Llisterri, J., Machuca, M. J., de la Mota, C., Riera, M., &
Ríos, A. (2002). The role of F0 peaks in the identification
of lexical stress in Spanish. In A. Braun & H. R. Masthoff
(Eds.), Phonetics and its applications. Festchrift for
Jens-Peter Köster on the occasion of his 60th birthday
(pp. 350-361). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
http://liceu.uab.cat/~joaquim/publicacions/
Llisterri_et_al_Koester.pdf
JOAQUIM LLISTERRI I MARIA JESUS MACHUCA/ CARME DE LA MOTA I MONTSERRAT RIERA I
ANTONIO Rios
THE ROLE OF FO PEAKS IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF LEXICAL STRESS IN SPANISH
1.
Introduction
It is a well documented fact that in several languages (see, for example, Silverman and Pierrehumbert 1990 for American English) the fundamental frequency (FO) peak associated to a lexically stressed syllable is not always coincident in time with this syllable. This phenomenon,
described as "FO shift", "FO peak displacement" or "peak delay" has been studied for Spanish
from an acoustical perspective (Garrido et al. 1993; Prieto et al. 1995; Llisterri et al. 1995), but
there seems to be a lack of experimental evidence on the perceptual effects of the left to right
shift of the FO peak - "overshooting" - to syllables which are not lexically stressed.
It is generally acknowledged that, as in other languages, stress in Spanish is signalled by
three simultaneous acoustic cues: fundamental frequency, duration and intensity. Some acoustic
studies have emphasized the importance of FO (Quilis 1971), while others have argued for duration as a highly relevant parameter in production (Canellada and Madsen 1987; Garrido et al.
1993; Mora et al. 1997; Diaz Campos 2000; Riera et al. 2001). As far as perception is concerned, Enriquez et al. (1989) conclude that FO is the main parameter systematically related to
the identification of the stressed syllable of a word, while duration is a secondary cue, also conditioned by the stress pattern. Effects of other factors on the perception of accent such as the
phonological structure have also been observed (Face 2000).
Taking advantage of the fact that Spanish is a free accent language - i.e. lexical stress can
appear in any syllable of the word - a perceptual experiment has been designed to assess the
role of FO peaks in the identification of the stressed syllable, using words with the same segmental form but with differences in stress placement, such as [1numero] (numero - 'the number',
n.), [nu'mero] (numero, 'I number', v.), [nume'ro] (numer6, 'he/she numbered', v.). The stimuli
have been manipulated to observe the effects of the alignment of FO peaks either with the
stressed syllable or with the post-stressed one.
To assess the role of lexical knowledge phonologically acceptable but non-existent words
have also been included in the experiment. Contextual effects have been analysed by considering the words both in isolation and in carrier sentences.
2.
Experimental design
A corpus for analysis has been built up and recorded by a native speaker of Castilian Spanish.
The recordings have been manipulated to obtain the stimuli for a perceptual test, as explained in
the next sections.
2.1. Acoustic data
2.1. l. Corpus
The initial corpus consisted of four actual three syllable words allowing the stress to be placed
on the first (proparoxytone), second (paroxytone) and final (oxytone) syllable - nilmero/
numerolnumer6; Umite/limite/Umite; medico/medicolmedic6; validolvalidolvalid6 - and two
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
351
non-existent words in which the position of the stress has also been varied *nulibol*nulibol*nulib6; *ltidebol*ladebol*ladeb6 . These words have been chosen to maintain
a constant CV syllable structure and to minimize the number of voiceless consonants to improve
FO detection.
A set of carrier sentences was also designed considering the stress pattern of the elements
preceding and following the target words, so as to obtain a constant number of two unstressed
syllables between lexical stressed ones; with this design, the same stress pattern is obtained for
every sentence, as shown in figure 1. For actual words, carrier sentences have been chosen according to the lexical category of the target word, while non-existent words were combined with
all possible carrier sentences.
Proparoxytone target words - e.g. ['numero] numero - were preceded by four syllables
with stress on the second syllable - e.g. [le'6i0esel] le dices el ('you tell him the .. .') - and followed by a stressed monosyllabic word - e.g. ['mal] ma/ ('wrongly'). Paroxytone target words e.g. [nu'mero] numero - were preceded by a sequence of stressed plus unstressed syllable - e.g.
['nole] no le ('you don't/didn't...') and followed by a 3 syllable noun phrase with stress on the
second one - e.g. [las'filas] las fl/as ('the rows'). Finally, oxytone target words - e.g. [nume'ro]
numer6- were preceded by a stressed monosyllabic word- e.g. ['no] no (no)- and followed by
a 4 syllable noun phrase with stress on the penultimate syllable - e.g. [loz'f3oletos] los boleros
('the tickets').
Words with stress on the first syllable: numero
u s u
u s
u
u s
Le
el
me
ro
di
ces
nu
mal
Noun
Verb
Adverb
Object
'You tell him the number wrongly'
Words with stress on the second syllable: numero
s
u
u s u u s u
No
le
nu me ro las fi las
Negation
Pronoun
Verb
Object
'I don't number the rows for him'
Words with stress on the final syllable: numer6
s
UU
SU
USU
No
nu
r6
bo
Negation
me
los
Verb
le tos
Object
'He didn't number the tickets'
Figure 1: Stress pattern and syntactic structure of the carrier sentences. S stands for "stressed
syllable" and U for "unstressed syllables".
352
Joaquim Llisterri et al.
Both the isolated words and those embedded in the carrier sentences were recorded in acoustically controlled conditions by a native speaker of Castilian Spanish. Each word was recorded 10
times in isolation and carrier sentences with embedded target words were recorded only once.
Isolated words were used to obtain mean FO ,values for the creation of the set of basic stimuli for
the perceptual test.
2.1.2. Acoustic analysis
The FO in the 180 target words (10 repetitions of 4 actual words x 3 stress patterns + 2 nonexistent words x 3 stress patterns) was measured at the beginning, centre and end of each of the
three vowels in the word using the Praat software. Results, presented in Appendix 1, show that
for isolated existent and non-existent words higher FO values are regularly associated with the
lexically stressed syllable.
2.2. Perceptual tests
2.2.1. Stimuli
The FO of the isolated target words was manipulated using the Praat programme. First of all, for
each of the target words as recorded by the speaker, FO original values in the vowels have been
replaced by mean values obtained from the 10 repetitions of the same word (see Appendix 1).
Duration and intensity were maintained as in the original recordings.
Two further modifications were performed to obtain stimuli with FO displacement. In
words with lexical stress in the first syllable (proparoxytones), the initial, medial and final FO
values for each vowel were replaced by the FO values found in words with stress on the second
syllable (paroxytones). Moreover, in words with lexical stress on the second syllable, the FO
values for each vowel were changed by the values found in words with lexical stress on the final
syllable (oxytones). Duration and intensity parameters were not modified. To create the new
stimuli, each word was resynthesised with the new pitch contour using PSOLA as implemented
in Praat. Figures 2 and 3 show an example of this manipulation. Oxytone words were not manipulated to avoid shifting an FO peak across a word boundary.
(a) Valido ['balioo] with original FO contour
(b) Valido ['balioo] with FO contour
extracted from valido[ba'lioo]
Figure 2: Waveform, FO (black line) and intensity (grey line) for the word valido (a) and
waveform, FO and intensity obtained after manipulation superimposing the FO pattern of the word valido (b).
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
(a) Valido [ba'Ii3o] with original FO contour
353
(b) Valido [ba'Ii3o] with FO contour extracted
from valid6 [bali'3o]
)
Figure 3: Waveform, FO (black line) and intensity (grey line) for the word valido (a) and
waveform, FO and intensity obtained after manipulation superimposing the FO pattern of the word valid6 (b ).
2.2.2. Subjects and method
Three different tests were prepared. In the first one, subjects were asked to identify the syllable
in which the stress was perceived - first, second or last syllable - for a total of 30 isolated
words. The second test consisted of 24 pairs of isolated words, and subjects were asked wether
the words were equal or different in their stress pattern. In the third test, consisting on 84
stimuli, the target words were embedded in the carrier sentences described in 2.1.1 and subjects
had to indicated in which syllable - first, second or last - of the target word the stress was perceived. Within each test, stimuli were presented in random order.
The test was administered through individual headphones at the Language Laboratory of
the Department of French and Romance Philology at the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona.
Subjects were given written instructions on paper as well as an oral briefing, and they were
warned of the presence of existent and non-existent words on the test. A set of five training
stimuli was included at the beginning of each test, and questions on the procedure were taken
after each training period. No blank replies were allowed.
Twenty first year students of Spanish Philology at the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona,
speakers of the Castilian variety of Spanish, with ages between 18 and 22 years old, responded
to the test. A total of 2760 replies were obtained.
3.
Results
3.1. Stimuli without FO peak shift
As explained in 2.2.2., in test 1 subjects were asked to identify the syllable in which the stress
was perceived in a series of 30 isolated words. In test 3, these same words were embedded in
the carrier sentences described in 2.1. l. Stimuli were prepared using the mean FO values obtained from the recordings shown in appendix I. Note that in those cases FO peaks are simultaneous with the syllable bearing the lexical stress. In all cases, existent and non-existent words
were included.
Joaquim Llisterri et al.
354
Tables l to 4 describe the average percentage of identification of the stress pattern of the
stimuli.
% ofre}Jlies
·-]
-
00
Stress on the first syllable
(elibali3aj)
Stress on the second syllable
~.£ [ba'li3oJl
Stress on the final syllable
(e.£ [bali'ooj)
Table l:
Stress on the first
s}'llable
97.37
J.3.0~
1.32
(2.63)
0
Stress on the
second syllable
2.63
(3.04)
96.05
J_5.0'!!_
0
Stress on the final
s}'llable
0
2.63
_{_5.2~
100
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in isolated existent words.
Stress on the first syllable
(e.g.J'la3e!o]l
;.::::
::s Stress on the second syllable
.§
_ie:_&: [la'3e~
00
Stress on the final syllable
-
Stress on the first
syllable
100
2.63
(3.72)
0
% ofre}Jlies
Stress on the
second ~lable
0
97.37
Stress on the final
~lable
0
0
J.3.7~
0
100
_ie:_&:]a3e~
Table 2:
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in isolated non-existent words.
Stress on the first
s llable
100
1.32
(2.44
0
Table 3:
% ofr lies
Stress on the
second s llable
0
Stress on the final
s llable
0
98.68
0
92.11
18.45
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in existent words embedded in carrier sentences.
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
Stress on the first
s Hable
99.34
-·;:I
.§
tZl
syllable
Table 4:
3.62
3.71
l.32
(2.35)
% ofre lies
Stress on the
second s Hable
0.66
(l.86)
96.38
355
Stress on the final
s Hable
0
0
98.68
2.35)
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in non-existent words embedded in carrier sentences.
As can be observed in Tables 1 to 4, no difficulties in the correct identification of the lexically
stressed syllable are appreciated for the stimuli in which the FO peak is simultaneous with the
lexically stressed syllable. Results are very similar for actual and for nonsense words, and do
not seem to be influenced by the presence or absence of the carrier sentence.
3.2. Stimuli with manipulated FO peak shift
For stimuli with manipulation of the FO contour two types of tests were prepared: one in which
subjects were asked to identify the syllable bearing the lexical stress, both in words in isolation
(Test I) and in context (Test 3), and another one in which pairs of words were compared (Test
2).
3.2. l. Identification of lexical stress
Stimuli used for these two tests were produced as described and exemplified in 2.2. l: the FO
contour of a paroxytone word (e.g. [ba 1li60]) was superimposed to a proparoxytone word
(['bali6o]) and the FO contour of an oxytone word ([bali 160]) was superimposed to a paroxytone
one ([ba'li6o]), without modifications in duration and intensity. The results obtained for the
perceptual identification of the stressed syllable are presented in tables 5 to 8.
%of~ies
Stress on the
61.84
(30.8)
Stress on the
second ~!able
36.84
(31.87)
Stress on the
final ~!able
l.32
(2.63)
l.32
(2.63)
60.53
(34.8)
38.16
(33.7)
first~lable
·-;:I
·~
tZl
Lexical stress on the first syllable and
FO contour with peak on the second
~!able
Lexical stress on the second syllable
and FO contour with peak on the final
~lable
Table 5:
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in existent words in isolation.
356
Joaquim Llisterri et al.
Lexical stress on the first syllable and
FO contour with peak on the second
"3 syllable
s
...... Lexical stress on the second syllable
1ZJ
with FO contour with peak on the final
··-
Stress on the
first ~!able
72.37
(20.78)
% ofrep]ies
Stress on the
second ~!able
27.63
(20.78)
Stress on the
final syllable
0
1.32
(2.63)
67.11
(45.35)
31.58
(46.08)
~!able
Table 6:
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in existent words in context.
For existent words, isolated or in context, the syllable perceived as stressed is the one bearing
the lexical stress before the manipulation, with percentages of identification ranging from
72.37% to 60.5%. Nevertheless, a percentage of replies between 27.63% and 38.16% shows that
the stress pattern that has been perceived is influenced by the FO contour which has been superimposed, i.e. that the syllable identified as stressed is the one bearing the FO peak
%ofr~ies
-·-s
;::l
·..::i
1ZJ
Lexical stress on the first syllable and
FO contour with peak on the second
Lexical stress on the second syllable
and FO contour with peak on the final
syllable
Stress on the
final ~!able
7.89
(3.72)
0
63.16
(44.7)
36.84
(44.7)
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in non-existent words in isolation.
Lexical stress on the first syllable and
FO contour with peak on the second
"3
~!able
......
Lexical stress on the second syllable
and FO contour with peak on the final
1ZJ
Stress on the
second ~!able
68.42
(37.21)
~!able
Table 7:
·-s
·-
Stress on the
first ~!able
23.68
(33.49)
Stress on the
first ~!able
61.18
(21.41)
% ofrei>Jies
Stress on the
second ~!able
38.82
(21.41)
Stress on the
final syllable
0
1.97
(3.92)
67.11
(31.67)
30.92
(33.58)
~!able
Table 8:
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of identification of the
position of the stressed syllable in non-existent words in context.
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
357
For non-existent words, the behaviour is quite similar to the one found for actual words
except in the case of isolated words which were originally stressed on the first syllable
(proparoxytone) and have been modified with an FO contour corresponding to a word with the
stress on the second syllable (paroxytone). In this case, the manipulated stimulus is perceived
with the original lexical stress in 23,68% of cases, while it is perceived with stress in the
syllable in which the FO peak actually occurs in 68,42% of the cases; in 7,89% of the replies, the
stress has been perceived on the last syllable.
A closer analysis of the stimuli reveals certain differences between the two non-existent
words ['la6epo] and ['nuliPoJ in the cases in which the paroxytone FO contour has been superimposed over the proparoxytone contour: ['la5epo] in isolation is perceived as proparoxytone
1
([ la6epo]) in 47.37% of cases and as paroxytone ([la'5epo]) in 42. l l % of cases, while the same
word included in a carrier sentence it is mainly interpreted as a proparoxytone (['la5epo])
(78.94% of cases). The word ['nuiipo] in isolation is clearly identified as paroxytone ([nu'lipo])
(94.74% of cases), but results when embedded in carrier sentences range from 68.42% to
42.11 % of cases in which the word has been perceived as paroxytone ([nu'Iipo]).
3.2.2. Comparison of paired words
Pairs of isolated words with the manipulations described in 2.2.1 were prepared as stimuli for
test 2. Subjects were asked to label the pairs as "same" or "different" taking into consideration
the position of the stress in the word. The results obtained are summarised in tables 9 and 10.
Lexical stress on the
Lexical stress on the
Lexical stress on the
second syllable and FO final syllable and FO
first syllable and FO
contour with peak on
contour with peak on
contour with peak on
the first syllable
the second syllable
the final syllable
{IJ_aroisY_tone)
(oxytone)
{I>r<>Q_arox_ytone)
Different
Same
Different
Same
Same
Different
Lexical stress on the
46.05 (18.4)
22.37
53.95
77.63
(21.2)
(21.2)
first syllable (propar- (18.4)
oxytone) and FO
contour with peak on
the second syllable
{p_aro~tone)
Lexical stress on the
second syllable (paroxytone) and FO
contour with stress
on the final syllable
(ox_1!one)
Table 9:
65.79
(20.4)
34.21 (20.4)
9.21
(5.04)
90.79 (5.04)
Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of replies for existent
words.
Joaquim Llisterri et al.
358
When proparoxytone words are compared with proparoxytone ones with a superimposed FO
contour of a paroxytone, they do not seem to be clearly identified as words with the stress on the
first syllable (53.95%) or as words with the stress on the second syllable (46.05%). In the case
of paroxytone words, when compared with proparoxytones with the superimposed contour of a
paroxytone one, they are interpreted as having different stress patterns in 77.63% of cases. If
these same stimuli are compared with paroxytone words with the superimposed contour of
oxytone ones, they are perceived as having the stress on the second syllable in 65.79% of cases.
Finally, when oxytone words are compared with paroxytone ones with a superimposed oxytone
contour, in 90.70% of cases they are perceived as different.
It seems that the paroxytone stress pattern is better perceived as such in cases where an
oxytone FO contour has been superimposed over a paroxytone word (65.79%) than in cases
where a paroxytone FO contour has been superimposed over a proparoxytone word (22.37% ).
Even oxytones compared with paroxytones with an oxytone FO contour are not perceived as
being the same stimulus in 90. 79% of cases. Thus, the original stress pattern of existent words
seems to be prevalent over the superimposed FO contour.
Lexical stress on the
first syllable and FO
contour with peak on
the first sy liable
(2!'opo~one)
Same
Lexical stress on the 42.11
first syllable
(52.l)
(proparoxytone) and
FO contour with
peak on the second
syllable (paroxytone)
Lexical stress on the
second syllable
(paroxytone) and FO
contour with stress
on the final syllable
(ms}'!one)
Different
57.89
(52.l)
Lexical stress on the
Lexical stress on the
second syllable and FO
final syllable and FO
contour with peak on
contour with peak on
the second syllable
the final syllable
(oxvtone)
{e_arox.}'.!one)
Same
Different
Same
Different
55.26
44.75
(33.49)
(33.49)
52.63
(59.5)
47.37
(59.5)
15.79
(22.33)
84.21
(22.33)
Table 10: Mean percentage and standard deviation (in parentheses) of replies for non-existent
words.
For non-existent words, proparoxytone words compared with proparoxytone ones with a superimposed FO contour of a paroxytone do not seem to be clearly identified as proparoxytones
(42.11%) or as paroxytones (57.89%). In the case ofparoxytone words, when compared with
proparoxytones with the superimposed FO contour of a paroxytone one, results are not conclusive again, since they are identified as having the stress on the first syllable (55.26%) or in the
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
359
second one (44.75%). If these same stimuli are compared with paroxytone words with the superimposed contour of oxytone ones, a similar behaviour is found: they are not clearly interpreted as paroxytones (52.63%) or oxytones (47.37%). Finally, when oxytone words are compared with paroxytone ones with a superimposed oxytone contour, in 84.21 % of cases they are
perceived as different.
Non-existent words only seem to follow the same trend as existent ones in two cases: (a)
comparisons between proparoxytones and proparoxytones with a superimposed paroxytone FO
contour, and (b) comparisons between oxytones and paroxytones with a superimposed oxytone
FOcontour.
4.
Conclusions
As results presented in 3.1. clearly show, when the FO peak is aligned with the lexically stressed
syllable, the position of the stress is correctly identified with percentages of replies ranging from
100% to 92.11 %; this is found for existent and for non-existent words in isolation as well as in
carrier sentences.
In those cases in which the FO contour has been replaced by a different one (3.2.1.), the
general trend seems to be the identification as stressed of the syllable originally bearing the
lexical stress, despite the presence a superimposed FO contour with a peak displaced to the right.
Percentages for those cases range from 72.37% to 60.53%. This general trend is not followed by
isolated proparoxytone non-existent words with a paroxytone FO contour, where an important
variability in the replies to different stimuli has been observed.
When pairs of words are compared (3.2.2.), paroxytone words to which an FO contour with
a peak on the final syllable has been superimposed are clearly not perceived as being the same
as an oxytone word. In existent words, the result of this manipulation is interpreted as a word
bearing the stress on the second syllable (65.79% of cases) - i.e. the originally stressed one -,
while in non-existent words a clear tendency is not found.
For the stimuli with superimposed FO contours no systematic effects of the context and of
the differences between actual and non-existent words has been observed, except in isolated
cases discussed in 3.2.1. and 3.2.2.
In this experiment the role of FO peak displacement in the perception of lexical stress in
Spanish has been considered. The stimuli with shifted peaks included in the tests were obtained
by replacing the initial, medial and final FO values of all the vowels in the target words, while
intensity contours and segmental durations were kept as in the original corpus produced by a
native speaker. The general tendency observed in the results indicates that a replacement of the
FO contour is not enough to induce the identification as stressed of the syllable aligned with the
FOpeak.
Further research will apply the same strategy to intensity contours and to segmental durations, first considering each acoustic correlate in isolation and secondly taking into account different combinations of FO, duration and intensity.
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Appendix 1
Mean FO values in Hz (standard deviation in parenthesis) as measured for the reference speaker
in 10 repetitions of the isolated target words and used in the non manipulated stimuli included in
the perceptual test. Vl, V2 and V3 refer to the first, second and third vowel in the word; I, M
and F stand for the initial, medial and final portions of the vowel where FO has been measured.
Values for the lexically stressed syllable in each word, as well as the stressed syllable in the
orthographic form, appear in italics.
The role of FO peaks in the identification of lexical stress in Spanish
361
Vl_I
Vl_M
Vl_F
V2_1
V2_M
V2_F
V3_1
V3 M
V3 F
80.60
(2.46)
79.50
(3.41)
80.50
(2.99)
79.00
(3.02)
78.80
(3.12)
77.80
(2.10)
88.60
89.90
84.70
89.60
80.10
87.90
87.60
(5.45)
(4.71)
(3.20)
(4.37)
79.40
(3.57)
75.80
(l.03)
80.60
(4.03)
92.80
(2.02)
77.90
(2.92)
76.00
(l.70)
80.80
(4.44)
91.10
(2.50)
77.20
(2.57)
77.20
(2.44)
82.60
(3.50)
(5.21)
79.00
(3.46)
(4.86)
77.20
(2.10)
(10.47)
77.80
(2.53)
Medico 83.00
(3.94)
Medico 80.80
(3.58)
80.30
(2.63)
77.20
(1.81)
77.60
(2.37)
76.20
(0.92)
89.90
92.00
86.20
86.10
81.20
88.40
91.60
82.90
(4.22)
(3.60)
(3.81)
(4.57)
77.50
(2.27)
76.70
(2.06)
81.60
(6.13)
91.70
(3.37)
76.50
(2.12)
78.10
(2.18)
82.20
(6.05)
Medico
(2.51)
77.00
(2.05)
78.60
(2.84)
82.90
(6.28)
(3.98)
77.50
(2.17)
(5.05)
77.70
(2.26)
(13.54)
79.40
(2.84)
Numero 84.89
80.56
(2.46)
79.80
(2.53)
87.44
87.56
80.78
(2.85)
Numero 83.80
(3.46)
83.11
(2.71)
82.90
(3.18)
82.80
81.00
88.40
92.70
(4.94)
(4.22)
(3.83)
(2.05)
76.80
(l.23)
76.40
(1.58)
79.78
(3.49)
96.60
(2.01)
77.30
(l.57)
77.20
(2.39)
77.00
(2.45)
Numero 96.80
(2.55)
78.90
(2.13)
79.60
(2.41)
77.56
(2.19)
(2.53)
76.70
(l.06)
(4.71)
76.50
(l.27)
(12.58)
80.20
(7.18)
80.10
(3.11)
79.30
(3.95)
79.80
(l.48)
76.70
(l.95)
79.00
(1.70)
75.90
(l.37)
87.60
89.90
84.40
77.80
(l.93)
81.90
81.30
89.50
84.10
(2.72)
(4.79)
(3.93)
(l.58)
76.10
(0.74)
75.80
(l.03)
76.90
(l.66)
89.60
(2.51)
75.90
(0.57)
76.40
(l.17)
76.50
(1.35)
84.60
(2.91)
75.90
(0.88)
76.20
(1.03)
(3.11)
77.30
(1.89)
(5.06)
77.50
(2.42)
(12.97)
78.30
(2.50)
84.50
(2.46)
82.80
(1.32)
82.60
(2.32)
80.20
(1.40)
80.60
(l.65)
76.50
(0.85)
90.00
92.10
86.70
78.10
(l.73)
79.70
82.20
91.10
91.40
(3.66)
(3.55)
(4.43)
(3.77)
76.30
(1.57)
75.60
(0.97)
77.50
(0.71)
97.20
(3.31)
76.10
(1.45)
76.40
(1.43)
76.80
(0.92)
97.40
(2.98)
76.30
(1.77)
77.00
(2.36)
(2.63)
75.80
(1.62)
(6.36)
76.00
(1.89)
(15.32)
78.70
(4.90)
80.30
(2.16)
Ladebo 78.70
(1.70)
Ltidebo 88.30
(4.40)
79.10
(2.51)
76.50
(1.08)
78.00
(1.49)
78.60
(2.88)
87.30
86.00
81.50
77.70
78.70
82.30
(4.52)
(3.74)
(2.92)
77.30
(2.95)
75.80
(0.63)
79.80
(5.27)
84.20
(2.26)
77.40
(2.95)
75.80
(1.03)
78.40
(3.89)
87.20
(1.49)
78.10
(2.88)
80.00
(2.87)
77.80
(2.82)
(2.75)
76.40
(1.43)
(6.65)
77.20
(1.62)
(13.16)
78.20
(2.74)
Limite
Limite
Lfmite
Valido
Valido
Valido
Nul1bo
Nulibo
Nulibo
Ladebo
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