The Role of the Byzantine Church in Medieval Hungary

The Role of the Byzantine Church in Medieval Hungary
Author(s): Gyula Moravcsik
Reviewed work(s):
Source: American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. 6, No. 3/4 (Dec., 1947), pp. 134-151
Published by: Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies
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THE ROLE OF THE BYZANTINE CHURCH IN
MEDIEVAL HUNGARY
BY GYULA
MORAVCSIK
ACCORDING TO the evidencefoundin historicalrecords,the first
influencesof the ByzantineChristianmission had reached the
Magyarspriorto theconquestof presentHungarywhiletheywere
stillon theshoresof theBlack Sea. As I have provedin detailin an
earliertreatise,we mustsurmisethat,whentheytookpossessionof
theirpresentland, the Magyar people had broughtwith thema
knowledgeof Christianity.'
However,theByzantinemissionwas notthesole factorin preparingtheMagyarsfortheiracceptanceof thenew faith.This acceptalso by the earlierChristiantraditionsof the
ance was influenced
FromRomantimes
becametheircountry.
new landwhichultimately
(ancientChristianrelicsof whichare beingexcavatedin increasing
had existed
numbers)to theappearanceoftheMagyars,Christianity
not
eventhose
in
In
fact,
withoutinterruption Hungarianterritory.
in
tribeswhichdriftedthere thecourseof theMigrationof Peoples
This influencereached
could avoid fallingunder its influence.2
overthegreatwatershedof East and
extending
Hungarianterritory,
This
West, fromtwo directions:fromRome and fromByzantium.
was ofRoman
pattern,
thoughit followedthePannonian
Christianity,
Afterthefall
origin,butlaterit was markedby Byzantineinfluence.
of the WesternRomanEmpire,the Hungarianland came into the
orbitof Byzantinecultureand politics,butby theend of theeighth
it was againwithinthesphereof strongWesterninfluences.
century
themissionofCyrilandMethodiussetoutfrom
In theninthcentury
ByzantiumtowardRome, and in so doing it openedthe gates to
WesternChristianity.
of theAvar tribes,theconquering
Magyars
Alongwithfractions
of presentHungary.These
foundBulgarsand Slavs on theterritory
fromtheviewpointof theoriginsof
groupsdeservespecialattention
In referenceto the Avars, archaeological
HungarianChristianity.
was notunknown
materialclearlyshowsthatByzantineChristianity
a hostof
to them.In Avar tombsof theseventhand eighthcenturies
recordswas foundshowingChristiansymbols,amongwhich the
Aboutthemiddleof theninth
Byzantinecrosswas notuncommon.3
1 "ByzantineChristianity
and the Magyars in the MigrationPeriod," AmericanSlavic
29-45.
(i946),
and East EuropeanReview, V, Nos. I 4-I
2 See L. Nagy, "Pannonia Sacra," Jubilee Volumein Memory of King St. Stephen
(Budapest, 1938), I, 29-148 (in Hungarian).
und das Christentum
3 See G. Laszlo, "Die Reiternomaden
der Vblkerwanderungszeit
LIX (1940),
furKirchengeschichte,
in Ungarn,"Zeitschrift
'34
125-146.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
135
century(864) the Bulgars embracedChristianity,
thoughit had
spreadamongthemmuchearlier,and underPrinceBoris Michael
theyextendedtheirsupremacyover theregioneast of theDanube.
The Christianity
fosteredby Methodiusamongthe Slavs of Pannonia observedthe Westernritual,althoughthe Greek monk of
Thessalonica,as is generallyknown,succeededin obtainingcertain
concessionsfromtheHoly See in liturgical
matters.4
At the end of the ninthcenturywhen theyoccupiedtheirnew
land, the Magyars foundwidespreadtracesof Christianity
there.
While thewesternPannonianterritory
belongedto theecclesiastical
ofRome,on theterritories
jurisdiction
eastand southof theDanube
the traditions
of ByzantineChristianity
were keptalive. Since the
Magyarshad broughtwiththemremnants
of Christianity
fromthe
Black Sea region,it is smallwonderthatit shouldhave been the
Byzantineformof Christianity
whichstruckrootamongthemand
that the firstHungarianecclesiasticalorganizationfollowedthe
Byzantinepattern.5
The necessityfora changeofcountry
bytheAMagyars
was a direct
consequenceof the policy of the Byzantinecourt.Owing to their
in the Bulgar-Byzantine
participation
war (894-6) on the side of
Byzantium,Symeon,a Bulgar prince,set easternneighbors,the
Patzinaks,againstthe Magyars. These ransackedtheirencampments;thustheMagyarswere compelledto seek a new countryin
theCarpathian
basin.6Hungary'sterritory
hadbelongedforcenturies
to the Byzantinesphereof interest.The Magyars settlinghere,if
forno otherreasonthanfor the geographicallocation,came into
closer contactwiththe ByzantineEmpire,into territory
of which
theymade severalinroadsin thecourseof thetenthcentury.Their
hosts frequently
reachedthe very walls of Constantinople.
The
memoryof theseattackshas beenkeptalive by thestirring
legends
of Chieftain
Botondin Hungarianchronicles.7
In thecourseof these
incursions
manyHungariansfellintoByzantinecaptivity,
and after
thepeace treatyof 943 high-born
Hungarianswerekeptas hostages
in Constantinople.
All thisenabledthe Magyarsto becomeclosely
4 See F. Dvornik,Les Slaves,Byzances
etRomeau IXe sicle (Paris, 1926), pp. 147-183;
Les Legendesde Constantin
et de Mt'thodevuesde Byzance(Prague, I9 3 3), pp. 2 I 2-28 3; P.
Va'czy,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen(Budapest, I938), I, 213-265 (in
Hungarian).
5 The resultsof my investigations
were publishedin Hungariansome years ago in the
JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 387-422.
6 See G. Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica
(Budapest, 1942), I, 58-59; F. Dolger, Archivum
EuropaeCentro-Orientalis,
VI (1942),
325.
7 See Scriptores
rerumHungaricarum(Budapest, 19 37-38)., I, 87, 171, 3 IO; II, 65-66,
144, 254.
36
GyulaMoravcsik
acquaintedwith ByzantineChristianity.
Thus it is not surprising
thatin thetombof a conquering
Magyarwas founda silverbutton
on whicha ChristianGreek inscription
appears: + K(yri)e boethc
E(o)an(n)e ame(n). Hungarianambassadorshad visited the imperialcourtmorethanonce,and on theseoccasionsmembersof the
royal familyand Hungarianchieftains
were also numberedamong
the guests.Such visitsof "barbarian"princesand chieftains
at the
courtwere usuallyconnectedwiththeirconversionto Christianity.
Byzantinerecordshave preserveddetailedaccountsof suchvisits.
Such an accountwas recordedin the eleventhcenturyby John
Scylitzes,but theoriginalGreek textof his workhas not yet been
published.In place ofthis,however,thereis thechronicle
of George
Cedrenus,who copiedliterallythosesectionsfromScylitzeswhich
are of interestto us.8In thetwelfth
century
JohnZenarasalso drew
fromScylitzes.In his chroniclewe findthe narrativein synoptic
Our recordsrevealthata Hungarianchieftain,
form.9
calledBulcsu,
who is also knownthrough
Hungariansources,visitedtheByzantine
He had beenliftedout of
imperialcourtand embracedChristianity.
the baptismalfontby the EmperorConstantinehimself;in other
Bulcsu was honoredwiththe
words,the Emperorwas godfather.
rankof "patrician"and was presentedwithlavishgiftsbeforereto hisown country.
Not muchlateranotherchieftain
turning
ofnote,
Gyula, arrivedin the imperialcity.He also was baptizedand had
honorsand giftsbestowedupon him by the Emperor.At his departure,Gyula took back withhima monkby thenameof Hieroas Bishopof Turkia(Hungatheus,whomTheophylactconsecrated
ry) andwhosubsequently
developedgreatmissionary
activity.Gyula
was genuinelyloyal to his Christianfaithand stoppedlaunching
attacksagainsttheByzantineEmpire;he evenhad Byzantineprisoners set free.On the otherhand,Bulcsu,whose conversionwas a
brokeintotheByzantineterritory.
meresham,repeatedly
ofthisreporthas beencalledintoquestionby some,
The authority
on the groundsthatthe work of Scylitzeswas writtenabout one
centurylater thanthe actual occurrenceof the eventsmentioned.
This hypothesis,
We knowfromreliable
however,lacks foundation.
sourcesthatScylitzesdrew his textfromthe age of
contemporary
VII Porphyrogenitus.'0
The authenticity
Constantine
of thereportof
8 Cedrenus,ed. Bonn, P. 328. For the criticaleditionof the text see G. Moravcsik,
JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 392.
9 Zonaras,ed. Bonn, III, 484.
10 See M. Sjuzjumov, VizantijskoeObozrenie(i9i6),
II, io6-i66; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica,
I, I90, 192.
Churchin MedievalHungary
The Byzantine
I37
of the singlepartsand comScylitzesis borneout by examination
who apparisonwithothersources.ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,
in one of his own worksmentionsBulcsu's
pears in the narrative,
him
addingthatthe personaccompanying
visit to Constantinople,
was the grandsonof PrinceArpid, whomthe imperialauthorcalls
philos." Undoubtedly,it was the Emperorhimselfwho paid this
Fromthis
to theHungarianprince.12
attribute
tributewitha friendly
in Conagainwe mightconcludethathe too acceptedChristianity
Theophylact,who consecratedHierotheusas Bishopof
stantinople.
Hungary,is well known.He was the son of EmperorRomanusI
from
Lecapenusand bore the titleof Patriarchof Constantinople
933 to 956.13 Finally,thefactthatBulcsufellintothehandsof King
Otto I of Germanyon AugustIO, 955, in thebattlenearAugsburg,
andwas hangedshortlyafter,is also clearfromHungarianrecords.'4
On thebasisofthesefactswe gaina clewto thedatesofthetwovisits.
between948-49
was written
SincetheworkofEmperorConstantine
tookplace at thetime
evidently
and95I-52,15 andsinceBulcsu's-visit
the
reported
ofConstantine's
reign(945-59),andbecauseScylitzes
of theyoungRomanusII, whichoccurred
eventafterthecoronation
in thespringof948, thetwovisitsmaybe placedabout948. All the
weretypically
detailsofthebaptismofthetwoHungarianchieftains
as godAt thebaptismalceremony,
theEmperorfigured
B3yzantine.
of theScylitzesmanuas we see fromone of theminiatures
father,
scriptin Madrid.16The genteelHungarianchiefsreceivedtherankof
con"patrician"and generousgifts.Gyula, loyal to the agreement
interests
Byzantine
represented
cludedon theoccasionofthebaptism,
in his own country.In additionto these,a numberof parallelscould
recurin thesame
be drawnfromByzantinerecords,as thesefeatures
way in all descriptionsof conversionsof "barbaric" chiefsand
princes.
had greatsignifiThe conversion
of thetwo Hungarianchieftains
and of Hungary.The
cance,bothfromtheviewpointof Byzantium
courtof Byzantiumhad notonlyone objective,namely,to keepthe
Magyarsin check,fortheirincursionswere a constantsourceof
toplaythemagainst
tradition,
butalso,accordingto Byzantine
terror,
otherpeoplesand,in addition,to alignthestillpaganMagyarswith
De administrando
imperio,ed. Bonn,p. 175.
See F. Dolger, Historisches
Jahrbuch(1940), p. 400.
13 Les Regestes
desactesdu patriarcat
de Constantinople
(Grumen, 1936), I, Fasc. II, Part
VI 222. A. Vogt, Echosd'Orient,XXXVI (1933), 278.
14 Scriptores
rerumHungaricarum,
I, i09, i69, 308.
15 Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica,
I, 2 1 2.
16 See Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Steph
en,I, 397.
11
12
138
GyulaMoravcsik
It is no coincithe Byzantinepoliticaland religiousorganizations.
of Prince Arpatd,two
dence that along with the great-grandson
notable Hungarian chieftainsappeared in Constantinople.The
importance
of theseeventswas emphasized,moreover,by the fact
thatGyula tookHierotheusback withhimto his country,and the
Patriarchof Constantinopleconsecratedhim Bishop of Turkia
(Hungary).In thisact we maysee a missionsimilarto thatof Cyril
and Methodiusa centuryearlier.In thetitleof thebishop,thename
ratherthanthatof a cityas is thecase elsewhere.
of a regionfigures
character
of
This was a strategic
measure;it stressedthemissionary
of Hierotheus,the
the bishopricby pointingout thatthe authority
firstHungarianbishop,extendedover the whole territory
of the
Magyars.Accordingto our sources,theactivityof Hierotheuswas
thisis corroborated
The questionnowis whether
extremely
effective.
by otherdata and what was the futuredestinyof thisHungarian
missionarybishopric.
on a seal publishedrecently
As to thebishopric,
in theinscription
in theShaw CollectionofNew York,appearsthenameofTheophylact, Bishop of Turks.'7It is not impossible,althoughthis is not
certain,thatthisbishopwas a successorof Hierotheus.'8However,
destinyof the missionof
muchmore is knownabout the further
Hierotheusfromanotherrecord.Among old Russian documents
writtenin ancientSlavic whichdeal withthe polemicsagainstthe
. . .19 whichmay
"Latins" thereis a workentitledPovjesto Latinjech
formin theso-called"NikonChronialso be foundin an abbreviated
cle,"20 as well as in the so-called Kormeaja Kniga.2' The
concludingpartof thisdocumentdeals withthe conversionof the
Bulgars,Russians,and Magyars.The name formsprove thatthe
fromtheGreek,andit is probablethatthe
workhadbeentranslated
was writtenin thetwelfthcentury.The
originalGreek manuscript
passageofinterestto us22concernsthePeonians,"who are Ugrians,
of this
butcall themselves
Magerians."It seemsthattwo chieftains
people went to Constantinopleand there embracedChristianity;
17 Ed. V. Laurent,Bulletinde la Societehistorique
bulgare,XVI-XVIII (1940), 287-28.
18 See V. Laurent,"L'Eveque des Turcs et le proedrede Turquie," AcadimieRoumaine,
XXIII (1942), 2.
bulletinde la sectionhistorique,
19Ed. A. Popov, Istoriko-literaturnij
obzor drevne-russkich
protiv
polemiceskich
soc'inenij
Latinjan(Moscow, I 875), pp. I 76-i 88. See A. Pavlov, Kriticeskije
opylypo istoriidrevnejsej
greko-russkoj
polemiki
protivLatinjan(St. Petersburg,1878), pp. 78-80. V. G. Vasiljevskij,
Trudy(St. Petersburg,1909), II, 95-96.
20 Polnojesobranije
russkich
ljetopisej(St. Petersburg,I 862), IX, 70.
21 See J. Hergenr6ther,
Photius,Patriarchvon Constantinopel.
Sein Leben,seineSchrifte
Schisma(Regensburg,I 869) 111, 862-869.
und das griechische
22
Popov,
op. cit., pp. I87-I88.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
1 39
butbeforeGreekbishopscouldbe sentto theircountry,
thechieftain
called Stephendied. Since at this time the Byzantinerealm was
shakenby manyattacksand blows,theycouldnotconfirm
thefaith
of thePeons,who had notevena writtenlanguage.In consequence,
the Latins convertedthemto theirown-faith.The nucleusof this
reportis thebaptismat Constantinople
of thetwo chieftains.
As the
characterization
ofone ofthesechieftains
is fullyin keepingwiththe
characterization
whichScylitzesgave of Gyula, we cannotdoubt
thatthe Stephenof the Slav textis indenticalwithGyula. Thus it
followsthatStephenwas Gyula's Christianname,whichhe obtained
at his conversionin Constantinople.
renderit
These concurrences
probablethatboththeSlav textand theoriginalGreek reportdate
fromthatByzantineworkof thetenthcenturyfromwhichScylitzes
also drew.However,the authorof theSlav elaboration,
whichwas
writtenafterthe schismand evidentlywith a polemictendency,
saw the eventsfromthe perspective
of a laterepoch,and he knew
thatthe missionarywork of the EasternChurchhad not produced
suchfar-reaching
resultsas thatof theWesternLatinChurch.From
this,however,it does notfollowby any meansthattherole of the
EasternChurchwas concludedwiththemissionofBishopHierotheus.
That theGylas ofScylitzesandalso theStephenoftheSlav source
areidenticalwithGyulatheElder,whosetribesettledon eitherbank
of theMaros River,standswithoutdoubt.Thus theactivityof the
firstHungarianmissionarybishopricstarted,and here the first
organizedformof HungarianChristianity
was established.Therefore,it is no coincidencethatabout half a centuryafterGyula's
journeyto Constantinople
we shouldagain come upon traces of
ByzantineChristianity,
on the same territory
whereBishopHierotheushad been active. From the Gerarduslegend we learn that
Ajtony,whose domainextendedfromtheK6r6s River to TransylvaniaandtheDanubeline,was baptizedaccordingto theGreekrites
(secundum
ritumGraecorum)
at Viddin.Moreover,we read thathe
had obtainedhispowerfromtheGreeksand foundedat MarosvAra
Greek monastery
in honorof St. Johnthe Baptist("Accepitautem
a Greciset construxit
protestatem
in prefataurbeMorisenamonasterium
in honorebeatiJohannes
Baptiste,constituens
in eodemabbatemcum
monachisGrecis,iuxtaordinemet ritumipsorum").Later, when
Csanad, St. Stephen'scommander,
defeatedAjtony,thosewho fell
on theway were buriedin theabove-mentioned
monastery
because
at thattimetherewas no othermonastery
in thisprovince("quin in
eodemprovincia
alindmonasterium
illistemporibus
nonerat").Csantd
foundeda new monastery
in honorof St. Georgewhitherhe trans-
GyulaMoravcsik
140
ferredthe monksand abbotsfromthe Monasteryof St. Johnthe
Grecosmonachosde monasterio
illucmemoratos
Baptist("introducens
was the
beatiJohannes
unacumabbate").This newmonastery
Baptiste
one at Oroszlanos.23
The authenticity
of thereportof thissourceis fullycorroborated
of theGreekchurch
finds.In i 868 thefoundations
by archaeological
with
at Marosvar,on theplace of Csanad,were uncoveredtogether
thebaptismalfontin frontof thechurch.But thereare moretraces
whichonce belongedto
of ByzantineChristianity
on the territory
Ajtony.Southof Csanad, at Nagy-SzentMiklos as earlyas I799,
the so-called"Attila's hoard" was found,in which,amongother
The text
things,thereare two goldcupsbearingGreekinscriptions.
formulacommonlyused by the
contains a water-consecrating
Greeks.24The hoarditselfis consideredby the latestinvestigators
to be of Bulgarorigin,and itsdateis putaboutat thesecondhalfof
the ninthcentury.25
In addition,most recentresearchespointout
thatat the beginningof the eleventhcenturythe southernpartof
Hungary,namely,the Temesregion,also belongedto theorganizationof theEasternChurch.26
That Ajtonywas baptizedat Viddinis
feasibleenough,as it had been conqueredin I002 by theByzantine
forcesheadedby EmperorBasil II himself.It is likelythatthiswas
thetimeofAjtony'sconversion
andthatit hada politicalsignificance
as well as a religiousone. BeforetheMagyarconquest,theeastern
andthusit seems
partofHungaryhadbeenunderBulgarsupremacy,
naturalenoughthatAjtonyshouldhavedonehomageto theemperor
of Byzantiumwho was fighting
againstthe Bulgarsand was allied
to the Hungarianking, St. Stephen.Later, accordingto recent
about I028 Ajtony rose againstthe king and was
investigations,
defeatedby theking'sgeneralCsanad.
activitiesin connection
What theresultsof Byzantinemissionary
withthe personsof Gyula and Ajtonywere in the easternpartof
forwantof data. Yet,if we
Hungarycan no longerbe ascertained,
withthemto thenew
considerthattheconquering
Magyarsbrought
and thateast of the
countrya knowledgeof ByzantineChristianity
had had earliermany adherentsamong the
Danube Christianity
Avars and Bulgars,then we must presumethat previousto the
Scriptores
rerumHungaricarum,
II, 490-493.
See I. Gosev, Studi.Bizantinie Neoellenici(1940), VI, 139-146; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica,
I, 163-16.5.
25 See N. Mavrodinov, "Le Tresor protobulgarede Nagyszentmikl6s,"Archaeologia
23
24
XXIX (1943), 207-208.
Hungarica,
26
M. Gy6ni, MagyarNyelv (1946), XLII, 43-49.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
I4I
beginnings
of the missionarywork of the WesternChurchin the
seventiesof the tenthcentury,the ByzantineChurchhad already
wonovermanyMagyarsto theChristianfaith.So much,in anycase,
is certain,thattheeffectsof theByzantinemissionwerenotlimited
to theMagyarsof theEasternregionalone.The threadsof theconversionof Gyula at Constantinople
and the missionarywork of
BishopHierotheusled directlyto thecourtof St. Stephen,the first
Hungarianking.Gyula's daughter,Sarolt,was the wife of Prince
Geza and motherto St. Stephen.In all probability,
Sarolthad been
baptizedby BishopHierotheus.One Westernrecordsuggeststhat
HungarianChristianity
beganwithher "qua duce eratchristianitas
coepta."27Thus it cannotbe a coincidencethatthe firstHungarian
kingreceivedthe same namein baptismwhichformerly
his grandfatheron hismother'sside,Gyula Istvatn,
had receivedwhenhe was
baptizedat thecourtoftheemperor
inConstantinople.
It is characteristic thatin St. Stephen'sfamilyseveralChristiannamesof Greek
originoccur.
Earlier scholarsoftencame to erroneousconclusionswhen, in
studyingKing St. Stephen'secclesiasticalpolicy,theybegan with
the premisethatthe Magyar nationadoptedthe Westernformof
and thusbecamelinkedwithChurchof Rome,thereby,
Christianity
excluding
thepossibilityof Byzantineecclesiasticalinfluences
completely.It shouldnotbe forgotten
thatat thebeginning
oftheeleventh
century,althoughan inevitablerivalrybetweenthe Easternand
Westernchurcheshad existedowingto considerations
of powerand
policy,and antagonism
becamemoreand moremarked,the actual
schismhadnotyettakenplace. In fact,justat thattimein connection
with the idea of the innovationof the WesternRoman Empire,
Byzantineinfluence
was stronglyfeltin Italy,the hub of Western
Not to mentionthatNilus foundedin I004, duringthe
Christianity.
age of St. Stephen,theBasiliteGreek monastery
at GrottaFerrata
nearRome. Thus whiletheHungariankingdecidedin favorof the
Westernsphere of civilizationand a German-Romansphere of
at thesametimehe also securedfreeactivityin theChurch
interest,
of Byzantium.
The Hungariankingdom,whichextendedon the contingent
line
betweenByzantineand Romanspheresof interest,
couldnotisolate
itselffromByzantineinfluence.
St. Stephenwas in allegiancewith
EmperorBasil II. In 1004, whentheMagyarsoccupiedSkoplje,they
27
MonumentaGermaniace
Historica,IV, 607.
GyulaMoravcsik
I42
carriedaway withthemtherelicsofSt. George.28The factsproving
strongecclesiasticalconnections
withByzantiumare madeclearerif
we rememberthatSt. Stephenhad a magnificent
churchbuilt in
Constantinople
forwhichhe gave lavishlyall thatwas required.29
It
is possiblethatthePantocrator
monastery
foundeda centurylaterin
Constantinople
bythewifeofEmperorJohnII, whowas thedaughter
ofKingSt. LadislausofHungary,was builtintothesameblockas the
ancientHungarianchurch.Also in Hungaryitselftraces of the
influence
ofByzantine
ecclesiasticartappear.Accordingtoonerecord
St. Stephenhad receivedas a giftfromtheGreekEmperora crossin
whichtherewas a piece of theHoly Rood. This crosswas wornby
St. Stephen'sson, Prince Imre, who later became known as St.
Emericus.30In addition,thereis in the archiepiscopaltreasuryat
Gran (Esztergom)a Byzantinecross casket,whichhas been preservedfromtheeleventhcentury.It bearsa Greek inscription.
It is,
by theway, characteristic
thaton Hungarianterritory
aboutthirty
Byzantinereliquarieshave beenrecovered.The marblesarcophagus
whichis held by traditionto be the repositoryof the holy king's
corpseis also in theByzantinestyle.Likewise, his coronationpall
was madeafterByzantinedesigns.The cathedrals
fromSt. Stephen's
period also point to strongByzantineinfluences,especially the
fragmentary
remainsof the one at Veszprem.Recently,tracesof
eleventh-century
Byzantinestylewere recognizedon the fragment
of the altar of Zalavtr and on the churchof Tarnaszentmaria.
Recordsmentionthattherewere Greek stonemasonsworkingon
the churchat Buda, whichSt. Stephenhad built.3'Thus it is not
surprising
thatat O-Buda,not long ago, tracesof a churchof the
eleventhcenturyin theByzantinestylewere discoveredamongthe
ruinsof a building.On the frescoesof the churchin Feldebrbwe
can also see Byzantineinfluences;
theyprobablydatefromthetenth
and eleventhcenturies,
theoldestrecordin paintingwhichhas come
down to us. Records mentionthat therehad been some Greeks
livingin Hungaryduringthe reign of St. Stephen.32
Bishop St.
Gerardus,who playeda leadingroleat thecourtof St. Stephen,was
of Venetianorigin,but he knew Greek. It has been provedby the
latestdiscoveriesthathe used a Greek sourceforone of his works.
28
2354.
29
30
31
32
A. F. Gombos, -Catalogus
fontiumhistoriaeHungaricae(1937-1938),
Scriptores
rerumHungaricarurm,
II, 386, 4,19.
Gombos, op. cit.,Vol. II, No. 3673.
Scriptores
rerum
Hungaricarum,
I, 317.
Ibid., I,
192,
303;
II, 63,
279.
Vol. II, No.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
I43
with
Admonitions,
a workattributed
to St. Stephen,showsaffinities
the ByzantineMirrorof Princes.In some of theirelements,these
workshavea specifically
Byzantineveneer.Let us take,forexample,
"Quis regeretLatinos
the famoussentencefromthe Admonitions:
GrecosLatinismoribus?""3
Grecismoribus,aut quis Latinusregeret
which,at all events,provesthatthe Greeks playeda greatrole in
themindof theHungarianking.
are comFragmentary
tracesof Byzantineecclesiasticalinfluence
to the
pletedby theCharterof St. Stephenin Greek whichtestifies
Althoughthiswork has
existenceof a nunneryin Veszpremv6lgy.
writtenin I i09
comedownto us onlyin theformof a transcription
duringthe reignof King KalmAn,recentresearchhas provedthat
we have here an originalauthenticcopy of St. Stephen'scharter.
it is clearthatthe
FromKing Ka'lma'n'stextin Latin,theRenovatio,
originaldocumentwas in the formof a scrolland was sealed with
St. Stephen'sseal. This description
concurswiththegeneralappearance of Byzantineimperialcharters.The Greek textof the charter
at Veszpr6m
reportsthattheHungarianKinghad foundeda nunnery
inhonoroftheMotherofGod forthereposeofthesoulsofhiswife,
his children,and himself,and for the whole of Pannonia.Then
of giftsand privilegesbestowedupon the
followsthe enumeration
The charterconcludeswitha curseon thosewho desecrate
nunnery.
of thenunnery.84
theproperty
From the Latin text of King Kalmin's Renovatioof ii09, it
appearsthatin accordancewiththe languageof the founderof the
theoriginalcharterwas writtenin Greek, "iuxtalinguam
nunnery,
auctoris
monasterii."
Thus, St. Stephenwas not the founderof the
nunnery,
but anotherpersonevidentlycloselyconnectedwithhim.
and endowed
The Hungariankingmerelysanctionedthefoundation
the nunnerywiththe necessaryfundsin the same manneras John
ComnenusII, Emperorof Byzantium,
had done in the case of the
Pantocratormonasteryfoundedby his wife,the EmpressIrene,a
Hungarianprincess,when,followingherdeath,he issueda charter
in 11-36.Some believethatit was Queen Gisella,St. Stephen'swife;
othersthinkthatit was his sister,the exiled wife of the Bulgar
auctoris
iuxtalinguam
Czar Gavril-Radomir.
However,theexpression
can hardlybe appliedto eitherof these.The hypothesisthatSt.
Stephen'smother,daughterof the Gyula, who was baptizedat
33
Ibid., II, 626.
34 Criticaled. by G. Czebe, The GreekTextof theDiplomaof Veszpre'mv6lgy
(Budapest,
i9i6);
inHungarian.
144
GyulaMoravcsik
was thefounder
Constantinople,
is muchmoreprobable,althoughit
does notsufficiently
explaintheexpressionquotedabove or thefact
thatSt. Stephennevermentionshis motherin the Charter.Thus
everysignpointsto the conclusionthatwe mustseek the founder
amongSt. Stephen'snextof kin. In the variousversionsof the St.
Margaretlegendwe readthattheparentageofthewifeofSt.Emeric,
Stephen'sson, is contested.Accordingto some stories,her father
was the Greek emperor;accordingto others,her fatherwas the
Romanemperor.With reference
to St. Emeric'sByzantinerelations,
some sourcesmaintainthatabout iio9 therewere rumorsto the
effectthatat the-hourof Emeric'sdeatha Greek archbishopsaw
angelscarrying
his soul to heaven.35
In contemporary
records,there
is, however,no traceof thewifeof St. Emerichavingbeena Greek
princess,so thisquestionmustbe leftopenforthetimebeing.Should
thereportof theMargaretlegendprovetrue,themysteryenveloping the person of the Veszpremvblgy
nunnery'sGreek speaking
founder
wouldsurelybe dispersed.
Older scholarssurmised,
in connection
withSt. Stephen'scharter
in Greekand thenunnery
of Veszpremv6lgy,
thattherewereItalian
and German-Byzantineinfluencerespectively.
However, since it
turnedout thattheterminology
of thecharteris typicallyByzantine
and thatits languagecorresponds
entirelyto theByzantinevernacular, documentary
language,thishypothesiscomes to nought.The
chartercan be explainedonly on the groundsof the atmosphere
of Byzantineculturemaintainedin Stephen'scourt, for it was
evidentlya Greek priestlivingat the courtwho draftedthe document,mostlikelyabout ioio. All thisproves,on the otherhand,
thatalthoughSt. Stephenalignedhis countrywiththe community
oftheWesternChurch,nevertheless
theByzantineformofChristianityalso foundits way intohis court.
Not longafterthereignofSt. Stephen,newtracesoftheByzantine
Church in Hungary came to light. King Andreas I (I047-60)
foundedtwo monasteries,
records:one
accordingto contemporary
at Tihany,theothernear Visegrad.Y Owing to numerous
reasons,
we are justified
in assumingthatbothwereBasilitemonasteries.
The
latestinvestigations
make it seem highlyprobablethatthe site of
Tihany had been formerlythe dwellingplace of certainGreek
hermitsand thatthemonastery
had beenfoundedfortheirbenefit.37
Pope HonoriusIII, in a letterof 1221, reportsthatin themonastery
Scriptores
rerumHungaricarum,
II, 456.
Ibid., II, 503.
37 Unpublishedresearchof J. Csemegi.
35
36
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
145
of VisegratdGreek monkshad been livingof old,38so it is obvious
thatthe monasteryfoundedby AndreasI followedthe patternset
by theBasilitemonks.As Anastasia,thewifeof AndreasI, who had
spentsometimebeforehisaccessiononRussiansoil,was thedaughter
of PrinceYaroslavofKiev, we cannotdismissthetheorythatalong
withtheGreekstherewere also Slav monkslivingin themonastery
of Visegratd,
and thatwhenthe monksof the Sazave monastery
in
Bohemiafledto Hungaryin 105 5, theyfoundrefugein themonastery
of Visegr'd.39The name of AndreasI also pointsto ByzantineRussianconnections,
forit is a knownfactthatSt. Andreasplayed
the same role in theEasternChurchas St. PetertheApostlein the
WesternChurch,and accordingto thelegendhe was thefounder
of
the RussianChurch.The name of the town of Szentendre,
in the
neighborhood
of theVisegratd
monastery,
whichwas consecrated
to
St. Andreas,is also a referenceto this saint.In addition,another
referenceto the Byzantinerelationsof AndreasI is the so-called
"ConstantineMonomachuscrown," preservedin the Hungarian
National Museum,which,to all appearances,the Hungarianking
obtainedas a presentbetween1042 and o055 fromByzantium.40
so fareffected
we havesurecogniBy reasonof theinvestigations
zanceof threesuchGreekmonasteries
whichexistedin theeleventh
on Hungarianterritory.
Fromlaterdata,however,we know
century
even moreof them.Froma documentof 1324, whichhas appeared
recently,we learnthaton the site of the modernvillageof Dunaof PentelewhereGreek nuns
penteletherehad beenthemonastery
sivemoniales
Grecales
hadlived("ubi Beginae
condam-commorabantur");
It is evidentthatthenameof
thusthistoo was a Greek monastery.
the villageis connectedwith the martyrcalled 'agios Panteleemo'n
(d. 305) of the Greek Church.This monasterywas mentionedas
buttherewas no reference
madeto its
earlyas 1238 in a document,
of thismonastery
Greek character.41
couldnothave
The foundation
takenplace in thethirteenth
century;it was muchearlier,probably
The
in the eleventhcentury.
monasteryat Patsztoalso musthave
will
be seenlater.We havereliableevidence
beenofGreekorigin,as
at Szatvaszentdemeter,
which
of theexistenceof a Greek monastery
in theletterofPope HonoriusIII in 12I8. A letter
is firstmentioned
38
I, 29.
A. Theiner, Veteramonumenhistorica
(Rome, I 859),
Hungariamsacramillustrantia
See St. Kniezsa, ArchivumEuropaeCentro-Orientalis,
VIII (0942),
I59-i6i.
"The Crown oftheEmperorConstantineMonomachos,"
See M. Bairainy-Oberschall,
Archaeologia
Hungarica,XXIV (I9c37), 89-90; Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof
King St. Stephen,I, 94-95.
41 See Moravcsik,JubileeVolumein Memoryof King St. Stephen,I, 4I9.
39
40
GyulaMoravcsik
146
fromPope ClemensVI in 1334 clearlystatesthatin thismonastery
Greeks,Hungarians,andSlavs had livedseparatedfromone another
eversinceitsfoundation.42
The magnitude
ofthecongregation
ofthe
EasternChurchis illustratedfurther
by the factthatin ii64 the
populationand clergyof theprovinceof SirmiumreceivedEmperor
Manuel of Byzantiumin statewhile singingecclesiasticalsongs.4
We also know thatBacs was the ecclesiasticalcenterof Sirmium
in the twelfthcenturyand thattherea prelateof the Greek rite,
heldhis seat.44If we now considerthata
evidentlya metropolitan,
in Hungarybeforethe
statistical
listputsthenumberof monasteries
Mongolianinvasionat aboutsix hundred(so far,onlyfourhundred
ofthesehavebeenlocated),andthatrecordsconcerning
earliertimes
are extremelyscarce,and moreoverthat,as will be seen later,the
Greek monasteriessubsequently
passed into the handsof Western
monasticorders,thenwe cometo theconclusionthatthenumberof
Greek monasterieson Hungarianterritory
must have been very
considerablein the eleventhand twelfthcenturies.This conclusion
is borneout further
by theveryscantydata whichhas come down
to us concerning
the spirituallife and literaryactivitiesof Greek
and monks.
monasteries
That medievalHungarianmonasteries
containedGreek books is
clearlyprovedby documents.Even if we do not acceptas finalthe
suppositionthatSt. Gerardushad access to Greek sourcesin the
at Marosvar,we knowfroman old record
libraryof themonastery
in thelibraryof theAbbey
thattherehad beena Psalterium
Graecum
of Pannonhalmain the eleventhcentury.At the beginningof the
twelfthcentury,a certainCerbanus,whose personis not familiar,
but who was evidentlya Basilitemonk,translatedintoLatin some
partsof theworksof two Greek Fathersof theChurch,Maximus
in thepossessionof
andJohnDamascene,froma Greek manuscript
the monasteryat Paszto.'
From this it follows that originallythe
ofPaszt6 had also beenGreek.The translation
was made
monastery
andthetranslator
fortheAbbeyofPannonhalma,
dedicatedhiswork
to David, Abbot of Pannonhalma(I 3I-50), in gratitudefor the
to note thatthe first
he thereenjoyed.It is interesting
hospitality
42
Theiner,op.cit.,I, 9-I
I,
667-668.
Kinnamos,ed. Bonn,p. 2 2 1. I. Raicz,Byzantina
poze6mata
peri tonouggrikdn
ekstratei6n
touautokratoros
Manouel [OuggroellenikaiMeletai] (Budapest, I94),
pp. I9-20,
45.
44 Kinnamos,ed. Bonn, p. 222.
45 Ed. R. I. Szigeti, Translatio
Latina IoannisDamasceni(De orthodoxa
fide l.III.c. 1-8.)
saeculoXII in Hungaria confecta[OuggroellenikaiMeletai 3] (Budapest, I940).
A. B.
Terebessy, TranslatioLatina SanctiMaximi Confessoris
(De caritatead Elpidium *. I-IV)
saeculoXII. in Hungariaconfecta
[OuggroellenikaiMeletai 25] (Budapest, I944).
43
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
147
Latin translation
of the work of JohnDamascenewhichwas made
in Hungaryinfluenced
laterLatin translations.
Westerntheologians,
and amongthemPetrusLombardus,became acquaintedwith this
greatGreek Fatherthroughthistranslation.46
Fromthe survivalof
of the translation
the manuscript
in Austrianmonasteries
and from
the influencethe translation
had on Westerntheologianswe may
justlyconcludethatGreek monasteries
in Hungaryplayed an imrolein theeleventhand twelfthcenturies.47
Some
portantmediating
of theproductsof Greek ecclesiasticalliterature
reachedthe West
made in Basilitemonasteries
in Hungary,and
throughtranslations
more than one Byzantinelegendand saga migratedto the West
throughthem.This is borneout by the factthatmanyHungarian
medievalsagas and legendsare of Byzantineorigin.Thus, forexample, the story about ChieftainLel of Hungarian chronicles
containssome principlesfromthe ByzantineSalamonlegend,and
one episodeof theHungarianSt. Ladislauslegendis highlyreminiscent of the legendsof militantsaintsso popularin Byzantium;48
especiallythe legendof St. Demetriuswho was thepatronsaintof
Thessalonica,althoughthe real birthplaceof his cult was in the
provinceof Sirmium,where the place names of the Hungarian
and of theSlavicMitrovicapreservehismemory.
Szatvaszentdemeter
Surielyit is no coincidencethaton theenamelplaqueson thecrown
presentedto Geza I, King of Hungary,in 1075, by Michael Ducas
II, Emperorof Byzantium,the imageof St. Demetriusis visible.49
The old cathedralof Szeged was also dedicatedto St. Demetrius.In
Hungaryhis feastday used to be celebratedon October26, as was
customaryin the EasternChurch,and not on October 8 as in the
WesternChurch. Besides St. Demetrius,there were also other
Byzantinesaintsreveredin medievalHungarianecclesiasticallife.
Mentionhas been made of the Magyarshavingbroughtwiththem
fromSkoplje,in the timeof St. Stephen,the relicsof St. George,
reveredby them.According
who appearsto have been particularly
whenBishopCsanad defeatedAjtony,he did so under
to tradition,
the protectionof St. George. When in 1072 the hosts of King
Salomonand PrinceGeza marchedas faras Nis, theybroughtback
with themthe hand of St. Procopiusthe Martyr,whichlater,in
See Szigeti, op. cit.,pp. 2 2-3 5.
See E. v. Ivainka, "Griechische Einfliisseim westlichen Geistesleben des XII.
ArchivumPhilologicum,
2 I I-2 I7.
Jahrhunderts,"
LXIV (1940),
48 See G. Saintha,Le Leggendebizantinedei santicombattenti
[OuggroellenikaiMeletai
22]
(Budapest, I943).
49 See G. Moravcsik, "The Holy Crown of Hungary," Hungarian Quarterly,
IV
(1938),
656-667.
46
47
GyulaMoravcsik
I48
ii64,
the EmperorManuel had taken back to Nis.50Furtherinvestigations,
ofmedievalHungarianplace
especiallytheexamination
names,will increasethenumberof Byzantinesaintsin Hungary.
The extentof the influenceof the ByzantineChurch,how farreachingit had been,and whatparticular
colorand character
it gave
to HungarianChristianity
is fullydisclosedonlyby themostrecent
research.5'It came to light that in the course of the eleventh
centurythe HungarianChurchhad been characterized
by several
featureswhichare eminently
Byzantine.In a Hungarianmissalat
Zagreb, which reflectsthe Hungarianliturgyfromthe eleventh
centuryfaithfully,
thereis a formulaforthe consecration
of water
which,as the words "ut mosestGraecorum"
pointout,is merelya
fromtheGreek. It is also significant
translation
thatthemarriageof
priestswas authorizedfor a time in Hungary,just as it was in
Byzantium.When the adherentsof the Gregorianmovementprotestedagainstthis,theHungarianbishopsheadedby King Ladislaus
referredto the decree of the Council of Trullos (ConciliumQuinin 691-92 whichthe Churchof Rome had neverrecogquesextum)
nized. It was not until I 112 thatKing Kalmin assertedthe conceptionofRome.The mostsurprising
results,however,wereyielded
by the examinationof fastingcustoms.In 1092 the Council of
Szabolcs defendedthe Hungarianway of fasting,which,in conwiththeByzantinepractice,lastedsevenweeks; whilethe
formity
Latin Churchimposeda fastof six weeks,thatis, fortydays. Since
the old Byzantinecustomwas supersededby an eight-weekfastin
the seventhcentury,
we mustconcludethattheHungarianpractice
retainedthe obsoleteByzantinecustomfromtheperiodbeforethe
seventhcentury.So far,thequestionof how thiscameaboutcannotbe satisfactorily
answered.The suppositionthatthe Magyarshad
knowntheold Byzantineway of fastingwhenstillon theshoresof
the Black Sea and had preservedit unchangedfor so long hardly
seems probablefor chronological
reasons; the Onogurmissionary
was onlyinstituted
in themiddleoftheeighthcentury,
bishopric
thus
a strong Byzantineinfluencecan be consideredonly fromthat
timeforward.52
Yet, whateverthe meansof adoptingthe old Byzantinefasting
practice,alongwithotherthings,thistoo provesthat
thoughHungarianChristianity
followedthe Romanrite,
definitely
Kinnamos,ed. Bonn,p. 227.
See P. Vaczy, "Les Racines byzantinesdu christianisme
hongrois,"NouvelleRevue
de Hongrie,XXXIV (I94I),
99-i08.
52 See G. Moravcsik, AmericanSlavic and East EuropeanReview, V, Nos. 14-15
50
51
(1946),
41-42.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
I49
it had, nevertheless,
preserveduntilthe beginningof the twelfth
centuryseveral Byzantinecharacteristics.
In addition,Byzantine
has also fromthisepochpalpablerecords,as forexample,
influence
the tabernaclefromthe twelfthcenturywith Greek inscriptions
whichwas excavatedat Beszterce.
In theage of King Bela III (i i63-96), new tracesof connections
withtheByzantineChurchappear.As a youngman,Bela lived for
severalyearsin the courtof EmperorEmanuelwherehe was convertedto the Orthodoxfaithand took partin the Councilof Conin I i66 as theprospectiveson-in-lawof theEmperorof
stantinople
Byzantium.On his returnto Hungary,the Archbishopof Gran
(Esztergom)refusedto crownhim,evidently
owingto hisacceptance
of the Orthodoxfaith.In the troubledtimesfollowingManuel's
to realize a Hungarian-Byzantine
death,Bela attempted
union,but
not
This
endeavorundoubtedly
did
he
succeed.53
accountsforthe
appearanceof theByzantinedoublecrosson theHungariancoat of
It was probablyhe who unitedthetwo crowns-the crown
arms.54
St.
of StephenwiththeByzantineone.55We also knowthatin I I 83
he broughtthe relics of St. Ivan of Rila fromSardica (Sofia) to
accountof this age is foundin the
An interesting
Esztergom.56
between
Bela's
correspondence
son-in-law,
EmperorIsaac Angelus
of Esztergom(about I I 90), concerning
II, -andJob,theArchbishop
dogmaticquestions.Amongsomelettersrecentlyfound,one written
in thenameof EmperorDemetriusTornicesrevealsthattheArchbishopofEsztergomhimselfhadvisitedtheCourtof Byzantium
and
was personallyacquaintedwith the-Emperor,who cherishedthe
dreamof unitingthetwo churchesunderhis own leadership.57
The
door of the basilicaof Esztergomwhichhe
factthatthe triumphal
had made was wroughtafterthe modelof a Byzantinepatternis
visitto Constantinople.
connectedwiththearchbishop's
At the beginningof the thirteenth
century,life in the Greek
monasteriesunderwenta greatchange.The most recentresearch
has pointedout the connection
betweenthischangeand the change
53 See G. Moravcsik, "Pour une Alliance byzantino-hongroise
(seconde moitie du
XIIe siecle)," Byzantion,VIII (I933), 555-568.
54 See L. B. Kumorowitz,"Das Doppelkreuz des ungarischenWappens," Turul,LV
(I94I),
45-62.
See Moravcsik, "The Holy Crown of Hungary," HungarianQuarterly,
IV (1938),
666-667.
56 See J. B6dey, "Die ungarischen
Beziehungender Legende des hig. Ivan von Rila,"
ArchivumPhilologicum,
LXIV (1940), 217-2 2 1.
57 See V. Laurent,"Une Lettre dogmatiquede I'empereurIsaac I'Ange au primatde
55
XXXIX (1940),
Hongrie,"Echosd'Orient,
59-7
7
Moravcsik
Gyula
I50
at thistime.58
placeintheGreekstateandchurch
whichwas taking
crusade,
withthefourth
As we alreadyknow,in I 204 in connection
oftheWestandtherethe
passedintothepossession
Constantinople
and, at the same time,the Latin
Latin Empirewas established
ofthiswas whatis called"LatinizaThe consequence
patriarchate.
ofLatinarchwereputunderthecontrol
tion."The Greekbishops
These tendencies
wereestablished.
andLatinmonasteries
bishops,
feltalsoin Hungary.
It maybe seenfroma letter
madethemselves
theideaof
in 1.204, thatheentertained
III, written
ofPopeInnocent
in Hungary,
whichhad falleninto
theGreekmonasteries
uniting
of Hungarianbishops,into one
decay owingto the negligence
inthesame
III writesinanother
letter
Innocent
bishopric.59
separate
of the
in thecountry
yearthattherearemanyGreekmonasteries
in
king.60
Hungarian
However,thePope'splandidnotmaterialize;
oftheLatinEmpirein Constantinople
fact,owingto thefoundation
The
Hungary.
hadalsosetinthroughout
theprocessofLatinization
tornawayfrom
isolatedina Latinenvironment,
Greekmonasteries,
roots,wentone aftertheotherintothe
theirByzantine
spiritual
took
of Western
monastic
orders.Thus theCistercians
possession
in 1190, at Visegradin 12 2I, and
thepfaceoftheGreeksat Patszt6
inthecourseofthethirteenth
The Greek
century.
atVeszpremv6lgy
in themonastery
ofSzatvaszentdemeter,
monksheldoutthelongest
whichin 1218 Pope Honoriustookunderhis own rule.6'When the
changed.It maybe
thesituation
Empirewas restored,
Byzantine
in 1344,thatfora
VII, written
seenfroma letterofPopeClement
ofSzavaszentdemeter
was undertheimmediate
timethemonastery
of thePatriarch
ofConstantinople,
whichmeansthatit
supremacy
however,
mone.In theyearindicated,
was a so-calledstauropegiake
as it hadbeenvacantsincethedeathof thelastabbot(aboutten
ofBenedictines.62
years),it fellintothepossession
centuries
the
It seemsthatduringthefourteenth
and fifteenth
in the
mainly
flockoftheGreekChurchlivedin largecommunities
A letter
byPopeGregory
written
Tisza regionandinTransylvania.
ofthenewLatinbishopric,
IX in 1234revealsthaton theterritory
oftheCumans,
fortheconversion
thereweresham-bishops
founded
who
ritumtenentes)
Graecorum
of the Greekrites(pseudoepiscopi
58 See Et v. Ivainka,"GriechischeKirche und griechischesM6nchtumim mittelalterlichenUngarn," OrientaliaChristiana
Periodica,VIII, Nos. 1-2 (1942),
190-194.
59 Signiflcavitnobis 26. April, 1204 .. ., see ibid., p. i9 I.
60 Venientesad apostolicam 14. September, 1204 . . . , see ibid., p.
Theiner,op. cit.,I,
62 Ibid., I, 667-668.
61
9-II.
i90.
The Byzantine
Churchin MedievalHungary
15I
exertedtheirinfluence,
not only on the Wallachs,but also on the
Magyars.63The expansionof the Wallachsand the Subcarpathian
Rutheniansenhancedthe Byzantineecclesiasticinfluencein these
territories
An interesting
considerably.
lightis cast on thisquestion
in a Greek documentof 1391 fromwhichit appearsthatat K6rtvelyes of Mtrmoros,at one time,a monastery
of St. Michaelhad
existedwhose patronshad obtainedfromthe Patriarchof Constantinoplea grantthat the monasterybe raised to stauropegia
whichmeantthatit was underthedirectauthority
ofthePatriarchof
The establishment
of the Greek bishopricat
Constantinople.64
Munkacsalso occurredin themiddleof the fifteenth
century.This
in all probabilityis connectedwith visit of Isidore, the former
ofMoscow (ofGreekorigin),to Budain 1443.65 That
Metropolitan
the Greek Churchhad a considerablecongregation
is provedby a
declarationof Aeneas SylviusPiccolomini,laterPope Pius II. In a
writingin I450, he givesthefollowingadviceto LadislausV, later
kingof Hungary:". . . diceremautemetiamilla (sc. Graeca)tibi
si facultasadesset;nam et ad regnumHungarie melius
addiscenda,
dirigendum,
cuiGrecicomplures
subsunt,
nonparumconducerent
...) .66
Fromthisit is clearthata largenumberof Greekslivedin Hungary
who belongedto the Greek Churchand used the languageof the
Greek ritual.
As we know,thereare Catholicsevennowon Hungarianterritory
who followtheGreek rite-the so-called"Greek Catholics"whom
Pope Pius X unitedin 1912 in the Bishopricof Hajdudorog.'How
theseare relatedto themedievalfollowersof theByzantineChurch
andwhetherthecontinuity
in thisrespectmightbe proved,is a task
forthe futureto decide.
BUDAPEST
UNIVERSITY
63 In Cumanorum
episcopatu
14. November,1234 . . . , see Ivanka,"Griechische
Kirche
und griechischesM6nchtumim mittelalterlichen
Ungarn," pp. 191-192.
64
65
66
Miklosich-Miiller,Acta et diplomata,II, 156-157.
G. Papp, The Originof theEpiscopateof Munkdcs(Miskolc, 1940);
FontesRerumAustriacarum,
Diplomatariaet Acta, LXVII (1912),
in Hungarian.
138.