The Role of the Byzantine Church in Medieval Hungary Author(s): Gyula Moravcsik Reviewed work(s): Source: American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. 6, No. 3/4 (Dec., 1947), pp. 134-151 Published by: Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2491705 . Accessed: 29/10/2011 04:38 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Slavic and East European Review. http://www.jstor.org THE ROLE OF THE BYZANTINE CHURCH IN MEDIEVAL HUNGARY BY GYULA MORAVCSIK ACCORDING TO the evidencefoundin historicalrecords,the first influencesof the ByzantineChristianmission had reached the Magyarspriorto theconquestof presentHungarywhiletheywere stillon theshoresof theBlack Sea. As I have provedin detailin an earliertreatise,we mustsurmisethat,whentheytookpossessionof theirpresentland, the Magyar people had broughtwith thema knowledgeof Christianity.' However,theByzantinemissionwas notthesole factorin preparingtheMagyarsfortheiracceptanceof thenew faith.This acceptalso by the earlierChristiantraditionsof the ance was influenced FromRomantimes becametheircountry. new landwhichultimately (ancientChristianrelicsof whichare beingexcavatedin increasing had existed numbers)to theappearanceoftheMagyars,Christianity not eventhose in In fact, withoutinterruption Hungarianterritory. in tribeswhichdriftedthere thecourseof theMigrationof Peoples This influencereached could avoid fallingunder its influence.2 overthegreatwatershedof East and extending Hungarianterritory, This West, fromtwo directions:fromRome and fromByzantium. was ofRoman pattern, thoughit followedthePannonian Christianity, Afterthefall origin,butlaterit was markedby Byzantineinfluence. of the WesternRomanEmpire,the Hungarianland came into the orbitof Byzantinecultureand politics,butby theend of theeighth it was againwithinthesphereof strongWesterninfluences. century themissionofCyrilandMethodiussetoutfrom In theninthcentury ByzantiumtowardRome, and in so doing it openedthe gates to WesternChristianity. of theAvar tribes,theconquering Magyars Alongwithfractions of presentHungary.These foundBulgarsand Slavs on theterritory fromtheviewpointof theoriginsof groupsdeservespecialattention In referenceto the Avars, archaeological HungarianChristianity. was notunknown materialclearlyshowsthatByzantineChristianity a hostof to them.In Avar tombsof theseventhand eighthcenturies recordswas foundshowingChristiansymbols,amongwhich the Aboutthemiddleof theninth Byzantinecrosswas notuncommon.3 1 "ByzantineChristianity and the Magyars in the MigrationPeriod," AmericanSlavic 29-45. (i946), and East EuropeanReview, V, Nos. I 4-I 2 See L. Nagy, "Pannonia Sacra," Jubilee Volumein Memory of King St. Stephen (Budapest, 1938), I, 29-148 (in Hungarian). und das Christentum 3 See G. Laszlo, "Die Reiternomaden der Vblkerwanderungszeit LIX (1940), furKirchengeschichte, in Ungarn,"Zeitschrift '34 125-146. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary 135 century(864) the Bulgars embracedChristianity, thoughit had spreadamongthemmuchearlier,and underPrinceBoris Michael theyextendedtheirsupremacyover theregioneast of theDanube. The Christianity fosteredby Methodiusamongthe Slavs of Pannonia observedthe Westernritual,althoughthe Greek monk of Thessalonica,as is generallyknown,succeededin obtainingcertain concessionsfromtheHoly See in liturgical matters.4 At the end of the ninthcenturywhen theyoccupiedtheirnew land, the Magyars foundwidespreadtracesof Christianity there. While thewesternPannonianterritory belongedto theecclesiastical ofRome,on theterritories jurisdiction eastand southof theDanube the traditions of ByzantineChristianity were keptalive. Since the Magyarshad broughtwiththemremnants of Christianity fromthe Black Sea region,it is smallwonderthatit shouldhave been the Byzantineformof Christianity whichstruckrootamongthemand that the firstHungarianecclesiasticalorganizationfollowedthe Byzantinepattern.5 The necessityfora changeofcountry bytheAMagyars was a direct consequenceof the policy of the Byzantinecourt.Owing to their in the Bulgar-Byzantine participation war (894-6) on the side of Byzantium,Symeon,a Bulgar prince,set easternneighbors,the Patzinaks,againstthe Magyars. These ransackedtheirencampments;thustheMagyarswere compelledto seek a new countryin theCarpathian basin.6Hungary'sterritory hadbelongedforcenturies to the Byzantinesphereof interest.The Magyars settlinghere,if forno otherreasonthanfor the geographicallocation,came into closer contactwiththe ByzantineEmpire,into territory of which theymade severalinroadsin thecourseof thetenthcentury.Their hosts frequently reachedthe very walls of Constantinople. The memoryof theseattackshas beenkeptalive by thestirring legends of Chieftain Botondin Hungarianchronicles.7 In thecourseof these incursions manyHungariansfellintoByzantinecaptivity, and after thepeace treatyof 943 high-born Hungarianswerekeptas hostages in Constantinople. All thisenabledthe Magyarsto becomeclosely 4 See F. Dvornik,Les Slaves,Byzances etRomeau IXe sicle (Paris, 1926), pp. 147-183; Les Legendesde Constantin et de Mt'thodevuesde Byzance(Prague, I9 3 3), pp. 2 I 2-28 3; P. Va'czy,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen(Budapest, I938), I, 213-265 (in Hungarian). 5 The resultsof my investigations were publishedin Hungariansome years ago in the JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 387-422. 6 See G. Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica (Budapest, 1942), I, 58-59; F. Dolger, Archivum EuropaeCentro-Orientalis, VI (1942), 325. 7 See Scriptores rerumHungaricarum(Budapest, 19 37-38)., I, 87, 171, 3 IO; II, 65-66, 144, 254. 36 GyulaMoravcsik acquaintedwith ByzantineChristianity. Thus it is not surprising thatin thetombof a conquering Magyarwas founda silverbutton on whicha ChristianGreek inscription appears: + K(yri)e boethc E(o)an(n)e ame(n). Hungarianambassadorshad visited the imperialcourtmorethanonce,and on theseoccasionsmembersof the royal familyand Hungarianchieftains were also numberedamong the guests.Such visitsof "barbarian"princesand chieftains at the courtwere usuallyconnectedwiththeirconversionto Christianity. Byzantinerecordshave preserveddetailedaccountsof suchvisits. Such an accountwas recordedin the eleventhcenturyby John Scylitzes,but theoriginalGreek textof his workhas not yet been published.In place ofthis,however,thereis thechronicle of George Cedrenus,who copiedliterallythosesectionsfromScylitzeswhich are of interestto us.8In thetwelfth century JohnZenarasalso drew fromScylitzes.In his chroniclewe findthe narrativein synoptic Our recordsrevealthata Hungarianchieftain, form.9 calledBulcsu, who is also knownthrough Hungariansources,visitedtheByzantine He had beenliftedout of imperialcourtand embracedChristianity. the baptismalfontby the EmperorConstantinehimself;in other Bulcsu was honoredwiththe words,the Emperorwas godfather. rankof "patrician"and was presentedwithlavishgiftsbeforereto hisown country. Not muchlateranotherchieftain turning ofnote, Gyula, arrivedin the imperialcity.He also was baptizedand had honorsand giftsbestowedupon him by the Emperor.At his departure,Gyula took back withhima monkby thenameof Hieroas Bishopof Turkia(Hungatheus,whomTheophylactconsecrated ry) andwhosubsequently developedgreatmissionary activity.Gyula was genuinelyloyal to his Christianfaithand stoppedlaunching attacksagainsttheByzantineEmpire;he evenhad Byzantineprisoners set free.On the otherhand,Bulcsu,whose conversionwas a brokeintotheByzantineterritory. meresham,repeatedly ofthisreporthas beencalledintoquestionby some, The authority on the groundsthatthe work of Scylitzeswas writtenabout one centurylater thanthe actual occurrenceof the eventsmentioned. This hypothesis, We knowfromreliable however,lacks foundation. sourcesthatScylitzesdrew his textfromthe age of contemporary VII Porphyrogenitus.'0 The authenticity Constantine of thereportof 8 Cedrenus,ed. Bonn, P. 328. For the criticaleditionof the text see G. Moravcsik, JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 392. 9 Zonaras,ed. Bonn, III, 484. 10 See M. Sjuzjumov, VizantijskoeObozrenie(i9i6), II, io6-i66; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, I, I90, 192. Churchin MedievalHungary The Byzantine I37 of the singlepartsand comScylitzesis borneout by examination who apparisonwithothersources.ConstantinePorphyrogenitus, in one of his own worksmentionsBulcsu's pears in the narrative, him addingthatthe personaccompanying visit to Constantinople, was the grandsonof PrinceArpid, whomthe imperialauthorcalls philos." Undoubtedly,it was the Emperorhimselfwho paid this Fromthis to theHungarianprince.12 attribute tributewitha friendly in Conagainwe mightconcludethathe too acceptedChristianity Theophylact,who consecratedHierotheusas Bishopof stantinople. Hungary,is well known.He was the son of EmperorRomanusI from Lecapenusand bore the titleof Patriarchof Constantinople 933 to 956.13 Finally,thefactthatBulcsufellintothehandsof King Otto I of Germanyon AugustIO, 955, in thebattlenearAugsburg, andwas hangedshortlyafter,is also clearfromHungarianrecords.'4 On thebasisofthesefactswe gaina clewto thedatesofthetwovisits. between948-49 was written SincetheworkofEmperorConstantine tookplace at thetime evidently and95I-52,15 andsinceBulcsu's-visit the reported ofConstantine's reign(945-59),andbecauseScylitzes of theyoungRomanusII, whichoccurred eventafterthecoronation in thespringof948, thetwovisitsmaybe placedabout948. All the weretypically detailsofthebaptismofthetwoHungarianchieftains as godAt thebaptismalceremony, theEmperorfigured B3yzantine. of theScylitzesmanuas we see fromone of theminiatures father, scriptin Madrid.16The genteelHungarianchiefsreceivedtherankof con"patrician"and generousgifts.Gyula, loyal to the agreement interests Byzantine represented cludedon theoccasionofthebaptism, in his own country.In additionto these,a numberof parallelscould recurin thesame be drawnfromByzantinerecords,as thesefeatures way in all descriptionsof conversionsof "barbaric" chiefsand princes. had greatsignifiThe conversion of thetwo Hungarianchieftains and of Hungary.The cance,bothfromtheviewpointof Byzantium courtof Byzantiumhad notonlyone objective,namely,to keepthe Magyarsin check,fortheirincursionswere a constantsourceof toplaythemagainst tradition, butalso,accordingto Byzantine terror, otherpeoplesand,in addition,to alignthestillpaganMagyarswith De administrando imperio,ed. Bonn,p. 175. See F. Dolger, Historisches Jahrbuch(1940), p. 400. 13 Les Regestes desactesdu patriarcat de Constantinople (Grumen, 1936), I, Fasc. II, Part VI 222. A. Vogt, Echosd'Orient,XXXVI (1933), 278. 14 Scriptores rerumHungaricarum, I, i09, i69, 308. 15 Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, I, 2 1 2. 16 See Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Steph en,I, 397. 11 12 138 GyulaMoravcsik It is no coincithe Byzantinepoliticaland religiousorganizations. of Prince Arpatd,two dence that along with the great-grandson notable Hungarian chieftainsappeared in Constantinople.The importance of theseeventswas emphasized,moreover,by the fact thatGyula tookHierotheusback withhimto his country,and the Patriarchof Constantinopleconsecratedhim Bishop of Turkia (Hungary).In thisact we maysee a missionsimilarto thatof Cyril and Methodiusa centuryearlier.In thetitleof thebishop,thename ratherthanthatof a cityas is thecase elsewhere. of a regionfigures character of This was a strategic measure;it stressedthemissionary of Hierotheus,the the bishopricby pointingout thatthe authority firstHungarianbishop,extendedover the whole territory of the Magyars.Accordingto our sources,theactivityof Hierotheuswas thisis corroborated The questionnowis whether extremely effective. by otherdata and what was the futuredestinyof thisHungarian missionarybishopric. on a seal publishedrecently As to thebishopric, in theinscription in theShaw CollectionofNew York,appearsthenameofTheophylact, Bishop of Turks.'7It is not impossible,althoughthis is not certain,thatthisbishopwas a successorof Hierotheus.'8However, destinyof the missionof muchmore is knownabout the further Hierotheusfromanotherrecord.Among old Russian documents writtenin ancientSlavic whichdeal withthe polemicsagainstthe . . .19 whichmay "Latins" thereis a workentitledPovjesto Latinjech formin theso-called"NikonChronialso be foundin an abbreviated cle,"20 as well as in the so-called Kormeaja Kniga.2' The concludingpartof thisdocumentdeals withthe conversionof the Bulgars,Russians,and Magyars.The name formsprove thatthe fromtheGreek,andit is probablethatthe workhadbeentranslated was writtenin thetwelfthcentury.The originalGreek manuscript passageofinterestto us22concernsthePeonians,"who are Ugrians, of this butcall themselves Magerians."It seemsthattwo chieftains people went to Constantinopleand there embracedChristianity; 17 Ed. V. Laurent,Bulletinde la Societehistorique bulgare,XVI-XVIII (1940), 287-28. 18 See V. Laurent,"L'Eveque des Turcs et le proedrede Turquie," AcadimieRoumaine, XXIII (1942), 2. bulletinde la sectionhistorique, 19Ed. A. Popov, Istoriko-literaturnij obzor drevne-russkich protiv polemiceskich soc'inenij Latinjan(Moscow, I 875), pp. I 76-i 88. See A. Pavlov, Kriticeskije opylypo istoriidrevnejsej greko-russkoj polemiki protivLatinjan(St. Petersburg,1878), pp. 78-80. V. G. Vasiljevskij, Trudy(St. Petersburg,1909), II, 95-96. 20 Polnojesobranije russkich ljetopisej(St. Petersburg,I 862), IX, 70. 21 See J. Hergenr6ther, Photius,Patriarchvon Constantinopel. Sein Leben,seineSchrifte Schisma(Regensburg,I 869) 111, 862-869. und das griechische 22 Popov, op. cit., pp. I87-I88. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary 1 39 butbeforeGreekbishopscouldbe sentto theircountry, thechieftain called Stephendied. Since at this time the Byzantinerealm was shakenby manyattacksand blows,theycouldnotconfirm thefaith of thePeons,who had notevena writtenlanguage.In consequence, the Latins convertedthemto theirown-faith.The nucleusof this reportis thebaptismat Constantinople of thetwo chieftains. As the characterization ofone ofthesechieftains is fullyin keepingwiththe characterization whichScylitzesgave of Gyula, we cannotdoubt thatthe Stephenof the Slav textis indenticalwithGyula. Thus it followsthatStephenwas Gyula's Christianname,whichhe obtained at his conversionin Constantinople. renderit These concurrences probablethatboththeSlav textand theoriginalGreek reportdate fromthatByzantineworkof thetenthcenturyfromwhichScylitzes also drew.However,the authorof theSlav elaboration, whichwas writtenafterthe schismand evidentlywith a polemictendency, saw the eventsfromthe perspective of a laterepoch,and he knew thatthe missionarywork of the EasternChurchhad not produced suchfar-reaching resultsas thatof theWesternLatinChurch.From this,however,it does notfollowby any meansthattherole of the EasternChurchwas concludedwiththemissionofBishopHierotheus. That theGylas ofScylitzesandalso theStephenoftheSlav source areidenticalwithGyulatheElder,whosetribesettledon eitherbank of theMaros River,standswithoutdoubt.Thus theactivityof the firstHungarianmissionarybishopricstarted,and here the first organizedformof HungarianChristianity was established.Therefore,it is no coincidencethatabout half a centuryafterGyula's journeyto Constantinople we shouldagain come upon traces of ByzantineChristianity, on the same territory whereBishopHierotheushad been active. From the Gerarduslegend we learn that Ajtony,whose domainextendedfromtheK6r6s River to TransylvaniaandtheDanubeline,was baptizedaccordingto theGreekrites (secundum ritumGraecorum) at Viddin.Moreover,we read thathe had obtainedhispowerfromtheGreeksand foundedat MarosvAra Greek monastery in honorof St. Johnthe Baptist("Accepitautem a Greciset construxit protestatem in prefataurbeMorisenamonasterium in honorebeatiJohannes Baptiste,constituens in eodemabbatemcum monachisGrecis,iuxtaordinemet ritumipsorum").Later, when Csanad, St. Stephen'scommander, defeatedAjtony,thosewho fell on theway were buriedin theabove-mentioned monastery because at thattimetherewas no othermonastery in thisprovince("quin in eodemprovincia alindmonasterium illistemporibus nonerat").Csantd foundeda new monastery in honorof St. Georgewhitherhe trans- GyulaMoravcsik 140 ferredthe monksand abbotsfromthe Monasteryof St. Johnthe Grecosmonachosde monasterio illucmemoratos Baptist("introducens was the beatiJohannes unacumabbate").This newmonastery Baptiste one at Oroszlanos.23 The authenticity of thereportof thissourceis fullycorroborated of theGreekchurch finds.In i 868 thefoundations by archaeological with at Marosvar,on theplace of Csanad,were uncoveredtogether thebaptismalfontin frontof thechurch.But thereare moretraces whichonce belongedto of ByzantineChristianity on the territory Ajtony.Southof Csanad, at Nagy-SzentMiklos as earlyas I799, the so-called"Attila's hoard" was found,in which,amongother The text things,thereare two goldcupsbearingGreekinscriptions. formulacommonlyused by the contains a water-consecrating Greeks.24The hoarditselfis consideredby the latestinvestigators to be of Bulgarorigin,and itsdateis putaboutat thesecondhalfof the ninthcentury.25 In addition,most recentresearchespointout thatat the beginningof the eleventhcenturythe southernpartof Hungary,namely,the Temesregion,also belongedto theorganizationof theEasternChurch.26 That Ajtonywas baptizedat Viddinis feasibleenough,as it had been conqueredin I002 by theByzantine forcesheadedby EmperorBasil II himself.It is likelythatthiswas thetimeofAjtony'sconversion andthatit hada politicalsignificance as well as a religiousone. BeforetheMagyarconquest,theeastern andthusit seems partofHungaryhadbeenunderBulgarsupremacy, naturalenoughthatAjtonyshouldhavedonehomageto theemperor of Byzantiumwho was fighting againstthe Bulgarsand was allied to the Hungarianking, St. Stephen.Later, accordingto recent about I028 Ajtony rose againstthe king and was investigations, defeatedby theking'sgeneralCsanad. activitiesin connection What theresultsof Byzantinemissionary withthe personsof Gyula and Ajtonywere in the easternpartof forwantof data. Yet,if we Hungarycan no longerbe ascertained, withthemto thenew considerthattheconquering Magyarsbrought and thateast of the countrya knowledgeof ByzantineChristianity had had earliermany adherentsamong the Danube Christianity Avars and Bulgars,then we must presumethat previousto the Scriptores rerumHungaricarum, II, 490-493. See I. Gosev, Studi.Bizantinie Neoellenici(1940), VI, 139-146; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, I, 163-16.5. 25 See N. Mavrodinov, "Le Tresor protobulgarede Nagyszentmikl6s,"Archaeologia 23 24 XXIX (1943), 207-208. Hungarica, 26 M. Gy6ni, MagyarNyelv (1946), XLII, 43-49. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary I4I beginnings of the missionarywork of the WesternChurchin the seventiesof the tenthcentury,the ByzantineChurchhad already wonovermanyMagyarsto theChristianfaith.So much,in anycase, is certain,thattheeffectsof theByzantinemissionwerenotlimited to theMagyarsof theEasternregionalone.The threadsof theconversionof Gyula at Constantinople and the missionarywork of BishopHierotheusled directlyto thecourtof St. Stephen,the first Hungarianking.Gyula's daughter,Sarolt,was the wife of Prince Geza and motherto St. Stephen.In all probability, Sarolthad been baptizedby BishopHierotheus.One Westernrecordsuggeststhat HungarianChristianity beganwithher "qua duce eratchristianitas coepta."27Thus it cannotbe a coincidencethatthe firstHungarian kingreceivedthe same namein baptismwhichformerly his grandfatheron hismother'sside,Gyula Istvatn, had receivedwhenhe was baptizedat thecourtoftheemperor inConstantinople. It is characteristic thatin St. Stephen'sfamilyseveralChristiannamesof Greek originoccur. Earlier scholarsoftencame to erroneousconclusionswhen, in studyingKing St. Stephen'secclesiasticalpolicy,theybegan with the premisethatthe Magyar nationadoptedthe Westernformof and thusbecamelinkedwithChurchof Rome,thereby, Christianity excluding thepossibilityof Byzantineecclesiasticalinfluences completely.It shouldnotbe forgotten thatat thebeginning oftheeleventh century,althoughan inevitablerivalrybetweenthe Easternand Westernchurcheshad existedowingto considerations of powerand policy,and antagonism becamemoreand moremarked,the actual schismhadnotyettakenplace. In fact,justat thattimein connection with the idea of the innovationof the WesternRoman Empire, Byzantineinfluence was stronglyfeltin Italy,the hub of Western Not to mentionthatNilus foundedin I004, duringthe Christianity. age of St. Stephen,theBasiliteGreek monastery at GrottaFerrata nearRome. Thus whiletheHungariankingdecidedin favorof the Westernsphere of civilizationand a German-Romansphere of at thesametimehe also securedfreeactivityin theChurch interest, of Byzantium. The Hungariankingdom,whichextendedon the contingent line betweenByzantineand Romanspheresof interest, couldnotisolate itselffromByzantineinfluence. St. Stephenwas in allegiancewith EmperorBasil II. In 1004, whentheMagyarsoccupiedSkoplje,they 27 MonumentaGermaniace Historica,IV, 607. GyulaMoravcsik I42 carriedaway withthemtherelicsofSt. George.28The factsproving strongecclesiasticalconnections withByzantiumare madeclearerif we rememberthatSt. Stephenhad a magnificent churchbuilt in Constantinople forwhichhe gave lavishlyall thatwas required.29 It is possiblethatthePantocrator monastery foundeda centurylaterin Constantinople bythewifeofEmperorJohnII, whowas thedaughter ofKingSt. LadislausofHungary,was builtintothesameblockas the ancientHungarianchurch.Also in Hungaryitselftraces of the influence ofByzantine ecclesiasticartappear.Accordingtoonerecord St. Stephenhad receivedas a giftfromtheGreekEmperora crossin whichtherewas a piece of theHoly Rood. This crosswas wornby St. Stephen'sson, Prince Imre, who later became known as St. Emericus.30In addition,thereis in the archiepiscopaltreasuryat Gran (Esztergom)a Byzantinecross casket,whichhas been preservedfromtheeleventhcentury.It bearsa Greek inscription. It is, by theway, characteristic thaton Hungarianterritory aboutthirty Byzantinereliquarieshave beenrecovered.The marblesarcophagus whichis held by traditionto be the repositoryof the holy king's corpseis also in theByzantinestyle.Likewise, his coronationpall was madeafterByzantinedesigns.The cathedrals fromSt. Stephen's period also point to strongByzantineinfluences,especially the fragmentary remainsof the one at Veszprem.Recently,tracesof eleventh-century Byzantinestylewere recognizedon the fragment of the altar of Zalavtr and on the churchof Tarnaszentmaria. Recordsmentionthattherewere Greek stonemasonsworkingon the churchat Buda, whichSt. Stephenhad built.3'Thus it is not surprising thatat O-Buda,not long ago, tracesof a churchof the eleventhcenturyin theByzantinestylewere discoveredamongthe ruinsof a building.On the frescoesof the churchin Feldebrbwe can also see Byzantineinfluences; theyprobablydatefromthetenth and eleventhcenturies, theoldestrecordin paintingwhichhas come down to us. Records mentionthat therehad been some Greeks livingin Hungaryduringthe reign of St. Stephen.32 Bishop St. Gerardus,who playeda leadingroleat thecourtof St. Stephen,was of Venetianorigin,but he knew Greek. It has been provedby the latestdiscoveriesthathe used a Greek sourceforone of his works. 28 2354. 29 30 31 32 A. F. Gombos, -Catalogus fontiumhistoriaeHungaricae(1937-1938), Scriptores rerumHungaricarurm, II, 386, 4,19. Gombos, op. cit.,Vol. II, No. 3673. Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, I, 317. Ibid., I, 192, 303; II, 63, 279. Vol. II, No. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary I43 with Admonitions, a workattributed to St. Stephen,showsaffinities the ByzantineMirrorof Princes.In some of theirelements,these workshavea specifically Byzantineveneer.Let us take,forexample, "Quis regeretLatinos the famoussentencefromthe Admonitions: GrecosLatinismoribus?""3 Grecismoribus,aut quis Latinusregeret which,at all events,provesthatthe Greeks playeda greatrole in themindof theHungarianking. are comFragmentary tracesof Byzantineecclesiasticalinfluence to the pletedby theCharterof St. Stephenin Greek whichtestifies Althoughthiswork has existenceof a nunneryin Veszpremv6lgy. writtenin I i09 comedownto us onlyin theformof a transcription duringthe reignof King KalmAn,recentresearchhas provedthat we have here an originalauthenticcopy of St. Stephen'scharter. it is clearthatthe FromKing Ka'lma'n'stextin Latin,theRenovatio, originaldocumentwas in the formof a scrolland was sealed with St. Stephen'sseal. This description concurswiththegeneralappearance of Byzantineimperialcharters.The Greek textof the charter at Veszpr6m reportsthattheHungarianKinghad foundeda nunnery inhonoroftheMotherofGod forthereposeofthesoulsofhiswife, his children,and himself,and for the whole of Pannonia.Then of giftsand privilegesbestowedupon the followsthe enumeration The charterconcludeswitha curseon thosewho desecrate nunnery. of thenunnery.84 theproperty From the Latin text of King Kalmin's Renovatioof ii09, it appearsthatin accordancewiththe languageof the founderof the theoriginalcharterwas writtenin Greek, "iuxtalinguam nunnery, auctoris monasterii." Thus, St. Stephenwas not the founderof the nunnery, but anotherpersonevidentlycloselyconnectedwithhim. and endowed The Hungariankingmerelysanctionedthefoundation the nunnerywiththe necessaryfundsin the same manneras John ComnenusII, Emperorof Byzantium, had done in the case of the Pantocratormonasteryfoundedby his wife,the EmpressIrene,a Hungarianprincess,when,followingherdeath,he issueda charter in 11-36.Some believethatit was Queen Gisella,St. Stephen'swife; othersthinkthatit was his sister,the exiled wife of the Bulgar auctoris iuxtalinguam Czar Gavril-Radomir. However,theexpression can hardlybe appliedto eitherof these.The hypothesisthatSt. Stephen'smother,daughterof the Gyula, who was baptizedat 33 Ibid., II, 626. 34 Criticaled. by G. Czebe, The GreekTextof theDiplomaof Veszpre'mv6lgy (Budapest, i9i6); inHungarian. 144 GyulaMoravcsik was thefounder Constantinople, is muchmoreprobable,althoughit does notsufficiently explaintheexpressionquotedabove or thefact thatSt. Stephennevermentionshis motherin the Charter.Thus everysignpointsto the conclusionthatwe mustseek the founder amongSt. Stephen'snextof kin. In the variousversionsof the St. Margaretlegendwe readthattheparentageofthewifeofSt.Emeric, Stephen'sson, is contested.Accordingto some stories,her father was the Greek emperor;accordingto others,her fatherwas the Romanemperor.With reference to St. Emeric'sByzantinerelations, some sourcesmaintainthatabout iio9 therewere rumorsto the effectthatat the-hourof Emeric'sdeatha Greek archbishopsaw angelscarrying his soul to heaven.35 In contemporary records,there is, however,no traceof thewifeof St. Emerichavingbeena Greek princess,so thisquestionmustbe leftopenforthetimebeing.Should thereportof theMargaretlegendprovetrue,themysteryenveloping the person of the Veszpremvblgy nunnery'sGreek speaking founder wouldsurelybe dispersed. Older scholarssurmised, in connection withSt. Stephen'scharter in Greekand thenunnery of Veszpremv6lgy, thattherewereItalian and German-Byzantineinfluencerespectively. However, since it turnedout thattheterminology of thecharteris typicallyByzantine and thatits languagecorresponds entirelyto theByzantinevernacular, documentary language,thishypothesiscomes to nought.The chartercan be explainedonly on the groundsof the atmosphere of Byzantineculturemaintainedin Stephen'scourt, for it was evidentlya Greek priestlivingat the courtwho draftedthe document,mostlikelyabout ioio. All thisproves,on the otherhand, thatalthoughSt. Stephenalignedhis countrywiththe community oftheWesternChurch,nevertheless theByzantineformofChristianityalso foundits way intohis court. Not longafterthereignofSt. Stephen,newtracesoftheByzantine Church in Hungary came to light. King Andreas I (I047-60) foundedtwo monasteries, records:one accordingto contemporary at Tihany,theothernear Visegrad.Y Owing to numerous reasons, we are justified in assumingthatbothwereBasilitemonasteries. The latestinvestigations make it seem highlyprobablethatthe site of Tihany had been formerlythe dwellingplace of certainGreek hermitsand thatthemonastery had beenfoundedfortheirbenefit.37 Pope HonoriusIII, in a letterof 1221, reportsthatin themonastery Scriptores rerumHungaricarum, II, 456. Ibid., II, 503. 37 Unpublishedresearchof J. Csemegi. 35 36 The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary 145 of VisegratdGreek monkshad been livingof old,38so it is obvious thatthe monasteryfoundedby AndreasI followedthe patternset by theBasilitemonks.As Anastasia,thewifeof AndreasI, who had spentsometimebeforehisaccessiononRussiansoil,was thedaughter of PrinceYaroslavofKiev, we cannotdismissthetheorythatalong withtheGreekstherewere also Slav monkslivingin themonastery of Visegratd, and thatwhenthe monksof the Sazave monastery in Bohemiafledto Hungaryin 105 5, theyfoundrefugein themonastery of Visegr'd.39The name of AndreasI also pointsto ByzantineRussianconnections, forit is a knownfactthatSt. Andreasplayed the same role in theEasternChurchas St. PetertheApostlein the WesternChurch,and accordingto thelegendhe was thefounder of the RussianChurch.The name of the town of Szentendre, in the neighborhood of theVisegratd monastery, whichwas consecrated to St. Andreas,is also a referenceto this saint.In addition,another referenceto the Byzantinerelationsof AndreasI is the so-called "ConstantineMonomachuscrown," preservedin the Hungarian National Museum,which,to all appearances,the Hungarianking obtainedas a presentbetween1042 and o055 fromByzantium.40 so fareffected we havesurecogniBy reasonof theinvestigations zanceof threesuchGreekmonasteries whichexistedin theeleventh on Hungarianterritory. Fromlaterdata,however,we know century even moreof them.Froma documentof 1324, whichhas appeared recently,we learnthaton the site of the modernvillageof Dunaof PentelewhereGreek nuns penteletherehad beenthemonastery sivemoniales Grecales hadlived("ubi Beginae condam-commorabantur"); It is evidentthatthenameof thusthistoo was a Greek monastery. the villageis connectedwith the martyrcalled 'agios Panteleemo'n (d. 305) of the Greek Church.This monasterywas mentionedas buttherewas no reference madeto its earlyas 1238 in a document, of thismonastery Greek character.41 couldnothave The foundation takenplace in thethirteenth century;it was muchearlier,probably The in the eleventhcentury. monasteryat Patsztoalso musthave will be seenlater.We havereliableevidence beenofGreekorigin,as at Szatvaszentdemeter, which of theexistenceof a Greek monastery in theletterofPope HonoriusIII in 12I8. A letter is firstmentioned 38 I, 29. A. Theiner, Veteramonumenhistorica (Rome, I 859), Hungariamsacramillustrantia See St. Kniezsa, ArchivumEuropaeCentro-Orientalis, VIII (0942), I59-i6i. "The Crown oftheEmperorConstantineMonomachos," See M. Bairainy-Oberschall, Archaeologia Hungarica,XXIV (I9c37), 89-90; Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 94-95. 41 See Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 4I9. 39 40 GyulaMoravcsik 146 fromPope ClemensVI in 1334 clearlystatesthatin thismonastery Greeks,Hungarians,andSlavs had livedseparatedfromone another eversinceitsfoundation.42 The magnitude ofthecongregation ofthe EasternChurchis illustratedfurther by the factthatin ii64 the populationand clergyof theprovinceof SirmiumreceivedEmperor Manuel of Byzantiumin statewhile singingecclesiasticalsongs.4 We also know thatBacs was the ecclesiasticalcenterof Sirmium in the twelfthcenturyand thattherea prelateof the Greek rite, heldhis seat.44If we now considerthata evidentlya metropolitan, in Hungarybeforethe statistical listputsthenumberof monasteries Mongolianinvasionat aboutsix hundred(so far,onlyfourhundred ofthesehavebeenlocated),andthatrecordsconcerning earliertimes are extremelyscarce,and moreoverthat,as will be seen later,the Greek monasteriessubsequently passed into the handsof Western monasticorders,thenwe cometo theconclusionthatthenumberof Greek monasterieson Hungarianterritory must have been very considerablein the eleventhand twelfthcenturies.This conclusion is borneout further by theveryscantydata whichhas come down to us concerning the spirituallife and literaryactivitiesof Greek and monks. monasteries That medievalHungarianmonasteries containedGreek books is clearlyprovedby documents.Even if we do not acceptas finalthe suppositionthatSt. Gerardushad access to Greek sourcesin the at Marosvar,we knowfroman old record libraryof themonastery in thelibraryof theAbbey thattherehad beena Psalterium Graecum of Pannonhalmain the eleventhcentury.At the beginningof the twelfthcentury,a certainCerbanus,whose personis not familiar, but who was evidentlya Basilitemonk,translatedintoLatin some partsof theworksof two Greek Fathersof theChurch,Maximus in thepossessionof andJohnDamascene,froma Greek manuscript the monasteryat Paszto.' From this it follows that originallythe ofPaszt6 had also beenGreek.The translation was made monastery andthetranslator fortheAbbeyofPannonhalma, dedicatedhiswork to David, Abbot of Pannonhalma(I 3I-50), in gratitudefor the to note thatthe first he thereenjoyed.It is interesting hospitality 42 Theiner,op.cit.,I, 9-I I, 667-668. Kinnamos,ed. Bonn,p. 2 2 1. I. Raicz,Byzantina poze6mata peri tonouggrikdn ekstratei6n touautokratoros Manouel [OuggroellenikaiMeletai] (Budapest, I94), pp. I9-20, 45. 44 Kinnamos,ed. Bonn, p. 222. 45 Ed. R. I. Szigeti, Translatio Latina IoannisDamasceni(De orthodoxa fide l.III.c. 1-8.) saeculoXII in Hungaria confecta[OuggroellenikaiMeletai 3] (Budapest, I940). A. B. Terebessy, TranslatioLatina SanctiMaximi Confessoris (De caritatead Elpidium *. I-IV) saeculoXII. in Hungariaconfecta [OuggroellenikaiMeletai 25] (Budapest, I944). 43 The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary 147 Latin translation of the work of JohnDamascenewhichwas made in Hungaryinfluenced laterLatin translations. Westerntheologians, and amongthemPetrusLombardus,became acquaintedwith this greatGreek Fatherthroughthistranslation.46 Fromthe survivalof of the translation the manuscript in Austrianmonasteries and from the influencethe translation had on Westerntheologianswe may justlyconcludethatGreek monasteries in Hungaryplayed an imrolein theeleventhand twelfthcenturies.47 Some portantmediating of theproductsof Greek ecclesiasticalliterature reachedthe West made in Basilitemonasteries in Hungary,and throughtranslations more than one Byzantinelegendand saga migratedto the West throughthem.This is borneout by the factthatmanyHungarian medievalsagas and legendsare of Byzantineorigin.Thus, forexample, the story about ChieftainLel of Hungarian chronicles containssome principlesfromthe ByzantineSalamonlegend,and one episodeof theHungarianSt. Ladislauslegendis highlyreminiscent of the legendsof militantsaintsso popularin Byzantium;48 especiallythe legendof St. Demetriuswho was thepatronsaintof Thessalonica,althoughthe real birthplaceof his cult was in the provinceof Sirmium,where the place names of the Hungarian and of theSlavicMitrovicapreservehismemory. Szatvaszentdemeter Surielyit is no coincidencethaton theenamelplaqueson thecrown presentedto Geza I, King of Hungary,in 1075, by Michael Ducas II, Emperorof Byzantium,the imageof St. Demetriusis visible.49 The old cathedralof Szeged was also dedicatedto St. Demetrius.In Hungaryhis feastday used to be celebratedon October26, as was customaryin the EasternChurch,and not on October 8 as in the WesternChurch. Besides St. Demetrius,there were also other Byzantinesaintsreveredin medievalHungarianecclesiasticallife. Mentionhas been made of the Magyarshavingbroughtwiththem fromSkoplje,in the timeof St. Stephen,the relicsof St. George, reveredby them.According who appearsto have been particularly whenBishopCsanad defeatedAjtony,he did so under to tradition, the protectionof St. George. When in 1072 the hosts of King Salomonand PrinceGeza marchedas faras Nis, theybroughtback with themthe hand of St. Procopiusthe Martyr,whichlater,in See Szigeti, op. cit.,pp. 2 2-3 5. See E. v. Ivainka, "Griechische Einfliisseim westlichen Geistesleben des XII. ArchivumPhilologicum, 2 I I-2 I7. Jahrhunderts," LXIV (1940), 48 See G. Saintha,Le Leggendebizantinedei santicombattenti [OuggroellenikaiMeletai 22] (Budapest, I943). 49 See G. Moravcsik, "The Holy Crown of Hungary," Hungarian Quarterly, IV (1938), 656-667. 46 47 GyulaMoravcsik I48 ii64, the EmperorManuel had taken back to Nis.50Furtherinvestigations, ofmedievalHungarianplace especiallytheexamination names,will increasethenumberof Byzantinesaintsin Hungary. The extentof the influenceof the ByzantineChurch,how farreachingit had been,and whatparticular colorand character it gave to HungarianChristianity is fullydisclosedonlyby themostrecent research.5'It came to light that in the course of the eleventh centurythe HungarianChurchhad been characterized by several featureswhichare eminently Byzantine.In a Hungarianmissalat Zagreb, which reflectsthe Hungarianliturgyfromthe eleventh centuryfaithfully, thereis a formulaforthe consecration of water which,as the words "ut mosestGraecorum" pointout,is merelya fromtheGreek. It is also significant translation thatthemarriageof priestswas authorizedfor a time in Hungary,just as it was in Byzantium.When the adherentsof the Gregorianmovementprotestedagainstthis,theHungarianbishopsheadedby King Ladislaus referredto the decree of the Council of Trullos (ConciliumQuinin 691-92 whichthe Churchof Rome had neverrecogquesextum) nized. It was not until I 112 thatKing Kalmin assertedthe conceptionofRome.The mostsurprising results,however,wereyielded by the examinationof fastingcustoms.In 1092 the Council of Szabolcs defendedthe Hungarianway of fasting,which,in conwiththeByzantinepractice,lastedsevenweeks; whilethe formity Latin Churchimposeda fastof six weeks,thatis, fortydays. Since the old Byzantinecustomwas supersededby an eight-weekfastin the seventhcentury, we mustconcludethattheHungarianpractice retainedthe obsoleteByzantinecustomfromtheperiodbeforethe seventhcentury.So far,thequestionof how thiscameaboutcannotbe satisfactorily answered.The suppositionthatthe Magyarshad knowntheold Byzantineway of fastingwhenstillon theshoresof the Black Sea and had preservedit unchangedfor so long hardly seems probablefor chronological reasons; the Onogurmissionary was onlyinstituted in themiddleoftheeighthcentury, bishopric thus a strong Byzantineinfluencecan be consideredonly fromthat timeforward.52 Yet, whateverthe meansof adoptingthe old Byzantinefasting practice,alongwithotherthings,thistoo provesthat thoughHungarianChristianity followedthe Romanrite, definitely Kinnamos,ed. Bonn,p. 227. See P. Vaczy, "Les Racines byzantinesdu christianisme hongrois,"NouvelleRevue de Hongrie,XXXIV (I94I), 99-i08. 52 See G. Moravcsik, AmericanSlavic and East EuropeanReview, V, Nos. 14-15 50 51 (1946), 41-42. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary I49 it had, nevertheless, preserveduntilthe beginningof the twelfth centuryseveral Byzantinecharacteristics. In addition,Byzantine has also fromthisepochpalpablerecords,as forexample, influence the tabernaclefromthe twelfthcenturywith Greek inscriptions whichwas excavatedat Beszterce. In theage of King Bela III (i i63-96), new tracesof connections withtheByzantineChurchappear.As a youngman,Bela lived for severalyearsin the courtof EmperorEmanuelwherehe was convertedto the Orthodoxfaithand took partin the Councilof Conin I i66 as theprospectiveson-in-lawof theEmperorof stantinople Byzantium.On his returnto Hungary,the Archbishopof Gran (Esztergom)refusedto crownhim,evidently owingto hisacceptance of the Orthodoxfaith.In the troubledtimesfollowingManuel's to realize a Hungarian-Byzantine death,Bela attempted union,but not This endeavorundoubtedly did he succeed.53 accountsforthe appearanceof theByzantinedoublecrosson theHungariancoat of It was probablyhe who unitedthetwo crowns-the crown arms.54 St. of StephenwiththeByzantineone.55We also knowthatin I I 83 he broughtthe relics of St. Ivan of Rila fromSardica (Sofia) to accountof this age is foundin the An interesting Esztergom.56 between Bela's correspondence son-in-law, EmperorIsaac Angelus of Esztergom(about I I 90), concerning II, -andJob,theArchbishop dogmaticquestions.Amongsomelettersrecentlyfound,one written in thenameof EmperorDemetriusTornicesrevealsthattheArchbishopofEsztergomhimselfhadvisitedtheCourtof Byzantium and was personallyacquaintedwith the-Emperor,who cherishedthe dreamof unitingthetwo churchesunderhis own leadership.57 The door of the basilicaof Esztergomwhichhe factthatthe triumphal had made was wroughtafterthe modelof a Byzantinepatternis visitto Constantinople. connectedwiththearchbishop's At the beginningof the thirteenth century,life in the Greek monasteriesunderwenta greatchange.The most recentresearch has pointedout the connection betweenthischangeand the change 53 See G. Moravcsik, "Pour une Alliance byzantino-hongroise (seconde moitie du XIIe siecle)," Byzantion,VIII (I933), 555-568. 54 See L. B. Kumorowitz,"Das Doppelkreuz des ungarischenWappens," Turul,LV (I94I), 45-62. See Moravcsik, "The Holy Crown of Hungary," HungarianQuarterly, IV (1938), 666-667. 56 See J. B6dey, "Die ungarischen Beziehungender Legende des hig. Ivan von Rila," ArchivumPhilologicum, LXIV (1940), 217-2 2 1. 57 See V. Laurent,"Une Lettre dogmatiquede I'empereurIsaac I'Ange au primatde 55 XXXIX (1940), Hongrie,"Echosd'Orient, 59-7 7 Moravcsik Gyula I50 at thistime.58 placeintheGreekstateandchurch whichwas taking crusade, withthefourth As we alreadyknow,in I 204 in connection oftheWestandtherethe passedintothepossession Constantinople and, at the same time,the Latin Latin Empirewas established ofthiswas whatis called"LatinizaThe consequence patriarchate. ofLatinarchwereputunderthecontrol tion."The Greekbishops These tendencies wereestablished. andLatinmonasteries bishops, feltalsoin Hungary. It maybe seenfroma letter madethemselves theideaof in 1.204, thatheentertained III, written ofPopeInnocent in Hungary, whichhad falleninto theGreekmonasteries uniting of Hungarianbishops,into one decay owingto the negligence inthesame III writesinanother letter Innocent bishopric.59 separate of the in thecountry yearthattherearemanyGreekmonasteries in king.60 Hungarian However,thePope'splandidnotmaterialize; oftheLatinEmpirein Constantinople fact,owingto thefoundation The Hungary. hadalsosetinthroughout theprocessofLatinization tornawayfrom isolatedina Latinenvironment, Greekmonasteries, roots,wentone aftertheotherintothe theirByzantine spiritual took of Western monastic orders.Thus theCistercians possession in 1190, at Visegradin 12 2I, and thepfaceoftheGreeksat Patszt6 inthecourseofthethirteenth The Greek century. atVeszpremv6lgy in themonastery ofSzatvaszentdemeter, monksheldoutthelongest whichin 1218 Pope Honoriustookunderhis own rule.6'When the changed.It maybe thesituation Empirewas restored, Byzantine in 1344,thatfora VII, written seenfroma letterofPopeClement ofSzavaszentdemeter was undertheimmediate timethemonastery of thePatriarch ofConstantinople, whichmeansthatit supremacy however, mone.In theyearindicated, was a so-calledstauropegiake as it hadbeenvacantsincethedeathof thelastabbot(aboutten ofBenedictines.62 years),it fellintothepossession centuries the It seemsthatduringthefourteenth and fifteenth in the mainly flockoftheGreekChurchlivedin largecommunities A letter byPopeGregory written Tisza regionandinTransylvania. ofthenewLatinbishopric, IX in 1234revealsthaton theterritory oftheCumans, fortheconversion thereweresham-bishops founded who ritumtenentes) Graecorum of the Greekrites(pseudoepiscopi 58 See Et v. Ivainka,"GriechischeKirche und griechischesM6nchtumim mittelalterlichenUngarn," OrientaliaChristiana Periodica,VIII, Nos. 1-2 (1942), 190-194. 59 Signiflcavitnobis 26. April, 1204 .. ., see ibid., p. i9 I. 60 Venientesad apostolicam 14. September, 1204 . . . , see ibid., p. Theiner,op. cit.,I, 62 Ibid., I, 667-668. 61 9-II. i90. The Byzantine Churchin MedievalHungary 15I exertedtheirinfluence, not only on the Wallachs,but also on the Magyars.63The expansionof the Wallachsand the Subcarpathian Rutheniansenhancedthe Byzantineecclesiasticinfluencein these territories An interesting considerably. lightis cast on thisquestion in a Greek documentof 1391 fromwhichit appearsthatat K6rtvelyes of Mtrmoros,at one time,a monastery of St. Michaelhad existedwhose patronshad obtainedfromthe Patriarchof Constantinoplea grantthat the monasterybe raised to stauropegia whichmeantthatit was underthedirectauthority ofthePatriarchof The establishment of the Greek bishopricat Constantinople.64 Munkacsalso occurredin themiddleof the fifteenth century.This in all probabilityis connectedwith visit of Isidore, the former ofMoscow (ofGreekorigin),to Budain 1443.65 That Metropolitan the Greek Churchhad a considerablecongregation is provedby a declarationof Aeneas SylviusPiccolomini,laterPope Pius II. In a writingin I450, he givesthefollowingadviceto LadislausV, later kingof Hungary:". . . diceremautemetiamilla (sc. Graeca)tibi si facultasadesset;nam et ad regnumHungarie melius addiscenda, dirigendum, cuiGrecicomplures subsunt, nonparumconducerent ...) .66 Fromthisit is clearthata largenumberof Greekslivedin Hungary who belongedto the Greek Churchand used the languageof the Greek ritual. As we know,thereare Catholicsevennowon Hungarianterritory who followtheGreek rite-the so-called"Greek Catholics"whom Pope Pius X unitedin 1912 in the Bishopricof Hajdudorog.'How theseare relatedto themedievalfollowersof theByzantineChurch andwhetherthecontinuity in thisrespectmightbe proved,is a task forthe futureto decide. BUDAPEST UNIVERSITY 63 In Cumanorum episcopatu 14. November,1234 . . . , see Ivanka,"Griechische Kirche und griechischesM6nchtumim mittelalterlichen Ungarn," pp. 191-192. 64 65 66 Miklosich-Miiller,Acta et diplomata,II, 156-157. G. Papp, The Originof theEpiscopateof Munkdcs(Miskolc, 1940); FontesRerumAustriacarum, Diplomatariaet Acta, LXVII (1912), in Hungarian. 138.
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