cervantes`s interpellation of early modern spanish orientalism

WHEN
AN
ARAB
LAUGHS
IN
TOLEDO
CERVANTES'SINTERPELLATIONOF
EARLYMODERNSPANISHORIENTALISM
E. C. GRAF
Mypurpose has been to place in the plaza of our republica game table
which everyonecan approachto entertainthemselveswithoutfear of being
harmedby the rods, by whichI mean withoutharmto spirit or body,
because honest and agreeable exercises are always more likely to do good
than harm.
-Miguel de CervantesSaavedra,Prologue to Novelas ejemplares[my
translation]
Weare engaged in a technical enterpriseat the species scale.
-Jacques Lacan, "L'agressivit6en psychanalyse"[my translation]
WhileI was all intenton watchinghim,
he looked at me, and with his hands he spread
his chest and said. "See how I split myself!"!
-Dante Alighieri,Inferno28.28-30
For much of this century,Hispanists have labored in an effort to elevate Miguel de
CervantesSaavedra'sEl ingenioso hidalgo don Quijotede la Mancha (1605, 1615) to
the coveted status of the "firstmodem novel."Today this kind of criticism may strike
our postmodernsensibilities as a rathertraditionalenterprise,the kind more interested
in establishingan elite hierarchyof literarytastes thanin saying anythingnew aboutan
authoror text. For many, the study of literatureis still an aesthetic beauty pageant in
which "greatbooks" like Laurence Sterne's TristramShandy (1767) or Marie de la
Vergnede La Fayette'sLa princesse de Clives (1678) are paradedacross the stage in a
contest to seduce the Westernintelligentsia.'The postmodernstudentof literaturemay
not have much concernfor this age-old territorialcontest,but she might be interestedto
learnthatthe fallout from Hispanism'squest for the "firstmodem novel" has involved
so muchattentionto, indeedcomplicationof, Don Quixote,thatthe book now resembles
more a postmoderntext than an early modem one. At the turnof the century,we have
been left with what JorgeLuis Borges would recognize as an "aleph":an infinite ideological labyrinththat reflects and/or cannibalizes all forms, thereby escaping all at1. Cf. Harold Bloom's arguablyambitious Shakespeare:The Inventionof the Human.See
also WalterCohen'smaterialistresponseto "theethnocentrismand narrownessof the hierarchically orderedfield of literarystudy in which English, French,and Germanare privileged at the
expense of all other linguistic traditions"[156].
68
diacritics 29.2.:68-85
temptsto describeit.2Whateverwe currentlymean by "Cervantes"(an author,a collection of texts, an ideological construction,and so forth) carries with it an impressive
rangeof criticalresponses.Cervanteshas been labeled converso (Castro,Canavaggio),
Christianhumanist(Castro,Bataillon,Forcione,Herrero,Vilanova),disillusionedsecularist(Lukics, Cascardi),precapitalist(Johnson),anti-essentialist(Wilson),anti-Eusebian
(Presberg),Menippean(Bakhtin),feminist (El Saffar,Rabin, Cruz), sadist (Nabokov),
ethnocentricimperialist(Mariscal),medieval (Gorfkle),homophobic(Martin),non-organicist Aristotelian(Read), and either discursively or actually homosexual (Combet,
Rossi, Smith,Arrabal).This list is nowherenearcomplete,but the readerwill graspthe
robusteffects of the pluralityof perspectiveson Cervantes.
Each of these interpretationsis valid to varying degrees within various contexts,
but at presentI am interestedin readingCervantesas the authorof a multiculturalmanifesto on behalf of the Moriscosof SouthernSpain.3Withinthe contextsof FrenchMarxist philosopherLouisAlthusserandPalestinianpostcolonialliterarycriticEdwardSaid,
materialist,postcolonial,andmulticulturalcritiquesof variousformsof powerandtheir
ideologies can be seen as the fundamentalpropositionsof Cervantes'sDon Quixote.4
Cervantes'sultimate orientationmay perhapsbe inescapablyEurocentric,but his responses to the Europeanexperienceof the rise andexpansionof an ethnocentricmilitaristic nation state are relatively centrifugalwhen comparedto the attitudesof many of
his contemporaries.
In surveying some of the antihegemonicdetails of Cervantes'snovel, I am also
interestedin dispelling the popularmyth of Don Quixote. Especially in the Englishspeakingworld, andparticularlyin the United States,Don Quixoteremainscaptive to a
romanticinterpretation.Despite the efforts of numerouscervantistas,the protagonistis
still generally taken as a positive hero "dreamingthe impossible dream"against his
oppressivesociety, the tone of Wasserman'sMan of La Mancha (1966) as well as of a
forthcomingHollywood version of the novel in which the writershave chosen to make
the narrative"move"by having Don Quixote attemptto rescue Dulcinea from the evil
Inquisition.These are but two examples of the common misrecognitionof Cervantes's
2. ForBorges's responseto the "protestant"tendencyto turnart into an object thatloses its
dialogical distinctiveness,see "PierreMenard,autor del Quijote."For Borges's appropriation
by Frenchpoststructuralism,see John T.Irwin.
3. Moriscos were Muslims living under Christian rule who, after the fall of Granada in
1492, were forced to convert to Christianityin Spain. They were the Islamic analogue of the
Jewish converso.A major event in Cervantes'sday was the rebellion of Moriscos in Granada,
also knownas the AlpujarrasWar,which began aroundChristmas1568 and lasted into the summer of 1570 before it was finally repressedby Philip II. Historian HenryKamenhas called this
conflict "themost brutalwar to befought on Europeansoil duringthatcentury"[131]. Philip III
decided to resolve the ongoing social unrestthat he inheritedfrom his father by expelling over
500,000 Moriscos in 1609-11, four years after the publication of Don Quixote, part 1. Castro
points out that Cervantes'ssarcastic response to thispolicy was part 2 of the 1615 Don Quixote.
Diana de Armas Wilson: "The late Cervantes,I think, could be rankedamong that visionary
companyof Spaniards-Antonio de Montesinos,Francisco de Vitoria,Bartolomdde las Casaswho were actively generating an internal critique of their own empire's colonial abuses"
["CervantesRomancesInca Garcilaso de la Vega"247].
4. In the concludingchapterof Capital, "TheSo-called PrimitiveAccumulationof Capital,"
Marx suggests the postcolonial direction of the materialist critique.In 1969 Althusser glosses
this chapterwithominousconcernfor thefuture: "[t]his last chaptercontainsa prodigiouswealth
which has not yet been exploited: in particular the thesis (which we shall have to develop) that
capitalismhas always used and, in the 'margins'of its metropolitanexistence-i.e. in the colonial
and ex-colonial countries--is still using well into the twentiethcentury,the most brutallyviolent
means" [87-88].
diacritics / summer 1999
69
radicality,whereby the authoris appreciatedfor having anticipatedthe modem bourgeois values of everyone from Goethe to Jefferson-individual freedom, creative escapism, metaphysicalmultiperspectivism,and so on. While Cervantes'santi-inquisitorial and even protofeministattitudesare quite tenable,the liberalindividualistreading
riskserasingthe morefundamentalculturalcomponentof his agenda.In short,Cervantes
did not intendDon Quixoteto be a noble hero, butratheran annoyingethnocentricfool,
a menace to society who acts out his infatuationwith the laughablyantiquatedaristocraticideology of Arthurianchivalricromance.'
Althusser
Althusser'smost salient term, "interpellation,"is used throughouthis critical negotiation of the hegemonic ideology of liberalcapitalismin his famous 1970 essay "Ideology
and Ideological StateApparatuses":
Ideology "acts" or "functions"in such a way that it recruitssubjectsamong
the individuals(it recruitsthemall), or "transforms"the individualsinto subjects (it transformsthemall) by thatveryprecise operationwhichI have called
interpellationor hailing, and which can be imagined along the lines of the
mostcommonplaceeverydaypolice (or other)hailing: "Hey,you there!"[ 174]
This is essentiallya political translationof Lacan'smirrorstage of humandevelopment,
where the infantis deceived into acceptingthe illusion of its autonomyvia its recognition of a corporealself. In Lacan's developmentaltrajectory,the social self loses its
preverbalplurality;in Althusser'spolitical trajectory,the interpellatedindividualloses
radicalagency. But since Althusser'sdefinitionof interpellationis for the purposesof
discussingthe relativelyendogenousphenomenonof the rise of modem Europeanbourgeois ideology, he privilegesthe exchange between classes over thatbetween cultures.
In deference to the latter,the term interpellationcan have a more active and oppositional meaning which Althusser never fully develops [see note 4]. In the context of
internationalrelations, interpellationis a diplomatic gesture, the process by which a
foreign ministerformally questions the actions or policies of anothernation-state.As
we shall see, both senses of the term are ideal for a discussion of Cervantes'sideological and culturalintentions.6
At the beginningof the narrative,Don Quixote has alreadybeen called to actionthat is, been interpellatedin the Althusseriansense-by the ideology of Spanishchauvinism. His desireto imitatethe prenationalheroAmadis de Gaulais a logic broughton
by his havingconfused chivalricromancewith real history.To the extent thatthe books
5. As Mary Gaylord puts it, "Cervantes's novel foregrounds intentions--his own, Don
Quixote's, those of a whole host of other characters" [117]. See this study's epigraph, where
Cervantesis clearest about the problems,means, and goals of his texts (public violence,playful
exchange,and an orderlyrepublic,respectively).For a Freudianassessment of the relationship
between intentionalityand plot design, see Peter Brooks.For a critique of the New Criticism's
aversion to intentionality,see PatrickSwinden[21-29].
6. Fromhis participationin the battle of Lepantoand his captivityin Algiers to his mysterious role as an envoy to Ordn, and from the early drama Los bafios de Argel to the novel Don
Quixote, both Cervantes'slife and his literaryproductiontake shape as a series of complicated
maneuversalong the multifacetedfault line betweenIslam and Spain. For Cervantes'sdiverse
experimentationwith Islamic subjectpositions, see Abi-Ayad,Anderson,Bubovna,Gallotta,and
HerndndezAraico.
70
of chivalryhave muddledDon Quixote's interpretationof reality,they have functioned
like one of Althusser'sideological apparatuses,which subtlyinterpellatethe readerwho
ingests theirvalues. Such is made clear by the novel's exposition.As the narrativeproceeds, however,the discomfortandhumorthatformthe thematicbackboneof the novel's
episodes derivefrom Don Quixote's repeatedinabilityto gratifyhis chivalricimpulses
with respect to others.The initial phase of this process culminatesin the cliffhangerat
the conclusion of chapter8, when the second narratorintrudesto informthe readerthat
the manuscripthe has been transcribinghas ended without offeringa resolutionto the
battle between Don Quixote and the Basque. Here, as the frustrationof the reader's
desirefor a satisfactorynarrativeclimaxcoincideswith thefrustrationof theprotagonist's
desire to conquerhis enemy, Cervantesunveils the process of diplomaticinterpellation
as a key to overcoming ideological interpellation:if the subject alreadyideologically
interpellatedis the protagonistof Cervantes'snovel, the subject now being formally
questionedby Cervantes'snovel is the ingenuousreader,who sharesthe secondnarrator's
and the protagonist'snostalgia for the culturaland militarydominanceof Castile. Just
as one might say that Althusserwishes to counterinterpellatethe capitalist subject of
the nationalistimperialistsubjectof 1605.7
1970, Cervanteswishes to counterinterpellate
Said
Said's Orientalism(1978) offers an importantcriticalperspectiveon the history of European literaturefrom Dante to the present. The general mystique of the Orient has
more often thannot been a hyperbolicformulationbased upon fear and ignorance,and
hence one highly conducive to the sanctioningof military aggression and economic
exploitationby the Europeanpowers. The theoreticalplay of Said's term orientalism
derives fromthe fact thatit describesan Occidentalphenomenon-specifically the ethnocentrismof English and Frenchcolonialism.8It is thereforecurious,but perhapsnot
so surprising,that aside from two ratherperfunctoryreferencesto the medieval epic
Poema de mio Cid [63, 71] and a quick portraitof the stupidbrutalityof Spanishcolonial imperialismin the New World [82], Said's discourse on the Europeanencounter
with the OrientalOtheris largely silent with respect to the case of Spain. Particularly
disappointingis Said's stereotypicalreferenceto Cervantes'sDon Quixote as a book
7. Flores, in his study of Cervantes'smethodof composition,has suggested that Cervantes
realized that the battle betweenDon Quixote and the Basque was the ideal place in the text to
insert thefirst formal break around the same time that he conceptualizedthe novel as a more
lengthyparody of books of chivalry.Moreover,he has this to say about the intentionalityof this
break:
It is obviousthatthedivisionintoPartsat thisstagewasperfectlyviable.It obeyeda
definiteliterarypurposeanda clearsenseof structure.
Thefelicitousadditionof a new
thatCideHamete'smanuscript
must
pointof view(twoif oneconsidersthealterations
havesufferedat the handsof the moriscotranslator)
enrichedthe complexityof the
narrative.[139-41]
8. CompareAmerico Castro's use of the "Orient"in 1966 in a discussion of the aesthetic
praxis of "perspectivism,"whichCastroargued was importedto Spain via Jewish, Moorish, and
Byzantine intellectuals: "En el arte cervantino confluyeron el Oriente y el Occidente" ("In
Cervantine art the Orient and the Occident converge") [269, my translation]. For Castro,
"orientalism"is the appropriationof a superior ontology importedfrom the Orient;for Said,
"orientalism"is a Europeanfetish that results in an ignorant ideological constructionof the
Orient.
diacritics / summer 1999
71
aboutthe dangersof literalreading[92-93]. One is temptedto conclude thatSaid does
not seek allies for his project, that his silence with respect to Cervantesis a case of
"anxietyof influence"in the still-nascentfield of culturalcriticism. Cervantes'snovel
concerns itself with precisely the same problems that preoccupy Said. By his
deconstructionof the very nationalandcolonial periodof Spanishhistorythatshouldbe
of more interestto Said, Cervantesis an importantprecursorin the task of diplomatically interpellatingEuropeanorientalism.
Cervantes
of
If the intendedsignificance of Don Quixoteis an Althusseriancounterinterpellation
the ideology of earlymodem Spanishimperialismand a Saidianor diplomaticinterpellation of the ideology of early modem Spanishorientalism,this intentionis to be found
most explicitly in the fundamentalclimax of the first part of the novel, which occurs
between chapters8 and 9 and on the heels of the famous adventurewith the windmills.
Significantly,this is preciselywherethe novel achievesits modem statusas a "writerly"
text, a book that, as Said puts it, challenges its reader'stendency "to preferthe schematic authorityof a text to the disorientationsof direct encounterswith the human"
[93]. Between chapters8 and 9, where the so-called first modem novel's most importantrupturetakes place, Don Quixote is left in the midst of his duel with the Basque:
Venia,pues, como se ha dicho, don Quijote contra el cauto vizcaino, con la
espada en alto, con determinaci6n de abrirle por medio, y el vizcaino le
aguardaba ansimesmo levantada la espada y aforrado con su almohada, y
todoslos circunstantesestabantemerososy colgadosde lo que habiade suceder
de aquellos tamahosgolpes con que se amenazaban;y la sefiora del coche y
las demds criadas suyas estaban haciendo mil votos y ofrecimientosa todas
las imadgenes
y casas de devoci6nde Espafa, porqueDios librasea su escudero
ellas
a
de
y
aquel tan grandepeligro en que se hallaban.
Pero estd el daho de todo esto que en este punto y terminodeja pendiente
el autor desta historia esta batalla, disculpdndoseque no hall6 mds escrito,
destas hazafiasde don Quijote,de las que deja referidas.Bien es verdadque el
segundo autor desta obra no quiso creer que tan curiosa historia estuviese
entregadaa las leyes del ovido, ni que hubiesen sido tan poco curiosos los
ingenios de la Mancha, que no tuviesen en sus archivos o en sus escritorios
algunos papeles que deste famoso caballero tratasen; y ast, con esta
imaginaci6n,no se desesper6 de hallar elfin desta apacible historia, el cual,
sidndole el cielo favorable, le hall6 del modo que se contard en la segunda
parte. [137-38]
Don Quixote, as we have said, rushed at the wary Basque with sword aloft,
determinedto cleave himto the waist; and theBasque watched,withhis sword
also raisedand well guardedby his cushion;while all the by-standerstrembled
in terrifiedsuspense, hanging upon the issue of the dreadfulblows with which
theythreatenedone another.And the lady of the coach and her waiting-women
offereda thousandvows and prayers to all the images and places of devotion
in Spain, thatGod mightdeliver theirsquireand themfrom the greatperil they
were in.
But the unfortunatething is thatthe authorof this historyleft the battle in
suspenseat thiscrucialpoint, withthe excusethathe couldfind no morerecords
72
of Don Quixote's exploits than those related here. It is true that the second
author of this work would not believe that such a curious history could have
been consigned to oblivion, or that the learnedof La Manchacould have been
so incuriousas not to have in their archives or in their registriessome documents relating to this famous knight. So, strong in this opinion, he did not
despair offinding the conclusion of this delightfulstory and, by thefavour of
Heaven,found it, as shall be told in our second part. [74-75]
The promised"secondpart,"which follows in chapter9, is anythingbut satisfying to
the readerwho seeks the gratificationof an immediateresolutionto the armedconflict.
Chapter9 begins with the confession on the partof the Christiannarratorthatthe fabled
originalmanuscripthas left him in the lurchas well. Firsthe tells of his disappointment
at finding the text to be incomplete,and then he tells of his joy at the fortuitousdiscovery of its continuation:
Dejamos en la primeraparte desta historia al valeroso vizcaino y alfamoso
don Quijote con las espadas altas y desnudas, en guisa de decargar dos
furibundosfendientes, tales, que si en lleno se acertaban, por lo menos se
dividirianyfenderian de arriba abajo y abririan como una granada;y que en
aquel punto tan dudoso par6 y qued6 destroncadatan sabrosa historia, sin
que nos diese noticia su autor d6nde se podria hallar lo que della faltaba.
[139]
In thefirst part of this historywe left the valiantBasque and thefamous Don
Quixote with naked swords aloft, on the point of dealing two such furious
downwardstrokesas, had theystrucktrue,wouldhave cleft bothknightsasunderfrom head to foot, and split them likepomegranates.At this critical point
our delightfulhistorystopped short and remainedmutilated,our authorfailing to informus where to find the missingpart. This caused me great annoyance, for my pleasurefrom the little I had read turned to displeasure at the
thoughtof the small chance therewas offinding the rest of this delightfulstory.
[75]
The intendedirony of all of this is easy to miss, but fortunatelyit is historically
specific. The comedic battle between the archetypalCastilianknight and his Basque
enemy at the conclusion of chapter8 is an emblem of the initial phase of Christian
militaryconsolidationon the IberianPeninsulapriorto the rise of Castile in the twelfth
century.The episode's humorderives as much from the parodyof a militaryencounter
as it does from the Basque's inability to speak proper Castilian,9but the scene also
contains an abstractionfor the popularimagination'sversion of the prehistoricalencounterbetween Cantabriantribes, an encounterthat must have occurredlong before
the Reconquest,and perhapseven before the Moorish invasion (cf. the role of Minaya
de Covarrubias
AlbarFafiezin the Poema de mio 7id).In 1611, for example, Sebastia6n
Horozco, the Cuencan lexicographer,describes the Basque language with historical
awe for a postdiluviangolden age:
9. "LYono caballero?Juroa Dios tanmientescomocristiano.Si lanzaarrojasy espadas
sacas,iel aguacuwin
prestoveris queal gatollevas!Vizcainoportierra,hidalgopormar,hidalgo
I swearyouliar,as
porel diablo,y mientesquemirasi otradicescosa"[136]("Inotgentleman?
I ama Christian.
Youthrowdownlanceanddrawsword,andyou will see you arecarryingthe
waterto thecat.Basqueon land,gentlemanat sea.A gentleman,
by thedevilandyoulie if you
[73]).
sayotherwise!"
diacritics / summer 1999
73
La lengua de los desta tierra llamaronvascongada. Tienesepor cierto que la
primerapoblaci6n de Espaia fue la de esta tierra,por Tubal,tataranietode
Noe; y es cosa admirableque hasta nuestrostiempos se aya conservadosin
mezcla de otra alguna, excepto algunos vocablos quepor la comunicaci6nde
los demdspueblos se avrdn introducido.Esta gente hasta la predicaci6n del
Evangelio vivi6 en la ley de naturaleza,adorandoun solo Dios verdadero.La
Cantabria,Guipazcoa,Alava,Vizcayay las demdspartesdel reynode Navarra,
que han participadoy participan desta lengua, es de la gente mds antigua y
mds noble y limpiade toda Espafa. ["Vascufia"995]
The language of thosefrom this land is called vascongada.It is takenas certain that the first population of Spain was that of this land, by Tubal, third
grandsonofNoah; and it is an admirablethingthat untilour timesit has been
conserved withoutmixturewith any other language, exceptfor a few words
which have been introduceddue to communicationwith the other peoples.
Thesepeople up untilthe teachingof the Gospel lived underthe law of nature,
worshipingone trueGod. Cantabria,Guipazcoa,Alava,Vizcaya,and theother
parts of the kingdomof Navarra that have shared and continue to share this
language, are possessed of the most ancient, noble, and pure people of all
Spain. [my translation]
J. J. Menezo's genealogy of Spanish heads of state shows that this foundationmyth
persiststoday:"Se puede considerarel nacimientode Castillacomo una manifestaci6n
de los pueblos caintabroy vasco, poco romanizados,que defiendensu peculiarmodo de
vida; teniendo como base, la propiedady libertad individual frente al Fuero Juzgo,
nostalgia del Nuevo Imperio G6tico" [1] ("The birth of Castile can be considered a
manifestationof the scarcely Romanized Cantabrianand Basque townships that defended their particularway of life, having as its base, individualliberty and property
before the Just Law, a remnantof the New Gothic Empire"[my translation]).Not surprisingly,numerousmembersof the Covarrubiasfamily served in the governmentof
the Hapsburgsand were often intimatelyinvolved in the recoveryand redissemination
of the Fuero Juzgo. Covarrubiaseven proudly includes the family name in his definition of the term [613].
Clearly, Cervantes's text questions the construction of national identity being
mountedby Castilianslike the Covarrubiasand their Hapsburgpatrons.The slippery
issue of whetheror not the ancient Iberiansaccepted this "just law" or instead had it
violently imposed upon them, first by the Visigoths and later by Castilla-Le6n,is anotherunderlyingtensionat the end of chapter8. The conclusionforegroundsthe violent
contradictionbetween the imperialnostalgiaof the CastilianDon Quixote and the linguistic and nationalisticindependenceof the primordialBasque. Of particularinterest
is the fact thatin Cervantes'sversion of the culturaltension at the mythicalfoundation
of Castile, the characterfighting for his freedomis not Don Quixote, who insteadviolently contaminates-or "stains"as the epithet"dela Mancha"indicates-the purityof
the Basque.
Ask the popularreaderwhich is the most famous episode of Don Quixote,and she
will recall the windmill at the beginning of chapter8. But she will not understandthe
symbolic relationshipbetween the windmill and the postponed image of the crossed
blades of the Castilianand the Basque, where "X marksthe spot" again at the conclusion of the very same chapter.Fidel Fajardo-Acostahas pointedout thatthe giant windmills are a referenceto the final circle of the Inferno,where Dante undergoeshis own
crucialtransformationby havingto embraceSatanandsymbolicallyreversethe upside-
74
down logic of his universein orderto proceed.10Subsequently,Don Quixote's ridiculous battle with the Basque marks the climax of the novel's satirical portraitof the
Castiliannationalidentity that remainsincapableof learning from its "revolutionary"
fall and is still hell-bent on demonizingeverythingand everyone it meets. Indeed,only
momentsafterbeing thrownto the groundandhavinghis lance brokenby the windmill,
but still previous to his encounterwith the Basque, Don Quixote had alreadydeclared
his intentionto emulatea certainDiego Perez de Vargas,whose fame and epithetderive
from his prowess againstMoors:
-Yo me acuerdo haber leido que un caballero espahol llamadoDiego Perez
de Vargas,habiendose en una batalla roto la espada, desgaj6 de una encina
unpesado ramoo tronco,y con ~1hizo tales cosas aquel dia y machac6 tantos
morosque le qued6por sobrenombreMachuca,y ast el como sus decendientes
se llamarondesde aquel dia en adelante Vargasy Machuca.Hete dicho esto,
porque de la primera encina o roble que se me deparepienso desgajar otro
troncotaly tan buenocomo aquel que me imagino,y pienso hacer con J1tales
hazafias,que taite tengaspor bien afortunadode habermerecidovenira vellas
y a ser testigo de cosas que apenas podrdn ser creidas. [ 131]
I rememberreadingthata certainSpanishknightcalled Diego Perezde Vargas,
having brokenhis swordin battle,tore a great boughor limbfrom an oak, and
performedsuch deeds with it that day, and pounded so many Moors, that he
earned the surnameof the Pounder,and thushe and his descendantsfrom that
day onwards have been called Vargasy Machuca. I mention this because I
propose to tear downjust such a limbfrom thefirst oak we meet, as big and as
good as his; and I intendto do such deeds with it thatyou may consideryourself mostfortunate to have won the right to see them. For you will witness
things which will scarcely be credited.[69]"
And so the unmaskingof imperialistideology thatoccursat the conclusionof this chapter is made even more completeby the suddencontextualpresencesof both the original
ArabicauthorCide HameteBenengeli and the Morisco translator.If the battlebetween
the Basque and Don Quixote is symbolic of the dialecticaldifficultyat the mythic foundationof Castile,thenthe presencesof the Arabandthe Moriscoallow for the "othered"
perspectivesof morerecentCastilianhistory.Similarly,the use of the term"granada"as
an image of the hypotheticaloutcome of the violence between the Basque and Don
Quixote ("dosfuribundosfendientes,tales, que si en lleno se acertaban,por lo menos se
dividiriany fenderiande arribaabajoy abririancomo una granada"[139] ("two such
furiousdownwardstrokesas, had they strucktrue,would have cleft both knights asunder from head to foot, and split them like pomegranates"[75]) strongly suggests the
10. Come quandouna grossa nebbia spira
o quandol'emisperio nostro annotta,
par di lungi un molin che'l vento gira,
veder mi parveun tal dificio allotta.[Inferno34.4-7]
Just as, when night falls on our hemisphere
or when a heavy fog is blowing thick,
a windmill seems to wheel when seen far off,
so then I seemed to see that sort of structure.
11.Forthewindmillepisodeas Cervantes's
symboliccastrationofDonQuixote,seeJohnT.
Cull.
diacritics / summer 1999
75
SandroBotticelli, The Virginand Child (c. 1490). Courtesy
of the Fogg Art Museum, HarvardUniversity;@1999 President and Fellows of HarvardCollege.
SalvadorDali, Dream Caused by the Flight of a Bee arounda Pomegranate
One Second before Awakening (1941). Courtesy of Museo ThyssenBornemisza,Madrid;? 1999 Artists'Rights Society (ARS), New York.
kingdomby the same name thatis the currentsite of the Moriscoproblem[see note 3].12
In conjunction,then,theMoor,theBasque,theArab,andthe Moriscocontainthe Castilian
(protagonist,second narrator,andreader)and force him to examinethe violence both at
the beginning, middle, and present of his nationalhistory. Much more than a modem
deconstructionof the suspensionof disbelief involved in the acts of narratingand reading, what is truly marvelous about Cervantes's"disorienting"transitionis the way in
which he weaves the laughterof the Arabic Other into a deconstructionof Castilian
identity. Cervantes,the ultimate authorof what at this moment becomes the modem
novel, subtly invites his readerto laugh along with both the Morisco translatorand the
originalArabic authorat the ingenuous antics of the medievalCastiliannationalist.
At the beginningof chapter9, Cervantes'sChristiannarratorenthusiasticallyseeks
the outcome of the battle. Indeed he seeks the self-privilegingpleasureof an alreadyknown outcome. The mere fact that a Castilianis transcribingthe novel for a Castilian
public would indicatethatDon Quixote is expected to defeat the Basque for the historical allegoryto reflect reality.But the rupturingactionof Cervantes'snarrativedisallows
this result, and what ensues instead is a dizzying deconstructionof national, ethnic,
religious, and linguistic subjectpositions. Here in Toledo, in the very heartof Spain, in
its religious centerjust south of Madrid,in its ancientimperialVisigothic capital-the
gloriousmulticulturalcenterof medievaltranslations,butlaterhome to one of thebloodiest inquisitorialtribunals-a young boy in the marketplace("alcana"from the Arabic
"al-janit")providesthe Castiliannarratorwith the Arabictext thatsupposedlypromises
to relinquishthe preferredoutcome:
Pas6, pues, el hallarla en esta manera:
Estando yo un dia en el Alcand de Toledo, lleg6 un muchachoa vender
unos cartapacios y papeles viejos a un sedero; y como yo soy aficionado a
leer, aunque sean los papeles rotos de las calles, llevado desta mi natural
inclinaci6n, tome un cartapacio de los que el muchachovendia, y vile con
cardcteresque conoci ser ardbigos. Ypuesto que aunque los conocia no los
sabia leer, anduve mirandosi parecia por alli algan morisco aljamiado que
los leyese, y nofue muydificultosohallar interpretesemejante,pues aunquele
buscara de otra mejory mds antigua lengua, le hallara. Enfin, la suerte me
depard uno, que, dicidndolemi deseo y ponidndole el libro en las manos, le
abri6 por medio, y leyendo un poco en el, se comenz6a reir. [142-43]
This is how the discovery occurred:--One day I was in the
at Toledo,
when a lad came to sell some parchmentsand old papers toAlcandt
a silk merchant.
Now as I have a tastefor reading even tornpapers lying in the streets, I was
impelled by my natural inclinationto take up one of the parchmentbooks the
lad was selling, and saw in it characters which I recognized as Arabic. But
thoughI could recognizethemI could not read them,and lookedaroundto see
if therewas not some Spanish-speakingMoor about,to read themto me; and it
was not difficulttofind such an interpreterthere.For,even if I had wantedone
for a better and older language, I should have found one. In short, chance
offeredme one, to whom I explained what I wanted,placing the book in his
12. Thisfruit (granada 'pomegranate')as a symbolfor the kingdomwith the same name
persists today at the bottomof the national coat of arms. SalvadorDalfi'sSuefio causado por el
vuelo de una abejaun segundo antes del despertar(1944) is an abstractionof Iberian historyup
to the Spanish Civil Warthat echoes Cervantes's technique,albeit with much less humor.Note
also thatthepomegranatesymbolizesthe life-givingblood of Christfrom medievaltimes-that is,
anotherinstanceof Cervantes'sappealfor a Christiansolution to the violence of Spanishhistory.
diacritics / summer 1999
77
hands. He opened it in the middle, and after reading a little began to laugh.
[76]
And so the old Morisco translatorin Toledo greets the fumbling second narrator
and his complicit readerwith laughter.Laughterat what? In general, laughterat the
desperateimportancethatthe Castilianhas placed on such a silly text. But the specificity of this laughteris even more amazing,and perhapsparadoxicallyjustifies said importance.For the Morisco translatorhas comprehendedan Arabic commentator'sjoke
in the marginabouta classic Castiliananxiety thatdeserves to be laughed at:
Pregunteleyo que de qud se reia, y respondi6meque de una cosa que tenia
aquel libro escrita en el margenpor anotaci6n. Dijele que me la dijese, y el,
sin dejar la risa, dijo:
Dulcinea
-Estd, como he dicho, aqui en el margen escrito esto: <<Esta
del Toboso, tantas veces en esta historia referida, dicen que tuvo la mejor
manopara salar puercos que otra mujerde toda la Mancha.~>
[142-43]
I askedhimwhat he was laughingat, and he answeredthatit was at something
writtenin the marginof the book by way of a note. I asked him to tell me what
it was and, still laughing,he answered: "Thisis what is writtenin the margin:
'Theysay thatDulcinea del Toboso,so often mentionedin this history,was the
best hand at salting pork of any woman in all La Mancha.'" [76]
This is much more than the Morisco laughingat the object of the CastilianChristian's
desire;this is a complicatedgeopolitical and culturaljoke. He is mocking the Castilian
Christian'sethnic anxiety,his need to prove,by eatingpork,thatneitherhe nor his love
object areJewishor Islamic.The Moriscotranslator'slaughterdiscloses the knowledge
he shares with Arabic readersand glossers who recognize that Don Quixote's lady is
also from "La Mancha,"and thereforequite likely Semitic despite her reputationfor
salting pork. In short, afternearly 900 years of convivencia,this patheticCastilianattemptat a clearethnicor culturaldistinctionstrikesthe Moriscoas absurd.The question
now: is the Spanishreaderof 1605 still laughing?The ultimateresult of the windmill
episode is as simple as "whatgoes aroundcomes around."Just as Don Quixote would
contaminatethe Basque golden age with Castilianhistory,so the Morisco reducesthe
Castilianconcernforbloodpuritywithmarginalirreverence.Morelatesixteenth-century
over, the fact that this culturallyinterpellatingjoke occurs in the marketplaceadds a
Bakhtiniandimension to the Cervantinecritique.Bakhtin'spositive assessmentof the
lower-class humorof Rabelaisas the textualequivalentof liberatingspaces and events
like the marketplaceor carnivalis akinto Cervantes'sregardfor the young merchantas
well as his sympathywith the laughterof the Morisco translator."
But let us be even more specific aboutwhatit is thatprovokesthe Morisco's laughter.Let us do exactly as he does andopen the book at the middleandreada little. When
we do, we find more evidence of the novel's multiculturalhumoras well as its remarkable degreeof self-referentiality.The following passage at the beginningof chapter26,
the middle of the novel's 52 chapters,might easily provokea wry Arabiccommentator
to scribblesomethingsnide in the margin:
13. For Cervantes'sconcernfor the social vitality of the marketplace,see Johnson. I have
employed Bakhtin in a cursory manner because the Soviet theorist is far more common in
Cervantinestudies than eitherAlthusseror Said. For more on Bakhtinand Cervantes,see Reed,
Gorfkle,and Cascardi ("Romance,Ideology and Iconoclasm in Cervantes").
78
Yvolviendoa contar lo que hizo el de la TristeFigura despues que se vio solo,
dice la historia que, asi como don Quijote acab6 de dar las tumbaso vueltas
de medio abajo desnudoy de medio arriba vestido, y que vio que Sancho se
habia ido, sin quereraguardara ver mds sandeces, se subi6 sobre una punta
de unaaltapefia, y alli torn6a pensar lo que otrasmuchasveces habiapensado,
sin habersejamds resueltoen ello; y era que cudl seria mejory le estaria mds
a cuento: imitara Rolddnen las locuras desaforadasque hizo, o enAmadisen
las malenc6nicas;y hablandoentre si mesmo,decia:
--Si Rolddnfue tan buencaballeroy tan valiente como todos dicen, ique
maravilla, pues, al fin era encantado, y no le podia matar nadie si no era
metidndoleun alfiler de a blanca por la punta del pie, y dl trafa siempre los
zapatoscon siete suelas de hierro?Aunqueno le valierontretascontraBernardo
del Carpio, que se las entendi6,y le ahog6 entre los brazos, en Roncesvalles.
Pero dejando en e?llo de la valentia a una parte, vengamosa lo de perder el
juicio, que es cierto que le perdi6, por las senialesque hall6 en la Fortunay
por las nuevasque le dio el pastor de queAnge'licahabia dormidomds de dos
siestas con Medoro,un morillo de cabellos enrizadosy paje de Agramante;y
si e"lentendi6que esto era verdady que su damale habiacometidodesaguisado,
no hizo muchoen volverse loco; pero yo, gc6mopuedo imitalleen las locuras,
si no le imito en la ocasi6n dellas? Porquemi Dulcinea del Tobosoosare yo
jurar que no ha visto en todos los dias de su vida moroalguno, ansi como el es,
en su mismo traje,y que se estd hoy como la madreque la pari6. [318-19]
To continue the account of the actions of the Knightof the Sad Countenance
once he was alone, our history tells that, after thefalls or somersaultsperformed with his upperparts clothed and his lower parts naked, and after he
had seen Sancho depart,unwillingto wait and see any moreof his antics, Don
Quixoteclimbed to the top of a high rock,and thereturnedhis thoughtsonce
more to a problem on which he had already pondered many times without
reachingany conclusion. This was to decide which was the better and would
stand him in the greater stead: to imitate Roland's downright madness or
Amadis'melancholymoods.So, communingwithhimself,he argued: "IfRoland
was as good a knightand as valiantas theyall say, whereis the wonder?since
after all, he was enchanted,and no one could kill him except by stabbing a
long pin into the sole of his foot, which was the reason why he always wore
shoes with seven iron soles. But these contrivanceswere of no avail against
Bernardodel Carpio, who understoodthem, and throttledhim with his bare
handsat Roncesvalles.But, setting his braveryon one side, let us consider his
madness, which certainlyarosefrom the evidence he found beside the spring
and the news which the shepherdgave him thatAngelica had slept more than
two afternoonswithMedoro,a littlecurly-hairedMoorandpage toAgramante.
Now if he believed that this was true, and that his lady had done him thisfoul
wrong, it is not surprisingthat he went mad. But how can I imitatehim in his
madnesswithouta similarcause? ForI dareswear thatmyDulcinea del Toboso
has never seen a real Moor in his real Moorish dress in all her life, and that
she is to-day as her motherbore her:"[214]
The pointed ridiculousnessof Don Quixote's concern for Dulcinea's purity should be
self-evident. The irony of the logic of his hero worship is perhapsmore complicated.
The passage's initial image of the half-clothedandhalf-nakedbody of the protagonistis
one of an always almost interpellatedsubject, a portraitof Don Quixote at the very
diacritics / summer 1999
79
instant of the mirrorphase of his culturalidentity.When Don Quixote is finally and
completely alone in the middle of the forest, in the middle of his textual labyrinth,life
boils down to an excruciatingchoice between the competing exemplaritiesof Roland
andBernardodel Carpio.Similarto the historicalallegoryinvolved in the image of Don
Quixote's battle with the Basque framed by the perspectiveof the Arab, this choice
between chivalricicons is a highly significantone betweenthe Frenchinvaderfrom the
north(Roland)andthe relativelymoreautochthonousBasqueor Leonese Spaniardfrom
the south (Bernardodel Carpio).Don Quixote, who shareswith Bernardodel Carpioan
oppositionto CarolingianEmpire,has an Achilles' heel to his Castilianethnocentrism
that is made vulnerableby this coincidence between Basque, Leonese, and Moorish
politics.14 Don Quixote prefersthe raw strengthof Bernardodel Carpioto the madness
of Roland,and so we might say thatin readinghis own Castilianmedievalhistory,Don
Quixote questionsthe layeredideology and aggressivelogic of Charlemagne.Note further thatthis split identityarises from an abstractrepresentationof medieval historyat
Roncesvalles (778), constructedin hindsightas the crucial midpointin the ChristianIslamic relations of southernEurope.We might expect to find referencesto the postCarolingianlull afterthe Moorishinvasion and before the rise of the Leonese-Castilian
nation-statenearthe middle of an epic parodyof Iberianhistory.'5
The break between chapters 8 and 9 and the identity crisis at the beginning of
chapter26 are more thanmimesis.The parodicand comedic tone of such episodes betrays a desire for social engineering;they are Cervantes'sabstractways of unveiling
Spanishhistoryas an absurdseriesof ethnicand/orculturaldialectics:Basque/Castilian,
Moor/Spaniard,Leonese/Carolingian.In the end, Cervantesindicatesthatto be able to
contextualizeand to laugh at the tortuouscomplexity of Spanishhistory, so as not to
become its patheticprotagonist,requiresthat one actively outmaneuverand defeat the
fraudulentideology of the ethnocentricSpanishnationalidentityand replaceit with the
hybridizedtruth of said history-that is, with more historically accurate,less ideal,
identities. The identity displacementsoffered by Cervantes'svision open the way for
the readerto recognize the incredulousand resistantperspectiveof the native Morisco,
who is presentlyexperiencingthe ill effects of Spanishnationalism.
To see the social difficultyinvolved in realizingthis shift of subjectpositions, one
need look no furtherthanthe 1605 novel's conclusion, which presentsyet anothersymbolic intersectionof sorts in the contrastbetween Don Quixote and CaptainRuy P6rez
de Viedma.The captain,who has returnedfrom captivityon the NorthAfricancoast, is
obviously an autobiographicalreferenceto Cervantes'sreturnfrom Algiers. His story,
"The Captive'sTale" [chapters39-41], is full of historicalreferences to the author's
post-Lepantoexperience.The key differenceis that P6rez de Viedma not only returns
from Algiers; he brings back his future bride Zoraida. Zoraida,in turn, is explicitly
associatedwith the VirginMary.If the image of her on a donkey being led by P6rezde
Viedmain searchof an inn is not an obvious-enoughallusion [461, 513], then she spells
it out for the readerby objecting to her Arabic name with "iNo, no Zoraida:Maria,
Maria!" [464]. In the simplest terms, "The Captive'sTale"expresses a desire to translate and expand the Christianfoundationmyth so as to include the Arab Otherin the
14. For studies of El retablode las maravillasas Cervantes'scritiqueof Castilian ethnocentrism,see E. Michael Gerli ("El retablode las maravillas")and EnriqueMartinezL6pez.
15. Ren"Girard'sdiagnosis of Don Quixote'sproblemas his "metaphysicaldesire" to imitate Amadis de Gaula makes a step towardsuggesting the complexityof Cervantes'spurposes,
but it falls far short of unveilingthe historically specific irony of a desire that is not always so
clearly "metaphysical."For example,the passage I havejust cited shows that the protagonist's
ideological affectionsare swayed when he contemplatesBernardodel Carpio's cunninglymaterial oppositionto Roland'smagic.
80
definition of the ChristianSelf. Such is Cervantes'sfinal appealfor a new Catholicism
thatreturnsto the essence of the Christianmyth by shunninghostility,displayingcompassion, and seeking dialogue.16
Opposite this alternativemethod of Christianimperialismthroughself-restraint,
we aresoon given a repriseof the antiquatedvarietyof Christianself-expressionthrough
aggressionin chapter52. Here Don Quixote, in what is significantlyhis last act before
being returnedhome in a cage, attacks a procession of local townsfolk who carry a
statueof the VirginMary and make supplicationsto God for rain.The mad knight gets
it into his head that the black-clad (read "raciallyveiled") Virgin requireshis rescue.
Moreover,Cervantesdescribesthe grouplaughterat the mad knight's interpretationof
realityas being the same as "ponerp61voraa la c61lerade don Quijote"[600] ("gunpowder thrownon to Don Quixote's anger"[454]). This potentially counterinterpellating
laughterunfortunatelyresults in Don Quixote's unbridledrage, which makes for the
antithesisof the Captive'sstrangeseductionof ZoraidafromIslamicAfrica.Don Quixote,
as an interpellatedindividual,still insists on takingup the evangelicalswordfor a Christian cause that he has radically misunderstood;P6rez de Viedma, opting for a more
diplomaticinterpellation,beats a relativelypassionless retreatfromhis own militaristic
violence. Put anotherway, Don Quixote hears the call of Christianempire and thinks
thathis VirginMarymust be aggressivelyrescuedfrom primitivepeoples, whereasthe
"captainturnedcaptive"discovers that his VirginMary is the Islamic Other.
Conclusion
ReadingDon Quixote side by side with Althusserand Said we have analyzedsome of
the details of Cervantes's dual process of diplomatic interpellationand ideological
counterinterpellationof Castilianidentity.But since Cervantes'stext is generallyconsidered a work of art ratherthan social criticism, a word is in order on Althusser's
understandingof art.At one extremeof the criticalspectrum,one mightexpectAlthusser
to adoptthe classic marxistline that any art which is not socialist realism is bourgeois
ideological nonsense, little differentfrom the academic philosophy that Lenin called
(quoting Dietzgen) the "refined,elevated professorialreligion of muddled idealists"
[cited by Althusser 30]. Yet Althusseroffers a surprisinglymoderate,and even elitist,
commentaryon art:"Ido not rankreal art among the ideologies, althoughartdoes have
a quite particular and specific relationship with ideology" [221]. In his essay on
Cremonini,he displays furthercommittedregardfor the representationof abstractrelations [229-42]. It can be surprisingto find that such an irascible materialistdoes not
rank"realart"among the ideologies.17Surely this must be Althusser'ssingle most idealistic and quixotic gesture.If interpellationis the means by which the dominantideology controls the subject, then the exception thatAlthusser grantsto the sophisticated
abstractionsof "realart"suggests a materialistagenda,meaning that"realart"has the
potential to "counterinterpellate"the dominant rationale of the reading subject.
Cervantes'sDon Quixoteanticipatesthis definitionof "realart"as a purposefulmeans
of breakinghis society's structuresof misrecognition.
16. For a succinct readingof "TheCaptive'sTale"as an interculturalversionof the story of
Mary and Joseph as well as an inversionof the La Cava myth,see E. Michael Gerli [Refiguring
Authority40-60].
17. Thiselitismis by no meansthe exceptionamongmarxisthumanists.AdornoandHorkeimer
the
of
Frankfurtschool regardhigh art as an appropriatesocial suicide performedby the educated elite.
diacritics / summer 1999
81
In reading art as social criticism, we grant it a modicum of authorialintention,
acknowledgingat leastthe author'sattemptat the logic of a persuasivediscourse.Wimsatt
andBeardsley'sinsistencethat"thedesign or intentionof the authoris neitheravailable
nor desirableas a standardfor judging the success of a work of literaryart"[3] should
not precludeus from attendingto the culturalandhistoricalspecificity of whathappens
when a text intentionallyfails to work, as it does at the end of chapter8 of Don Quixote.
In the broadculturaland geopoliticaltermsto which the text is historicallypredisposed
and that thus require no substantiationthrough authorialintent, we might say that
Cervantes'stext marksthe crossroadsof the interdependentbirthsof modem imperialism, colonialism, and capitalism.But in Don QuixoteCervantesdoes more thanrecord
his historicalcontext; he purposefullyreveals how Spain, owing to its hybridcultural
history and its geographicallocation as an intercontinentbetween Africa and Europe,
cannot evince the same kind of easy colonialist orientalismas Franceand England.In
Spain the more enduringpresenceof the Arab"disorients"the Europeanto a fargreater
degree thanin the rest of Europe.At the firstmajorbreakof his novel, when Cervantes
interruptsDon Quixote's battle with the Basque in orderto have a ToledanMorisco
laugh at an Arabicjoke scribbledin the marginof a passage about a Spanish identity
crisis, he has inserted a metatextualobstacle, a kind of narrativetrajectorythat approaches,but always resists, an asymptoteof the gratificationof Castilianaggression.
Perhapsa tragedyof early modem Spanishhistoryis thatthe antiquatednationalismof
Don Quixote won and the marketplacehumorof the ToledanMorisco lost. But in his
novels, Cervanteswould have his readersboth comprehendand desire the economic
laughterof the Otherin orderto move in a directionoppositethatof actualhistory-that
is, oppositethe dominanthistoryexemplifiedby Don Quixote.In this sense, the character Don Quixote is a portrait of perpetually misdirected aggression around which
Cervantesconstructsthe novel Don Quixote as an apparatusfor its rationalcontainment. Thus in the 1605 novel's conclusion Don Quixote arrivesliterallyin a cage at the
center of his town's plaza."8And given Cervantes's stated purpose of placing a
multiperspectivistliterary game in the public plaza of his republic (see this paper's
epigraph),it would seem thatthe body of Don Quixoteis to servean analogouspurpose.
The scene very much implies that Don Quixote is to be punishedor sacrificedfor the
public good, the simple irony being that such public humiliationwas common in the
treatmentof hereticsratherthanheroes.
Malcom Read has pointed out that Cervantes'srationalismis "not to be confused
with the scientific empiricismand mechanicalrationalismthat correspondto the next
stage of bourgeoisdevelopment,which was to take place in Englandand France"[6].
Yet the image of Don Quixote's hopeless and laughablebattle with the windmill both
anticipatesand complicatesLenin's understandingof imperialismas the highest stage
of capitalism.The precapitalistscenarioof chapters8 and9 shows the imperialisthopelessly battlingagainstthe onset of the dehumanizationof capitalism,andfailing at that,
immediatelyreturningto his old ways, sublimatinghis own defeat into a renewed aggression againstOtherslike Basques, Moors,Arabs,and Moriscos. If, on the one hand,
as FernandBraudelhas claimed,"the'imperialidea' had its roots in the historicSpanish
crusade"[418], on the other,the most famous episode of Don Quixote allows that the
imperialismand colonialism of HapsburgSpain was also dynamically related to the
bourgeois materialismthreateningfrom the north.To the extent that Don Quixote is a
negative exemplar of the abuses of Hapsburg imperialism against various Others,
Cervantesalso seems to be makinga qualifiedappealfor the very scientific empiricism
18. For the ontological disquietudeimplied by the conclusion of part 2, where the cage is
placed in Don Quixote'sown hands, see Jacques Lezra [246-56].
82
and mechanicalrationalismthat Don Quixote would resist. Such an attitudemay well
be the secularandeconomic corollaryof Erasmism,whatJavierHerrerohas called "the
new, to a great extent bourgeois, Christianitywhich descendedto the South of Europe
from the Low Countries"[77].19
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