CH[JPTESt TT
THE STUDY
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2 .1
R ev iew o f L iteratu re
The impact of rural-urban migration has been studied by the scholars from
different disciplines from different perspectives. For the developing countries,
migration has got special significance. To a large extent it influences the social
and economic planning of the country concerned. Therefore, the study of
migration is a part and parcel of ‘formal demography’. The present study is meant
to probe the impact of migration on the area of origin as well as on the areas of
destination. It would be in the fitness of things if comprehensive theoretical and
empirical aspects of migration are taken in to account. This will not only help to
analyse critically the situation of the area under study but also enable one to
suggest remedial measures. In migration literature there exists no single theory or
model that covers all the forces responsible for migration. The literature on
migration may be conveniently divided into two parts: (a) that relating to the
theoretical models, and (b) that relating to empirical evidences.
(a)
Theoretical Studies
The first step in the theory of migration was taken by Ravenstein, in two
articles entitled The Laws o f Migration, published in 1885 and 1889, where he
suggested that all migration emanates from low productivity areas and proceeds
towards high productivity areas. The choice of destination areas is moderated by
distance. Migrants from the rural areas frequently move first to nearby towns, if
any, and then to large towns and cities. He has observed that between the rural and
urban people, the latter are less migratory than the former and migration steps up
with every development in the means of transport and communication and is
positively related to the growth of trade and industry.
In an article which has become a classic, Lewis (1954) suggested in a
model based on transference of surplus labour which was later extended by Fei
and Ranis (1963).This model looks upon migration as essentially an equilibrating
mechanism which shifts labour from labour-surplus to labour-deficit areas with the
help of market forces and eventually brings about an equilibrium between the two
areas. The model makes use o f the concept of dual economy comprising a
subsistence agricultural sector characterized by disguised unemployment and a
capitalist sector where lull employment prevails. In this dual economy set-up,
migration takes place from the subsistence sector to the capitalist sector and the
process continues as long as the reserve army o f disguised unemployment exists in
the subsistence sector, whose supply to the capitalist sector is assumed to be
elastic at the going wage rate. Further, it may continue indefinitely if the rate of
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growth of population in the rural sector equals or exceeds the rate of offtake of the
rural labour force through migration, but would come to an end if the rate of
expansion of demand for labour overtakes the rate of growth of rural population. .
It is assumed that the impact of the foregoing process of migration on rural
development is obvious. First, if the rate of growth o f population lags behind the
rate of capital accumulation, the average product per head in the subsistence sector
would increase, even when there is no change in the production methods, simply
because there are fewer mouths to share the product. Secondly, the terms of trade
are likely to move in favour of the subsistence sector because of the change in the
relative size of the two sectors following migration and capital accumulation.
Thirdly, the above forces would create a favourable condition for the introduction
of advanced techniques of production which would increase the level of
productivity in agriculture. Despite the elegance and attractiveness of this model,
and its relevance to the history of development of many a developed country,
scholars find it unsatisfactory for analyzing the causes and consequences of
migration in the Third World countries. Urbanization at a fast pace is to day less
correlated with the progress of the industrialized sector than with what has come
to be described as the ‘informal sector’ or the ‘unorganized sector’ where entry is
easy but the remuneration is low and unstable and the underemployment of labour
is widespread. International Labour Organization (1972) stated that the size of the
informal sector in the urban areas of the Third World countries, particularly in
large cities, is so large that the needs of labour supply for future industrial
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development can be met from within urban areas without fresh migration from the
rural areas.
Sjaastad (1962) brought in the concept of investment in human capital to
explain the phenomenon of migration. This model assumes that people will
migrate when the benefits arising out of migration outweigh the costs involved in
the process. The costs of migration include moving expenses, opportunity costs of
foregone earnings between jobs, and non-monetary psychic costs, such as leaving
familiar surroundings, and in many cases giving up one’s language and culture,
and adopting new dietary habits and social customs. This benefit-cost model is
comparatively more acceptable because it recognizes the effect of individual
characteristics of potential migrants. Older people are less likely to move because
differential income returns from migration accrue to them over a shorter life span
and psychic costs may be greater than the case of younger people. Educated
youths tend to be more mobile because their origin-destination income differences
are usually larger and their greater awareness probably reduces the psychic costs
of migration.
Another formulation which started a chain of developments is by Lee who
communicated his views in an article entitled A Theory o f Migration in 1966. Lee
pointed out that in every area there are factors which influence migration from the
area. Some of the attractive factors tend to hold people in the area while other
factors tend to repel them. Such forces may be thought of as ‘push ’and ‘pull’
forces. An important point made is that these factors may influence migration
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decisions of different people in different ways. As with the origin areas, the
destination areas may also have attractive as well as repulsive factors. One o f the
important point that Lee makes is that migration is not directly influenced by
origin and destination characteristics but by perception of these characteristics by
decision makers.
The simple summation of the ‘push’ and ‘puli’ factors at origin and
potential destination areas does not in itself dictate migration decisions.
Intervening obstacles like distance is the most obvious barrier. Many studies
reveal the negative relationship between distance and migration. Physical distance
is related to the time and cost of initial moves as well as visits to urban areas.
Socio-cultural distance includes differences between origins and destinations with
respect to language, degree of modernity, religion, values and attitudes. Lack of
information concerning opportunities and characteristics of potential destinations
are related to socio-cultural distance. .Personal factors are also important
considerations in internal migration. Perception of the same factors can vary
considerably from individual to individual. Different individuals are affected
differently by the same factors. Although Lee recognized that no two individuals
are alike, yet he suggested that generalizations can be made about types and
classes of decision-makers. While most of the theories implicitly assume that
migration decisions are made by potential migrants, yet, Caldwell (1969),
Mabogunje (1970), and Connel, et al, (1976), showed through evidences collected
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from developing countries that family heads often make migration decisions for
members of their clan.
A number of personal characteristics are related to propensity for migration.
Relevant personal characteristics include age, sex, marital status, level of
education, income, land holding, occupation, previous exposure to urban areas,
and such behavioural variables as attitude towards risk, aspiration level, value and
belief system, and attachment to a given society.
Balan (1969), Zelinsky (1971), Connel, et al (1976), Simmons, et al,
(1977), and Skellton (1977), presented a number of hypotheses concerning the
selectivity of migration. They suggested that migrants responding primarily to pull
factors at urban destinations tend to be positively selected i.e., come from
relatively well-off groups in rural areas. On the other hand, those who primarily
respond to push factors at rural origins are likely to be negatively selected. Taking
all migrants together, selectivity tends to be bimoded, i.e., migrants are apt to be
either relatively poor or relatively well-off. The pattern of bimodal selectivity
suggests that development activities which increase equity in rural areas may
reduce migration.
A subsequent development in the theory of migration was initiated by
Todaro (1969) with his Todaro model which was further developed by him in
collaboration with Harris during the 1970s. A major step Todaro took was to
incorporate the probability of getting an urban modem sector job in the decision­
making process. According to Todaro, migration is a direct function of the rural-
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urban income differential and an indirect function of the difficulty o f getting a
modem sector job. Johnson (1971), further refined this model who incorporated an
estimate of labour turnover in the urban market as influencing the possibility of
the urban migrant sharing his income with the unemployed members of his family.
(b) Empirical Studies
A number of empirical studies have attempted to verify the main hypothesis
o f Todaro model, but their findings are mixed and contradictory. Studies by Beals,
Levy and Moses (1967) in Ghana, Sabot (1972) in Tanzania, and Carvajal and
Geithman (1974) in Costa Rica have found evidences in support of Todaro’s
hypothesis, but those of Mabogunje (1970) in Nigeria, Rempel (1971) in Kenya,
and Godfrey (1973) in Ghana clearly reject it.
The major aspects with which most o f the empirical studies deal are:
(i) Motivation for migration
(ii) Characteristics of migrants
(iii) Consequences of rural-urban migration, and
(iv) Problems relating to returned migrants
Despite the relevance of non-economic factors such as social, political,
demographic, cultural, etc, most surveys conducted in Africa, Asia, and Latin
America by Brigg (1973), Yap (1975), Todaro (1976), Simmons et al. (1977), and
Findley (1977) indicate that migration is primarily motivated by economic
considerations. Economic factors cited in the surveys are both reasons for leaving
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an area and reasons for selecting a specific destination. Studies of out-migration
generally indicate that economic “push” factors are more important, while inmigration studies suggest that economic ‘puli’ factors are predominant.
Economic ‘push’ factors may be more important to some migrants while
‘pull’factors may be the primary concern for others. Evidence suggests that the
major economic ‘push’ factors are low agricultural incomes and agricultural
unemployment and under employment. A recent study of several countries in Asia
by Khan et al. (1976), noted increasing unemployment and declining rural
incomes of the rural poor. Population pressure, resulting in a high man-land ratio
has been widely hypothesized by Rochin (1972), and Walsh and Trlin (1973) as
one of the important causes of poverty and rural out-migration. Surveys conducted
by Brigg (1973), Simmons et al. (1977), and Findley (1977), indicate that the most
important economic ‘pull’ factor is perception of high wages from urban
employment. It has also been relevant that ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors are closely
interrelated. Those who are ‘pushed’ into migration are simultaneously ‘pulled’ by
the hope of finding something better elsewhere. Likewise, those who are ‘pulled’
by urban opportunities are simultaneously ‘pushed’ by the lack of opportunities in
rural areas.
However, Oberai and Singh (1983) pointed out that though empirical
studies have indicated economic motivation is clearly the most important factor,
yet, a number of other causes of migration are also to be found. Studies conducted
by Brigg (1973), Simmons et al. (1977), and Findley (1977), in Latin America,
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Sub-Sahara Africa, and Asia, suggest that some rural-urban migration is motivated
by a desire to receive education which is available only in the urban areas. Other
causes cited by Brigg (1973) include marriage (especially for women), joining the
family already at the destination, escape from rural drudgery and violence, and
desire for enjoying urban amenities. In addition, a number o f other factors, such as
the presence of friends and relatives in urban areas who often provide initial help
and financial security and the desire of migrants to break away from the traditional
constraints of inhibiting rural social structure, have been cited as the likely causes
o f migration. Very little empirical evidence supports the popular idea that ruralurban migration is motivated by ‘bright city lights’ or urban entertainments
(Todaro, 1976:66).
A universal findings of researchers like Findley (1977) and Simmons et al.
(1977) is that migrants are mostly people falling in the age group of 15 to 30
years. This makes sense in economic terms since the discounted value of future
earnings would be higher for the younger people. Both Sahota (1968) and Schultz
(1971) found that the significance of rural-urban wage differential in promoting
migration declines as one moves up the age scale. Bodford (1973) pointed out that
socially, younger people are likely to be less integrated with the village life, and
being less encumbered with various family and other social responsibilities, are
comparatively free to move. Fuller and Chapman (1974) in their study found that
rural-urban migrants are comparatively apt to have made previous visits to the
cities, and have friends and relatives in those cities, thus acquiring both contacts
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and information about the opportunities that are available. Arnold (1980) in his
study of migration in Thailand found that economic factors predominate the
attraction of urban areas per se as determinants of migration.
In many parts of Asia, migration patterns tend to be particularly sex
selective, with men dominating the migratory flow. The reasons for this pattern are
manifold. In the countryside, women are excluded from many jobs, because there
are so few of them which are available to women in towns. The relative
educational backwardness and family responsibilies are additional factors working
against them (Guler, 1969:134 -155). A large proportion of female migration
involves wives joining their husbands. The number involved increases when the
migration is for a long period of time and covers a long distance. Temporary, short
distance migrants tend to leave their wives behind, who usually visit their home
places during weekends and holidays.
On an average, an individual migrant is usually educationally more
advanced than the population in his place of origin. Moreover, the propensity to
migrate increases with the educational level because of the type of education
offered and also because of differential rewards in the urban areas for jobs for
which migrants becomes qualified. Besides, education expands the horizon,
information field and expectations of a potential migrant. On the negative side,
education makes a person less adaptable to the life in the countryside. In fact, in
some cases parents give education to their children with the explicit objective of
preparing them for life outside the village. Caldwell (1969), Adams (1969), and
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Simmons (1975) believe that despite education selectivity of migrants at the rural
end, their degree of literacy tends to be lower than that o f the urban dwellers as a
whole.
There is some evidence to suggest that the degree of positive selectivity in
rural-urban migration tends to decline with time. In other words, the disparities in
education, income, etc., between rural-urban migrants and rural non-migrants
generally decrease with the passage of time. This seems reasonable as in one of
the studies Browning and Feindt (1969) observed that the early migrants must be
well qualified to overcome the many obstacles to rural-urban migration. Later
migrants find it easier because they can follow the existing migration paths, stay
with friends and relatives upon arrival, and rely on established networks to obtain
housing or employment.
Though rural-urban migrants usually come from comparatively well-off
groups in rural areas, this generalization does not hold for all out-migration from
rural areas. Studies conducted by Abu-Lughod (1969), and Romero and Flinn
(1976) in Egypt and Colombia, respectively, revealed that the rural out-migrants
are generally not so well-off as rural non-migrants because the predominant
reasons for out-migration are ‘rural poverty’, ‘lack of land’, and ‘rural
unemployment’. A partial reason for this finding is that a certain threshold of
funds is needed before migration can be considered as a viable alternative.
The positive correlation between out-migration and lack of land is generally
true for rural areas in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Field studies conducted by
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Connell et al. (1976), Findley (1977), and Lipton (1978) indicate that rural areas
with high out-migration rates tend to have high population densities or high ratios
of labour to arable land. Distribution of available land is also a factor determining
migration. Shaw (1975), and Connel et al. (1976), collected evidence from India
and Latin America that suggests a positive correlation between high rates of rural
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out-migration and unequal distribution of land.
Connell et al. (1976), and Simmons et al. (1977), have investigated the
relationship between the level of rural development and the rate of out-migration.
However, the results of these studies are inconclusive. Much of the evidences from
Asian countries suggests that rural areas with low income level or low yields tend
to have relatively high rates of rural out-migration. Similarly, the studies
conducted by Caldwell (1969), and Adelman and Dalton (1971), indicate that
distance inhibits migration suggest that rural areas which are accessible to, and
well integrated with, urban centres should exhibit high rates o f rural-urban
migration. On the other hand, villages on the outskirts of cities may have low rates
of out-migration, because their residents can commute to opportunities in cities.
In India several authors have undertaken studies to analyze the causes and
motivations of out-migration. In one such studies Devis (1951) observed that there
are certain pockets and regions in India which are historically known for attracting
the migrants from various parts of the country. Prior to partition it was Calcutta
industrial region, and plantation region of Assam which were the major attraction
for the migrants. After partition with the implementation of Five Year Plan new
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areas of attraction came up. As pointed out by Mitra (1967) that though East and
Calcutta, and Assam still remained the major attraction for the migrants the
streams of movement were directed towards West, i.e., Maharashtra, Delhi, South
Madhya Pradesh, and Mysore. Saxena (1971) in his book Indian Population in
Transition remarked that for out-migrants from Uttar Pradesh besides Calcutta,
Assam, Delhi, and Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, and areas of Rajasthan were
attractive.
Different scholars have studied the impact of urbanization on such outmigrants, particularly on the socio-economic aspects. In one such study Majumdar
and Majumdar (1978) tried to show the patterns of migration, causes and
motivations of rural migrants to the urban areas. In another study Khan (1986)
analyzed the patterns of rural migration, quantum of out-migration and the
characteristics of migrants. Her study was confined to the six districts of Eastern
Uttar Pradesh. Bhatia (1992), on the other hand, studied the socio-economic
implications of the rural-urban migration. Much o f the literature on rural-urban
migration appears to suggest that the reasons for rural out-migration are basically
rural poverty and unemployment. In Assam, the studies relating to rural-urban
migration are very scanty. It is difficult to asses the impact of urbanization on the
socio-cultural life of the rural migrants from those data.
Though the above review is not exhaustive by any means, yet the studies
discussed here indicate, by and large, the aspects on which studies on rural out­
migration in the world context as well as in India have focused on.
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2.2
Need and Importance of the Present Study
The foregoing brief review o f studies on rural-urban migration makes it
clear that although a good number of studies have been conducted on rural-urban
migration from different angles, yet most of the studies are conducted from socio­
economic point of view, and only a few from anthropological view point. The
rural-urban migration is bound to influence the cultural aspects of the migrants and
in fact, socio-cultural orientation of the rural migrants in the urban context is a key
area of study which has immense anthropological value.
Keeping this in view, the present study entitled Socio Cultural Dimensions
o f the Rural Assamese Migrants in Petty Salaried Jobs in Guwahati, Assam has
been undertaken. The study seeks to focus on the nature and extent o f articulation
to urban context of a specific segment of migrants from the rural areas o f Assam
to Guwahati, the premier city of Assam and, for that matter, North-East India in
general. The segment under consideration is made up of persons o f rural extraction
and essentially of Assamese peasant background belonging to various indigenous
castes and communities, who have made their way to Guwahati in search of
employment and livelihood. These migrants share a common socio-economic
background. First, they are primarily drawn from poor peasant families in the
villages where lack of landed resources and a reasonable source of livelihood in
their home communities compel them to look for viable avenues of survival
elsewhere. Rural poverty thus acts as ‘push’ factor for migration to urban areas.
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Secondly, such migrants have usually limited education not beyond the school
level, which precludes the possibility of their employment in relatively better
salaried jobs when they move to town and cities. Lack of employment avenues and
limited education thus compel them to gravitate towards a particular sector of
urban employment market, viz., petty salaried jobs in office and similar other
establishments. On the one hand, they have a background of literacy and education
for which they usually display a reluctance to join the unskilled wage labour force
in the urban areas. On the other hand, their educational attainments are not high
enough to aspire for better salaried jobs as clerks, teachers, and so on. Lack of
capital and requisite cultural orientation and expertise also stand in the way of
their taking to petty trade and commerce as is common with numerous migrants to
Guwahati from outside Assam. In addition, there is a tremendous attraction among
Assamese people in general for salaried jobs since these jobs tend to assure a sense
of security though not opportunity for rising in the economic ladder. In contrast to
prevailing poverty of subsistence level peasants in the villages of Assam, petty
salaried jobs in the offices in a city like Guwahati appear to most such migrants as
a bounty. Hence, the concentration of this category o f rural migrants in jobs
which are usually referred to in official parlance as Grade IV jobs in contrast to
typist, clerk, etc, who are referred to as Third Grade employees. Migration from
rural to urban areas of Assam and also from outside the state have chiefly been
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responsible for the phenomenal growth of urban population in the state in postindendence years. For example, within the municipal area of Guwahati, the total
population rose from 48,615 in 1951 to 8,09,895 in 2001.
A reconnoiter study of a number of office establishments in Guwahati
undertaken for the present study indicates that, the overwhelming majority of
Grade IV employees are derived from the present districts of Barpeta, Kamrup and
Nalbari, which together constituted the former undivided Kamrup district of
Assam. Guwahati, as the district head quarters of undivided Kamrup district, the
capital of Assam, and the hub of trade and commerce as well as educational
activities, has attracted a large number of migrants from the villages within easy
bus and train travel of the city. Guwahati has been the natural centre of gravitation
for Assamese migrants from the rural areas in search of livelihood in the urban
context.
Assam is, however, one of the least urbanized states in the country.
According to Census o f India, 2001, only 12.72 per cent of the total population of
Assam live in the urban areas while the remaining overwhelming majority of the
population is scattered over the rural areas o f the state. The entire state is very
poorly urbanized with a total urban population of 3.43 million in a total population
of 26.63 million in 2001. The population of urban residents is much lower than the
national average of 27.78 per cent in 2001. This low level of urbanization in
Assam is due to the fact that the state has subsistence agricultural economy and
agro-based industry such as tea plantation.
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2.3
Aims and Objectives of the Study
As mentioned earlier, the investigation is limited to just one segment of the
urban population. Theirs appear to be a special case because while being urban in
terms of employment and often residence, their orientation, out look and socio­
cultural and economic commitments and investments remain largely rural. In
many ways they are part rural and part urban. This research investigation tries to
explore the character and tenor of urbanization of these migrants. To what extent
do urban influence shape and determine their life style, social relations, out look
and cultural orientation. In other words, what are the quality and extent of
absorptions of an urban life style among the migrants? Secondly, it is also
pertinent to investigate how far has rural society benefited from this type of
urbanization. For, many such migrants leave their wife, children and other
dependents in their rural homes while they themselves live in the city during the
working week. They visit home mainly at weekends and holidays. Such migrants
literally have their two feel in two worlds - urban and rural. It is also relevant to
compare this category of migrants with those others who have brought their
respective families to the city and live in self owned, rented or office provided
accommodation. The family lives as well as socio-cultural commitments of these
categories of migrants are likely to be different. An important dimension that has
been explored among both the category of migrants are the positive and negative
contributions of urbanization from social, cultural and economic points of view.
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2.4
Universe of the Study
The basic field for the present study is Guwahati. Being the premier city
and nerve centre for cultural, educational, administrative, and commercial
activities of entire North-East India, Guwahati naturally attracts majority of the
migrants for better scope of life and employment opportunities. The greater
Guwahati, i.e., Guwahati urban area which technically is larger than the municipal
limits of the city. In this urban area, numerous office establishments are located
employing persons belonging to the projected study population. This is also the
area within which most such persons live. However, the study also necessitates
selective trips to specific rural setting or villages from which the migrants are
drawn.
As for the universe of the study, the research design contemplates a
population consisting of Grade IV employees in various office establishments.
Now, in an urban setting like Guwahati, there are numerous such establishments of
different categories like State Government Offices, Central Government Offices,
Private Sector Offices, etc. It is not possible to comprehensively cover the
Grade IV employees of all those establishments, nor would this be
methodologically very sound. For different types of establishments have different
pay-scales for their employees and working conditions as well as fringe benefits
are also different.
Accordingly, it is considered that the study population should have some
overall uniformity and also the universe should be of a manageable size. Hence,
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the study has been confined to Grade IV employees of State Government Sector
only. As a matter of fact the State Government Offices are the biggest and the
most obvious employers of the kind of rural migrants covered in the study. All
these employees share many common elements and common definitions of the
situation.
2.5
Methodology
From the title of the study it is conspicuous that the present study has been
confined to the rural Assamese migrants in petty salaried government jobs in the
city of Guwahati. The study population had been drawn from different state
government offices and establishments. So, in a study o f this kind, the research
methodology had to be an amalgam of quantitative as well as qualitative
approaches.
(a)
Methods and Techniques of Collection of Data
Data for the study had been collected by utilizing the standard
anthropological methods and techniques. Observation, collecting information with
the help of structured schedule, personal interview and case studies were the main
methods and techniques used. Observations were useful in collecting information
about the functioning, activities, nature of the work, work place, residence, etc; of
the employee concerned. Interviewing, both structured and open, was extensively
used for collection of data regarding name, age, educational qualification, post
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held, length of service, place of origin, marital status, etc., of the respondents.
Case study method had been exclusively utilized with the small core group of
respondents by visiting their home places.
(b)
Selection of the Study Population
When the study population is dispersed, too big in size, and somewhat
diverse in terms of their background, origin, and activities, it is necessary to limit
the universe through appropriate sampling techniques. Hence, not all the State
government offices were covered and instead, a random sampling o f the offices
had been prepared. From the sample of the offices, a list of Grade IV employees
with information of their name, age, sex, educational level, salary, place of origin,
years of service, residence, etc., had been collected with the help of primary
structured schedule. The employees so covered constituted the broad unit as well
as the outer limit of the universe of the study.
On the basis of information tabulated from the preliminary census, a
stratified sample of the study population was drawn up for more intensive
investigation. The stratified sample was drawn-up by taking into account of
different parameters, such as type of employer, type of job and income, caste and
community, residential factor (residing with family in the city / commuter /
weekend visitor to family at home), etc. The study population in the second level
of the universe had been covered with the help of a detailed structured schedule
and also through unstructured interview to find out about their nature of adaptation
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to urban life, problems and difficulties, social ties and loyalties, cultural
orientation and so forth.
Close interaction with respondents at the second level of enquiry helped in
identifying a small core group of respondents who were probed in the typical
qualitative manner of anthropological investigation. That is, the author had
concentrated on concrete case study of this small group of employees and their
families by visiting their houses and elicited information in a concrete manner on
various aspects. This had enabled to get a holistic view o f the situation. Thus, the
study had been conducted at three different levels of the universe by using
appropriate methods at each level. A study of this nature involved field work in a
rather complex and unconventional setting in a population which did constitute a
‘community’ in the anthropological sense of the term. However, through an
appropriate mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the study had been
completed.
(c)
Selection of Respondents
While selecting respondents, importance was given to include different
indigenous Assamese caste and communities, essentially of rural origin who were
working as Grade IV employees in different State Government Offices in
Guwahati. The Grade IV employees include peon, chowkider (watch man), mali
(gardener), driver, etc. Though the pay scales of all these employees are similar,
their duties and working conditions are different. Accordingly, respondents were
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drawn by covering all these categories. Respondents were also selected on the
basis o f distance from Guwahati to their home villages. It had been observed that
as the distance increases, the rate of potential migrants to Guwahati decreases.
Further, the migrants were divided into a number of categories on the basis of
residential factor like living with family in the city, weekend visitor to family at
home village, daily commuter, etc. Respondents were selected from all these
categories so as to assess the extent and nature of articulation to city life, cultural
orientation as well as problems and difficulties faced by them and so on. The 50
persons so collected constituted the core group of respondents distributed in
different villages of Assam. The researcher had to go to all those villages where
from the respondents were drawn to take stock of the situation through formal and
informal interactions with the family members.
(d)
Tools of Data Collection
Interview schedules were the major tools utilized for collection of data for
the present study. With the help of preliminary structured schedules, various
information of the employees were collected. The interview schedules contained
both non-structured and structured queries. Besides, the researcher also used an
observation and data sheet for each of the selected respondents. This particular
tool was used to collect and record information on various aspects of the
respondents like cause and motivation of migration, educational level, financial
matters, duties and responsibilities of the job, future aspiration, etc., based on
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interview and case study. Library research was also undertaken simultaneously to
have relevant secondary data. The field work was conducted by using all the above
mentioned tools and the data so collected had been analyzed, interpreted and
tabulated by standard statistical and anthropological methods.
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