy
greater numbers of well-informed and experienced stewards
into deep-backcountry settings to keep an eye on visitors and the
sites they’re visiting. A constant, or at least consistent, human
presence is also a highly effective deterrent to looters and vandals, and in many cases that’s how they get caught in the act.
Trained volunteers are invaluable for this, given the steadily
downward-trending state of personnel funding for resource
management among federal agencies, but researchers and academics have a role to play as well. Research presented herein by
Figure 4. The Egypt trailhead in Escalante, taken by the author on Memorial Day 2016; all of the 20-plus hikers interviewed were returning from the
diminutive Golden Cathedral formation.
ARTICLE
recreational investigators like Foti and Stewart testify strongly to
that, and it is hoped that the semi-informal behavioral modeling
analysis that comprises this study proves a useful tool as well.
Discussion
Not long before writing this piece, I went to visit two archaeological sites in southeast Utah: Coyote Skull, named for the
presence of same in the site’s most prominent feature; and Digging Sticks, named for a cache of what were presumed to be digging implements found in one of its rooms when it was first
recorded. The former I was visiting as part of an ongoing
research project utilizing historic photography as a tool for
archaeological resource preservation. The latter I was visiting
just to see how it’s holding up. I then posted the best photos
from the expedition on my social media page, as my generation
is wont to do, following the usual community rules about not
posting location information or background landscape elements
that people could use to find them. The tabulated responses
look approximately like this:
30 percent: Awesome photos, so jealous, thank you for
sharing!”
10 percent: You shouldn’t share photos of archaeological
sites. Even if you don’t include location information, people might still go looking for them. I read an article, once,
where...”
60 percent: 2
Again: how much attention is too much? How little is too little?
In alerting people to the presence of sensitive and important
cultural resources, researchers and preservationists alike incur
both the benefits of increased support for protection and the
risks of increased visitation or looting. There is no such thing as
a free lunch. The trick is to choose the medium, and the audience, as carefully as possible; to be willing to develop a strategic
few sites for heritage tourism so that the rest can remain safely
tucked away in the hinterlands; and to advocate as strongly as
possible for funding and resources to advance backcountry
stewardship efforts.
Little can be done to stem the dismal tide. Nor could we possibly
conserve all resources and preserve all archaeological sites in
perpetuity, any more than we can generate perpetual energy or
practice such healthful habits that we break the bonds of mortality. But we can at least make efforts to protect and preserve them
for as many generations as possible—for the people who love
them, the people who study them, and the people who consider
them sacred. A paramount component of these efforts is to try
and understand the behavioral trends of people themselves, and
the ways in which we articulate with our environments.
References Cited
Backland, Erik A., William Stewart, and Zvi Schwartz
2008 Overnight Backcountry Visitors at Grand Canyon National Park.
Park Planning and Policy Lab, Department of Recreation, Sport,
and Tourism. University of Illinois, Champaign.
Blackburn, Fred M., and Roy A. Williamson
1997 Cowboys and Cave Dwellers: Basketmaker Archaeology in Utah’s
Grand Gulch. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.
Cameron, Catherine M., and James B. Gatewood
2003 Seeking Numinous Experiences in the Unremembered
Past. Ethnology, 42(1):55–71.
Foti, Pamela E., and Aaron K. Divine
2006 Grand Canyon Backcountry Campsite and Human Impact
Inventory: Final Report. Manuscript on file at Grand Canyon
National Park, Arizona.
Fretwell, Stephen D., and H. L. Lucas
1970 On Territorial Behavior and Other Factors Influencing Habitat
Distribution in Birds, I: Theoretical Development. Acta Biother.
19:16–36.
Gould, Stephen Jay
1996 Full House: The Spread of Excellence from Plato to Darwin.
Three Rivers Press, New York.
Gulliford, Andrew
2011 The 1892 Illustrated American Exploring Expedition. Utah
Adventure Journal, 13 November.
Hatfield, Sharon, and David Hatfield
1997 Sacrifice Rock Solstice Marker Project. Zion National Park Project Report. Manuscript on file at Zion National Park, Utah.
Kennett, Douglas J., Atholl Anderson, and Bruce Winterhalder
2006 The Ideal Free Distribution, Food Production and the Colonization of Oceania. In Behavioral Ecology and the Transition to Agriculture, edited by Douglas J. Kennett and Bruce Winterhalder, pp.
265–288. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Potterfield, Peter
2006 Hidden Treasures of Anasazi Country: Thousand Year Old
Ruins and Inscrutable Rock Art Add Interest in Mystery to Hiking
the Scenic Canyons of Southern Utah’s Cedar Mesa. Great Outdoors: August 19, 2006.
Rosen, Jeffrey
2010 The Web Means the End of Forgetting. The New York Times. 21
July.
Spangler, Jerry
1999 Changes at Cedar Mesa: New Restrictions Help Preserve
Unique Natural Treasures. Desert News. 6 August.
Stevens, Stanley M.
1973 An Explanation for Cope’s Rule. Evolution Vol. 27(1):1–26.
Sullivan, Steve
2015 Grand Canyon Backcountry Information Center, 2015 Statistics and 2000–2015 Summary. Manuscript on file at Grand Canyon
National Park, Arizona.
Visit Utah
2016 Owl Creek-Fish Creek Loop, Cedar Mesa. Electronic document, http://www.visitutah.com/things-to-do/outdooradventures/backpacking/canyon-country-southern-utah/owl-fishcreek-cedar-mesa/, accessed April 4, 2016.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
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CALL FOR AWARD NOMINATIONS
CALL FOR AWARD NOMINATIONS
The Society for American Archaeology calls for nominations for its awards to be presented at the 2017 Annual Meeting in Vancouver. These awards are presented for important contributions in many different areas of archaeology. If you wish to nominate
someone for one of the awards, please review the award’s descriptions, requirements, and deadlines. This information is posted
on the award’s PDF Fact Sheet on the SAA website (follow links to About the Society/Awards page, or go directly to the page at
http://saa.org/AbouttheSociety/Awards/tabid/123/Default.aspx). Each awardee is recognized by the SAA through a plaque presented during the business meeting held at the Annual Meeting, a citation in The SAA Archaeological Record, and acknowledgment on the awards page of the SAA website. Certain awards also receive monetary or other compensation. Please check the
award’s online Fact Sheet for details, and contact the Chair of each committee with questions.
Here is a list of the award deadlines, followed by a brief summary of each award.
1) Dissertation Award / October 15, 2016
2) Fred Plog Memorial Fellowship / November 1, 2016
3) Book Award / November 21, 2016
4) Paul Goldberg Award (formerly the Geoarchaeology Interest Group M.A./M.S. Research Award) / November 30, 2016
5) Douglas C. Kellogg Fund for Geoarchaeological Research / November 30, 2016
6) Dienje Kenyon Memorial Fellowship / December 15, 2016
7) Award for Excellence in Latin American and Caribbean Archaeology / January 2, 2017
8) Crabtree Award / January 3, 2017
9) Award for Excellence in Cultural Resource Management / January 6, 2017
10) Lifetime Achievement Award / January 6, 2017
11) Award for Excellence in Public Education / January 6, 2017
12) Gene S. Stuart Award / January 8, 2017
13) Award for Excellence in Archaeological Analysis / January 9, 2017
14) Award for Excellence in Curation, Collections Management, and Collections-based Research and Education / January 11, 2017
15) Fryxell Award for Interdisciplinary Research for 2018 / February 3, 2017
16) Institute for Field Research Undergraduate Student Awards / March 1, 2017
17) Student Paper Award / March 1, 2017
18) Student Poster Award / March 1, 2017
Dissertation Award
This award recognizes a recent graduate whose dissertation
is original, well-written, and outstanding.
Nomination deadline: October 15, 2016
Committee chair: Jason Yaeger, e-mail:
[email protected]
Nomination deadline: November 21, 2016
Committee chair: Elizabeth Arkush, e-mail: [email protected]
Paul Goldberg Award
(formerly the Geoarchaeology Interest Group M.A./M.S.
Research Award)
Fred Plog Memorial Fellowship
This award ($500) provides support for thesis research for
graduate student at the M.A./M.S. level in the earth sciences
and archaeology.
This award ($1,000) provides support for a graduate student
with ABD status writing a dissertation on the North American Southwest or northern Mexico or on a topic, such as culture change or regional interactions, on which Plog himself
did research.
Submission deadline: November 30, 2016
Committee chair: Susan M. Mentzer, e-mail:
[email protected]
Submission deadline: November 1, 2016
Committee chair: Deborah Huntley, e-mail:
[email protected]
Douglas C. Kellogg Fund for Geoarchaeological
Research
Book Award
This award ($500) provides support for dissertation research
for a graduate student at the Ph.D. level in the earth sciences
and archaeology.
This award honors two recently published books, one in the
scholarly category and the other for a book written for the
general public.
Submission deadline: November 30, 2016
Committee chair: Susan M. Mentzer, e-mail:
[email protected]
38
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
CALL FOR AWARD NOMINATIONS
Dienje Kenyon Memorial Fellowship
Lifetime Achievement Award
In honor of the late Dienje M. E. Kenyon, a fellowship is
offered to support a female archaeologist in the early stages
of graduate zooarchaeology training, Kenyon’s specialty. An
award of $1,000 will be made. To qualify for the award,
applicants must be enrolled an M.A. or Ph.D. degree program focusing on archaeology. Strong preference will be
given to applicants in the early stage of research project
development and/or data collection, under the mentorship
of a zooarchaeologist.
This award recognizes the truly extraordinary, lasting, and
positive accomplishments of an archaeologist.
Nomination deadline: January 6, 2017
Committee chair: Barbara Voorhies, e-mail:
[email protected]
Award for Excellence in Public Education
This award recognizes an individual who has made a lasting
and significant contribution to archaeology in Latin America
or the Caribbean.
This award recognizes excellence in the sharing of archaeological information with the general public and is designed
to encourage outstanding achievements in public engagement. The 2017 award will be presented in the Media and
Information Technology category; the award will emphasize
how nominees used print and/or online media to educate
and increase public awareness. This category recognizes outstanding programs or products that reflect collaborative initiatives that engage diverse communities. Potential applications and nominees who feel their work is eligible should
contact the committee in early November to solicit guidance.
Nomination deadline: January 2, 2017
Committee chair: Tomas E. Mendizabal, e-mail:
[email protected]
Nomination deadline: January 6, 2017
Acting Committee chair: Jayur Mehta, e-mail:
[email protected]
Crabtree Award
Gene S. Stuart Award
The SAA presents the Crabtree Award annually to an outstanding avocational archaeologist in remembrance of the
singular contributions of Don Crabtree. Nominees should
have made significant contributions to advance understandings of local, regional, or national archaeology through excavation, research, publication, site or collections preservation,
collaboration with the professional community, and/or public outreach.
The award is made to honor outstanding efforts to enhance
public understanding of archaeology, in memory of Gene S.
Stuart (1930-1993), a writer and managing editor of National
Geographic Society books. The award is given to the author
of the most interesting and responsible original story or
series about any archaeological topic published in a newspaper or magazine.
Submission deadline: December 15, 2016
Committee chair: Frank E. Bayham, e-mail:
[email protected]
Award for Excellence in Latin American and
Caribbean Archaeology
Nomination deadline: January 3, 2017
Committee chair: Michael Shott, e-mail:
[email protected]
Award for Excellence in Cultural Resource Management
This award recognizes outstanding efforts and advancements in the curation, management, and use of archaeological collections for research, publication, and/or public education. The 2017 award will be presented in the Research category to an individual or a group for their significant contributions and special achievements in collections-based
research. This type of research has analyzed legacy collections by addressing new questions, using new analytical
techniques, applying multidisciplinary analyses, and/or
comparing old and new data sets.
Nomination deadline: January 6, 2017
Committee chair: Joseph Schuldenrein, e-mail:
[email protected]
Nomination deadline: January 8, 2017
Acting Committee chair: A’ndrea Elyse Messer, e-mail:
[email protected]
Award for Excellence in Archaeological Analysis
This award recognizes an archaeologist whose innovative
and enduring research has made a significant impact on the
discipline. The 2017 award will be presented in the Lithic
Analysis category.
Nomination deadline: January 9, 2017
Committee chair: Barbara J. Roth, e-mail:
[email protected]
Award for Excellence in Curation, Collections Management, and Collections-based Research and Education
This award recognizes outstanding efforts and advancements in the curation, management, and use of archaeological collections for research, publication, and/or public edu-
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
39
CALL FOR AWARD NOMINATIONS
cation. The 2017 award will be presented in the Research category to an individual or a group for their significant contributions and special achievements in collections-based
research. This type of research has analyzed legacy collections by addressing new questions, using new analytical
techniques, applying multidisciplinary analyses, and/or
comparing old and new data sets.
Nomination deadline: January 11, 2017
Committee chair: Timothy Edward Baumann, e-mail:
[email protected]
Fryxell Award for Interdisciplinary Research for 2018
This award recognizes interdisciplinary excellence of a scientist whose research has contributed significantly to American archaeology. The 2018 award will be presented in the
Earth Sciences category.
Student Paper Award
This award (valued at more than $1,000 worth of books and
other prizes) recognizes the best student presentation of
original research in a paper session at the SAA Annual Meeting.
Submission deadline: March 1, 2017
Committee chair: Natalie Munro, e-mail:
[email protected]
Student Poster Award
This award ($250) recognizes the best student presentation
of original research in a poster session at the SAA Annual
Meeting.
Submission deadline: March 1, 2017
Committee chair: Gabriel Wrobel, e-mail: [email protected]
Nomination deadline: February 3, 2017
Committee chair: Rolfe Mandel, e-mail: [email protected]
Institute for Field Research Undergraduate Student
Awards
These awards recognize an outstanding student paper and
poster, each with a $1,000 prize provided by the Institute for
Field Research.
Submission deadline: March 1, 2017
Committee chair: Wes Bernardini, e-mail:
[email protected]
CARRYL B. MARTIN RESEARCH AWARD
Sponsored by the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society
The Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society (AAHS) has received a substantial bequest from the estate of
Carryl B. Martin, an avocational archaeologist and longtime member of AAHS. Carrly’s wish was to specifically
support research.
In her honor, AAHS is pleased to announce the Carryl B. Martin Research Award. A single award of $5,000 will be
given annually to a high-quality archaeological or historical research project that focuses on significant questions
in the archaeology of the Southwest United States or Northwest Mexico. In the spirit of Carryl Martin, projects that
allow opportunities for participation by avocationalists will receive special consideration.
Applications for the first award cycle will be accepted through our website, www.az-arch-and-hist.org between
November 1 and 30, 2016. All applicants must be members of AAHS. Applications will be reviewed by the AAHS
Research Committee and the awardee confirmed by the Board of Directors. The successful awardee is expected to
submit information on the research topic for use by AAHS in its publications and online media as well as a final
report on completion.
40
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
IN MEMORIAM
HERBERT WRIGHT, JR.
1917–2015
H
erbert E. Wright, Jr. was born in Malden, Massachusetts, on September 13, 1917. He died November 12,
2015, in St. Paul, Minnesota. He attended Harvard
University for his B.A. (1939), M.A. (1941), and Ph.D. (1943)
degrees in geology. His advisor was Kirk Bryan. Wright was
finishing his dissertation when the United States entered
World War II. He joined the Army Air Corp and received his
Ph.D. while serving as a B-17 pilot in the 8th Air Force in England.
In 1946, while at Brown University, he interpreted the stratigraphy at Ksar Akil Cave, an Upper Paleolithic site in Lebanon.
This began Wright’s long association with Robert Braidwood
of the Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago. In 1951,
he investigated the Middle Paleolithic site of
Barda Barka in Iraq, in 1954–1955 he was
with the Jarmo project in Iraq looking at
Neolithic sites, and in 1960, he was at Lake
Zeribar, Iran interpreting the regional surficial geology and paleoecology. In 1968–1970
Wright joined Braidwood at Cayonu, Turkey,
working on the environmental background
to the Neolithic revolution.
Wright came to the University of Minnesota
in 1948. He established a pollen laboratory
there in 1956, recognizing the potential of
pollen in lake cores to reconstruct past environments and climates. Soon realizing that
lakes had paleo-environmental research
potential beyond pollen, Wright established
the Limnological Research Center in 1959.
He perfected a technique for obtaining and interpreting sediment cores. In 1963, he co-authored a southeastern Minnesota pollen study that established the basic post-glacial vegetational sequence for the Upper Midwest, giving prehistoric cultures an environmental context.
In 1966, Wright joined the Minnesota Messenia expedition in
Greece to help reconstruct the Bronze Age environment. In
the early 1960s, Paul Martin asked for Wright’s assistance in
explaining late Pleistocene extinctions of megafauna. In the
mid-1970s, William Fitzhugh asked Wright to help with
archaeological research in Labrador. He spent portions of five
summers there, studying the fire history. Wright then spent
parts of six summers in the Peruvian Andes working with
archaeologist John Rick and Christine Hasdorf reconstructing
the glacial geology and paleoenvironment, focusing on the
synchronies of southern to northern hemispheres. Wright
assisted Minnesota archaeology graduate student Tom Shay
with interpreting the early prehistoric Itasca Bison Site.
Wright later assisted many other Minnesota archaeological
graduate students, including Julie Stein and Scott Anfinson.
The 1971 publication of Shay’s Itasca Bison Kill brought
Wright to the attention of Midwestern archaeologists. His
contributions to the understanding of the prehistoric environment of North America were soon widely recognized. He
assisted Julie Stein and Patty Jo Watson on reconstructing the
fluvial and environmental history of the Green River in western Kentucky. With Anfinson, Wright challenged the accuracy
of Late Prehistoric climatic periods, noting that climatic
trends were best represented by a single curve. He stressed
that climatic conditions of the Midwest
were not mirrored to the east.
In 1984, Herb Wright was given the Pomerance Award for Scientific Contributions to
Archaeology by the Archaeological Institute
of America. In 1989, he was given the Rip
Rapp Archaeological Geology Award from
the Geological Society of America. In 1993,
the Society for American Archaeology gave
him the Fryxell Award for Interdisciplinary
Research.
Wright’s record of helping archaeology is
marked by almost 70 years of contributions.
This impressive professional accomplishment is only part of the story. Colleagues
and former students, whenever together,
are quick to lapse into “Herb stories,” reminiscing about the
character-building adventures that inevitably occurred in the
field with Herb. His ability to withstand the most miserable,
life-threatening, and often reckless expeditions, even into his
last decade, only adds to the shared bond and sense of pride
that former students and friends feel when thinking about
Herb Wright. The Quaternary research community will
deeply miss this amazing scientist, mentor, and friend.
Scott Anfinson, Department of Anthropology
University of Minnesota
[email protected]
Julie Stein, Burke Museum and Department of Anthropology
University of Washington
[email protected]
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
41
IN MEMORIAM
JAMES J. HESTER
1931–2016
I
recall meeting Jim while he was a graduate assistant for
Professor Frank C. Hibben at the University of New Mexico. This was in 1960, when George Agogino, also at one
time a graduate assistant of Hibben, and I were investigating
the geochronology of Sandia Cave. After getting his Ph.D. at
the University of Arizona in 1961, Jim went to work for the
Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe, where he worked with
the director, Fred Wendorf, in pioneering the field of salvage
archaeology, later to be known as Cultural Resource Management (CRM). Jim assisted Fred in forming the Society of Professional Archaeologists.
In 1962, Jim Hester became a major player in
Wendorf’s Southern High Plains Paleoecology
project, centered mainly in the Llano Estacado
(Staked Plains) of eastern New Mexico and western Texas (Wendorf and Hester 1975). That summer, I was hired by Wendorf to work as a geologist with Jim. We visited most of the Paleoindian
sites and many playa lake deposits to collect samples with stratigraphic control for paleoecological studies by such specialists as Kathryn Clisby,
James Schoenwetter, and Frank Oldfield studying fossil pollen, Matthew H. Holn, diatoms,
Bob Slaughter, vertebrates, and Robert H. Drake,
mollusks, to name a few.
Our work centered on the gravel pit exposures at Blackwater
Locality No. 1, the Clovis type site. The owner and miner of
gravel, Sam Sanders, allowed me and Jim to camp on the
property using his abandoned Airstream trailer. It became a
comfortable dwelling only after we divested it of buckets full
of dead moths and eolian silt.
In late November, Sam’s mining equipment exposed the
skeleton of a mammoth while geologist F. Earl Green of Texas
Tech University, Lubbock, was present. With the help of
James M. Warnica, founder of the El Llano Archaeological
Society, they were able to get Sam to stop mining in that part
of the pit, while Jim, with some members of the El Llano
Archaeological Society, and Earl, with a crew from Lubbock,
began scientific recovery of what turned out to be the remains
of five mammoths with associated Clovis artifacts (Warnica
1966). Fred Wendorf then assigned Jim Hester to represent
the State of New Mexico at the Clovis site, where Jim not only
conducted excavations, but began the systematic documentation of the 1962 finds as well as those of all previous excavations back to 1934. The result is his monumental book Blackwater Locality No. 1, published in 1972.
42
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
In it he not only covers the history of all previous excavations
at the site, but also adds sections on all of the artifacts known
from the site at that time and includes extensive tables on the
typological aspects in Appendix I and on the location, association, and date of finds in Appendix II. In Appendix III, he
provides tables of the vertebrate fossil finds and their association with strata, artifacts, and other faunal elements. He
includes sections by vertebrate paleontologist Ernest Lundeius, Jr. and stratigrapher Roald Fryxell, who recovered
stratigraphic monolithic columns that are archived at Eastern
New Mexico University (ENMU) and have yet to be studied.
I missed out on the 1962 mammoth finds
because, at the recommendation of archaeologist
H. Marie Wormington, I had been hired by the
Nevada State Museum to study the geology of the
Tule Springs site during a major effort to evaluate
the archaeological and paleoecological significance of this, at the time, a probable pre-Clovis
site from which Willard Libby had obtained a
radiocarbon age in excess of 28,000 B.P. Whereas
our work showed no evidence of pre-Clovis occupation at Tule Springs, it did provide significant
paleoecological data for the Las Vegas Valley
(Wormington 1967).
By the time I got back to Blackwater Draw in early 1963, the
Clovis type site had come under the control of ENMU, with
George Agogino in charge. Jim Hester had returned to Santa
Fe, frustrated that the plundering of artifacts by some amateur individuals was beyond his control in part because some
were close friends of Sam Sanders. But Jim went on to publish his indispensable tome.
Wendorf and Jim made a major effort to have the north wall
part of the site set aside as a state monument by having the
governor visit the spectacular display of the mammoth skeletons. Sanders had agreed to sell that part for $80,000, but the
deal was not approved, so the skeletons were removed to storage at ENMU by Agogino and his student crews. Earl Green
took one to Lubbock, while Sanders resumed stripping off the
late Pleistocene strata to access the commercial gravels below.
This exposed a spring conduit with strata containing Clovis,
Folsom, and Agate Basin artifacts. Once again, Sanders held
off while Earl Green and Jim Warnica salvaged what they
could from the fresh exposures (Haynes and Warnica 2012).
Before the Clovis site work, Jim had published the first scientific evaluation of the time of the extinction of the Pleistocene
megafauna in North America based on all available radiocarbon dates at that time (Hester 1960). He continued with the
Paleoindian theme in several subsequent publications, including the contributions that 14C dating by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) had made (Hester 1987). His study of the Elida
Folsom site (Hester 1962) shows what significant information
can be gleaned from a surface scatter of artifacts in a blowout
when systematically collected (by Warnica in this case). He also
published on the origins of the Clovis culture (Hester 1966).
Jim’s interest in Paleoindian studies continued undiminished
even as he went on to other endeavors, including what, at the
time, was the ultimate archaeological salvage project. This was
in 1963 to help recover archaeological data from the Nile Valley in Egypt and Sudan before its flooding by construction of
the Aswan High Dam. In my geoarchaeological work with
Wendorf’s Combined Prehistoric Expeditions in 1974 at Nabta
Playa, it was interesting to learn that Jim Hester had discovered the Neolithic sites there a decade before us (Hester and
Hobler 1969). The Egyptian Antiquities Department requires
all expeditions to maintain a log book in which all finds are
recorded and with photographs tipped in. This huge album is
taken to the field each season so recording may be accomplished at the time of discovery. In it we found Hester’s entries
for 1963 when our Egyptian agent, Ahmed Hindi, showed it to
us in 1974. The locality, a deflated mud flat with thousands of
stone artifacts and ceramic fragments scattered about, was not
called Nabta Playa at that time, only a site by number. It
became a major focus of Wendorf’s field work for many
decades thereafter (Wendorf and Schild 1980).
Jim’s Bedouin guide in 1963 was Ayed Marif, who happened to
be our guide in 1974 and for my expeditions for many years
thereafter. On my second visit to Wendorf’s camp at Bir Terfawi, an Acheulian site about 200 km west of Nabta, I was
being driven there in the company of Ayed and Dr. Rushdi
Said, then director of the Geological Survey of Egypt. Rushdi
and Fred were classmates at Harvard in the 1950s. Rushdi had
the driver go via a remote blockhouse overlooking a shallow
well at Bir Nakhlai north of the border with Sudan. Three of
these had been made for Anglo-Egyptian forces during the
Dervish war to prevent enemy use of the few watering places
that exist in this hyperarid region of the Sahara. As we climbed
the rickety wood ladder to the rampart of this small doorless
edifice, Ayed said that in 1963 he and Hester had found a desiccated human body inside. It was dressed in Khaki pants, and
a wallet contained Algerian currency of the 1940s. There was a
bullet hole in the sternum. We moved the ladder to the square
hole on top so as to enter the interior but found no body. A year
or so ago I asked Jim to tell me more about this situation. He
said it was at the blockhouse at Bir Shep, not Nakhlai, where
they found the body. He said the fact that it was dressed in
Khaki pants and not a traditional Bedouin galabiyah suggested
to them that the body probably was that of a Sudanese camel
caravan person taking camels to a market in Egypt, and perhaps the death was the result of dissention among the ranks.
As to why Ayed told us of the body being at Bir Nakhlai instead
of Bir Shep, my best guess is that it is because we were not
going by Bir Shep, 30 km to the west-southwest, so he told us
the story as if it took place here. The stone blockhouses are
identical and that at Bir Shep is on an ancient caravan route,
the Darb el Arbain or Road of Forty Days, which is still used
by camel caravans, whereas Bir Nakhlai is on a route that has
not been used by caravans in the twentieth century.
This was pretty close to my last conversation with Jim Hester. He
is survived by his wife, Adrienne, and sons, Michael A. Allen,
Frederick Randal, and John David. I will miss him dearly.
Vance Haynes
Regents Professor Emeritus
University of Arizona
References
Haynes, Caleb V., Jr., and James M. Warnica
2012 Geology, Archaeology and Climate Change in Blackwater
Draw, New Mexico: F. Earl Green and the Geoarchaeology of the
Clovis Type Site. Eastern New Mexico University Contributions in
Anthropology 15:1–205.
Hester, James J.
1960 Late Pleistocene Extinction and Radiocarbon Dating. American Antiquity 26(1):58–77.
1962 A Folsom Lithic Complex from the Elida Site, Roosevelt
County, New Mexico. El Palacio 69(2): 92–113.
1966 Origins of the Clovis Culture. Proceedings of the XXXVI International Congress of Americanists, pp. 127–138.
1972 Blackwater Locality Nol. 1:A Stratified Early Man Site in Eastern New Mexico. Fort Burgwin Research Center Southern
Methodist University, pp. 1–239.
Hester, James J., and Philip M. Hobler
1969 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Libyan Desert. Anthropology Papers No. 92, Nubian Ser. 4, University of Utah Press, pp.
1–174.
Warnica, James M.
1966 New Discoveries at the Clovis Site. American Antiquity
31(3):345–357.
Wendorf, Fred, and James J. Hester (editors)
1975 Late Pleistocene Environments of the Southern High Plains.
Fort Burgwin Research Center, Publication No. 9, pp. 1–290.
Wendorf, Fred, and Romauld Schild
1980 Prehistory of the Eastern Sahara. Academic Press, New York,
pp. 1–414.
Wormington, H. M., and Ellis D. (editors)
1967 Pleistocene Studies in Southern Nevada. Nevada State Museum Anthropological Papers No. 13, pp. 1–411.
September 2016 • The SAA Archaeological Record
43
Journal of Archaeological
Science: Reports
Archaeological Research in Asia
Editors: A. Howard, C.O. Hunt
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44
The SAA Archaeological Record • September 2016
CALENDAR
SEPTEMBER 8
SEPTEMBER 22
NOVEMBER 15
SAA Annual Meeting Submission Deadline
Free Online Seminar: Interacting with
the Media: Strategies for Pitching and
Interviewing (3-4pm EST)
Online Seminar: Yes you CAN do that!
Creative Mitigation and Section 106
Undertakings (2pm-4pm EST)
SEPTEMBER 27
SAA Annual Meeting: Nonmember Participant Join Deadline
Online Seminar: Using R Statistical
Computing Language for Archaeological Analysis (2pm-4pm EST)
DECEMBER 1
SEPTEMBER 17
The Pre-Columbian Society of Washington, D.C., will host its 23rd annual symposium, “Divine Kingship: The Political
Ideology of Pre-Columbian Rulers,” on
Saturday, September 17, 2016 at the U.S.
Navy Memorial and Naval Heritage Center, Washington, D.C. Scholars who specialize in the ideology of rulership will
assess the applicability of divine kingship to both Mesoamerican and Andean
societies and will examine how rulers
used this concept to legitimate their
authority. See www.pcswdc.org for
details and information about registration.
Online Seminar: Tribal Consultation
Basics (2pm-4pm EST)
OCTOBER 12
Knowledge Series online lecture: If
You’re Not Having Fun You’re Not
Doing It Right (3pm-4pm EST)
DECEMBER 7
Knowledge Series online lecture: Campus Archaeology Programs: Why and
How to Create Them (3pm-4pm EST)
NOVEMBER 10
Free Online Seminar: Working With
Metal Detectorists: Citizen Science at
historic Montpelier and Engaging a New
Constituency (3pm-4pm EST)
JANUARY 30 2017
SAA Annual Meeting: SAA Member
Participant Renewal Deadline
To learn more about SAA’s Online Seminar Series and lectures, visit www.saa.org
and click on the SAA Online Seminar Series banner.
SOCIETY FOR AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
1111 14th Street, NW, Suite 800
Washington, DC 20005
Change Service Requested
Non-Profit Org
US POSTAGE PAID
HANOVER, PA 17331
PERMIT NO 4
We Want You! Volunteers Needed for the Annual Meeting!
SAA is seeking enthusiastic volunteers for the 82nd Annual Meeting in Vancouver, BC, Canada, who are
not only interested in archaeology but who are also looking to save money and have fun.
To continue to give volunteers flexibility, SAA will again require only 8 hours of volunteer time! The complimentary meeting registration is the exclusive benefit for your time.
Training for the March 29–April 2 meeting will be provided via detailed manuals along with on-the-job
training. Training manuals and the volunteer schedule will be sent out via e-mail on Monday, February 6,
2017. As always, SAA staff will be on hand to assist you with any questions or problems that may arise.
For additional information and a volunteer application, please go to SAAweb (www.saa.org) or contact
Berceste Demiroglu at SAA: 1111 14th Street, Suite 800, Washington, DC 20005, Phone +1 (202) 559-7382,
Fax +1 (202) 789-0284, or e-mail [email protected].
Applications will be accepted on a first-come, first-served basis until February 1, 2017.