Events
http://www-rohan.sdsu.edu/~gawron/semantics
Jean Mark Gawron
San Diego State University, Department of Linguistics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
1 / 31
Outline
1
NeoDavidsonian representations
2
Event predicates
3
Events and thematic roles
4
Further evidence for events
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
2 / 31
Outline
1
NeoDavidsonian representations
2
Event predicates
3
Events and thematic roles
4
Further evidence for events
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
3 / 31
Neodavidsonian event with adverb modifier
Marcia quickly shoved Clive into the cupboard.
[I am rejecting the text book’s distinction between “selected argument”
and “unselected argument” (LOCATION in 33c and 33d)]
shoving event
∃e, t[shove(e) ∧ agent(m, e) ∧ patient(c, e)∧
into(the cupboard, e) ∧ quickly(e)∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
4 / 31
Neodavidsonian event
Marcia took the book from Clive.
taking event
∃e[take(e) ∧ agent(m, e) ∧ patient(c, e) ∧ from(the book, e)∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
5 / 31
Particle
Clive broke some clods up roughly with a shovel.
past breaking-up event
[some x : clod(x)] [a y : shovel(y )]
∃e, t[break up(e) ∧ agent(c, e)∧
patient(x, e) ∧ with(y, e) ∧ roughly(e)∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
6 / 31
A sudden fall
The tree will fall suddenly.
future falling event
∃e, t[fall(e) ∧ agent(t, e) ∧ suddenly(e)∧
t ∗ < t ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
7 / 31
Perception verb: embedded event
Marcia sawe [S Clive punche ′ John].
past seeing event
∃e, t, e ′ [ see(e) ∧ experiencer(m, e) ∧ stimulus(e’, e) ∧
punch(e ′ ) ∧ agent(c, e ′ ) ∧ patient(j, e ′ ) ∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e) ]
The main clause is tensed. The embedded clause is untensed:
Mary saw (that) Clive punched John.
What an untensed embedded clause contributes:
∃e ′ [punch(e ′ ) ∧ agent(c, e ′ ) ∧ patient(j, e ′ ) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
8 / 31
Emotion verb: nominalized embedded event
[NP Kennedy’s assassinatione ′ ] shockede America.
past shocking event
∃e, t, e ′ [ shock(e) ∧ experiencer(America, e) ∧ stimulus(e’, e) ∧
assassination(e ′ ) ∧ patient(kennedy, e ′ ) ∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e) ]
The embedded event is nominalized:
a. That Kennedy was assassinated shocked America.
b. It shocked America that Kennedy was assassinated.
c. ∃e ′ [assassination(e ′ ) ∧ patient(kennedy, e ′ ) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
9 / 31
Outline
1
NeoDavidsonian representations
2
Event predicates
3
Events and thematic roles
4
Further evidence for events
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
10 / 31
stealing silently away
a.
b.
c.
The Bedouin stole silently away.
* The Bedouin stole.
The Bedouin stole away.
steal away
particle
a
verb-
past stealing away event
∃e, t[steal away(e) ∧ agent(the bedouin, e) ∧
silently(e) ∧ t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
11 / 31
foul mood
a.
b.
John woke up in a foul mood.
John was in a foul mood.
a. entails b.
in a foul mood a predicate on John!
past wakening away event
∃e, t[wake up(e) ∧ agent(john, e) ∧
in-foul-mood(john) ∧ t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
12 / 31
leaning heavily
a.
b.
Horace leaned heavily on the counter.
Horace was on the counter.
Does (a) entail (b)?
past leaning event
∃e, t[lean(e) ∧ agent(horace, e) ∧ heavily(e) ∧
on(the-counter, e) ∧ t ∗ < t ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
13 / 31
spontaneously combusting
a.
b.
c.
Marcia spontaneously combusted.
Marcia was spontaneous
Marcia’s combustion was spontaneous.
Does (a) entail (b)?
Does (a) entail (c)?
past leaning away event
∃e, t[combust(e) ∧ patient(marcia, e) ∧ spontaneously(e) ∧
t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
14 / 31
willing instruction
a.
b.
c.
Jones was willingly instructed by Clive.
Jones was willing (to be instructed by Clive).
Clive was willing (to instruct Jones).
Does (a) entail (b)?
Does (a) entail (c)?
past leaning away event
∃e, t[instruct(e) ∧ patient(Jones, e) ∧ agent(clive, e)
willing(jones, e) ∧ t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
15 / 31
willing instruction
a.
b.
c.
Jones was instructed willingly by Clive.
Clive was willing (to instruct Jones).
Joes was willing (to be instructed by Clive).
Does (a) entail (b)?
Does (a) entail (c)?
past instruction event
∃e, t[instruct(e) ∧ patient(Jones, e) ∧ agent(clive, e)
willing(clive, e) ∧ t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
16 / 31
interview over coffee
c.
b.
c.
Anita interviewed Barry over coffee
Anita was over coffee
Barry was over coffee
Does (a) entail (b)?
Does (a) entail (c)?
past leaning away event
∃e, t[interview(e) ∧ patient(Barry, e) ∧ agent(Anita, e)
over-coffee(e) ∧ t < t ∗ ∧ at(t, e)]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
17 / 31
Outline
1
NeoDavidsonian representations
2
Event predicates
3
Events and thematic roles
4
Further evidence for events
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
18 / 31
Order entailments
Brutus stabbed Caesar violently in the back.
a. ⇒ Brutus stabbed Caesar in the back violently.
b. ⇒ Violently Brutus stabbed Caesar in the back.
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
19 / 31
Diamond entailments I
p∧q∧r
p∧q
p∧r
q∧r
p
q
r
t
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
20 / 31
Diamond entailments II
Brutus stabbed Caesar violently in the back
a. ⇒ Brutus stabbed Caesar violently.
i. ⇒ Brutus stabbed Caesar.
b. ⇒ Brutus stabbed Caesar in the back.
i. ⇒ Brutus stabbed Caesar.
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
21 / 31
Diamond entailments
B stabbed C violently in the back
B stabbed C violently
It was violently in the back
B stabbed C in the back
It was violently
B stabbed C
It was in the back
t
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
22 / 31
Explaining the entailment patterns
a. B. stabbed C. violently in the back.
b. [[B stabbed C]](α) ∧ [[violently]](α) ∧ [[in the back]](α)
Both diamond entailements and order entailments are explained!
Let’s call α an event! The meaning of an untensed clause is a property of
an event. For example [[Brutus stab Caesar]] is the property that’s true of
event e if and only if
stab(e) ∧ agent(Caesar, e) ∧ patient(Caesar, e)
At least some adverbials are also properties of events. For example,
[[violently]] is that property that an event e has if and only if
violently(e)
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
23 / 31
In the marketplace
[[Brutus stabbed Caesar in the
marketplace.]]
∃e[ stab(e) ∧ agent(b, e)∧
patient(c, e) ∧ in(the marketplace, e) ]
[[Brutus did something.]]
∃e[ agent(b, e) ]
[[Brutus did something to Caesar.]]
∃e[ agent(b, e) ∧ patient(c, e) ]
[[Something happened to Caesar.]]
∃e[ patient(c, e) ]
[[There was a stabbing in the
marketplace.]]
∃e[ stab(e) ∧ in(the marketplace, e) ]
[[Something happened to Caesar in
the marketplace.]]
∃e[ patient(c, e)∧
in(the marketplace, e) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
24 / 31
Outline
1
NeoDavidsonian representations
2
Event predicates
3
Events and thematic roles
4
Further evidence for events
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
25 / 31
Event verbs: Perception
a.
b.
Zabruder sawe [S Oswald shoote ′ Kennedy.].
Zabruder sawe [S Kennedy shote ′ by Oswald.].
past seeing event
∃e, t, e ′ [ see(e) ∧ experiencer(z, e) ∧ stimulus(e’, e) ∧
shoot(e ′ ) ∧ agent(o, e ′ ) ∧ patient(k, e ′ ) ∧
t ∗ < t ∧ at(t, e) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
26 / 31
Quantification over events I
a.
b.
c.
d.
Everything John does is
crazy.
Most of what happens to
Marcia is funny.
Clive isn’t going to do
anything for Marcia.
Something awful is going
to happen.
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
1
[[X does something]] =
∃e agent(X, e)
2
[[Something happens to Y]]
= ∃e patient(Y, e)
3
[[Something happened]] =
∃e . . .
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
27 / 31
Quantification over events II
a.
b.
c.
d.
Everything John does
is crazy.
Most of what happens
to Marcia is funny.
Clive isn’t going to do
anything for Marcia.
Something awful is
going to happen.
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
1
∀e agent(j, e) → crazy(e)
2
[moste patient(m, e)]funny(e)
3
¬∃e agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e)
4
∃eawful(e)
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
28 / 31
Where downward entailment comes from
Since: p ⇒ q
then ¬q ⇒ ¬p
Since: I saw a white dog. ⇒ I saw a dog.
then: I didn’t see a dog ⇒ I didn’t see a white dog.
Since: Clive is going to buy flowers for Marcia
⇒ Clive is going to do something for Marcia.
then: Clive isn’t going to do anything for Marcia
⇒ Clive is not going to buy flowers for Marcia.
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
29 / 31
Diamond entailments and negation
Our account of diamond entailments thus brings along for free an account
of certain entailments under negation, provided they follow the following
pattern.
Since ∃e P(e) ∧ Q(e) ∧ R(e) ⇒ ∃e P(e) ∧ Q(e)
then ¬∃e P(e) ∧ Q(e) ⇒ ¬∃e P(e) ∧ Q(e) ∧ R(e)
Since ∃e [ buy-flowers(e) ∧ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
⇒ ∃e [ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
then ¬∃e [ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
⇒ ¬∃e [ buy-flowers(e) ∧ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
30 / 31
Exercise 4, p. 254
¬∃e [ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
⇒ ¬∃e [ buy-flowers(e) ∧ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
⇔ ¬∃e [ ∃x [ flower(x) ∧ buy(e) ∧ patient(x, e) ] ∧
agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
⇒ ¬∃e ∃x[ pencil(x) ∧ sharpen(x) ∧ agent(c, e) ∧
ben(m, e) ∧ patient(x, e) ]
⇒ ¬∃e [ sing(e) ∧ agent(c, e) ∧ ben(m, e) ]
Jean Mark Gawron
( SDSU )
Gawron: Semantics
2012-01-25 Ling 525
31 / 31