Cuban Americans:
The Colors of Upward Mobility and Political Involvement
Eddy Franca
Racial Ethnic Politics
Professor Chambers
1 Eddy Franca
December 16, 2013
Professor Chambers
Racial Ethnic Politics
Cuban Americans: The Colors of Upward Mobility and Political Involvement
The Hispanic population in the United States is very diverse. Still, many
Americans have yet to understand the idea that Hispanics can in fact have a race
that they identify with as well. To the average American there is only this “all
encompassing label of “Hispanic”. Cuban Americans have been a great example
over the years of this confusion for the American people. Cuban Americans seem
to cover the entire spectrum in terms of race, from black to white to mulato.
Depending on when they immigrated to the United States, there is likely a trend
for which race they are more likely to identify with. This paper will look to further
examine just how much the racial identity of a Cuban American affects his/her
success in achieving upward mobility and political involvement. Data shows that
in general, Cubans have shown greater success in achieving upward mobility
than other Hispanic groups. However, does this claim prove to be true when a
closer look is taken? Cuban Americans who have migrated to the US more
recently tend to identify more as black or mulato. Do these immigrants seem to
be sharing the same success that earlier immigrants from Cuba have shown?
2 Before the complex question of how Cuban Americans have assimilated;
either dependent on their racial identity or independent from it; can be answered,
it is important to establish a clear understanding of the “perception” versus
“reality” of Hispanic immigration to the United States. Samuel Huntington was a
prominent political scientist whose works cover everything from the post-Cold
War era, to the modern day immigration debate. Specifically some of his more
recent work, before his passing in 2008, dealt with Hispanic immigration to the
United States. In May 2004, his book Who Are We? The Challenges to American
National Identity was published. Huntington is quite clear in his stance that the
current wave of Latino immigration is a threat to our national identity; even going
as far as to say, “Latin Americans are eroding our country’s core set of AngloProtestant values”. While Huntington may be the face of such a belief, he is
certainly not alone in it. Many Americans agree with Huntington that continued
Hispanic immigration would be a danger to our nation’s identity. In a 2012 poll by
the Associated Press, “57% of respondents who were implicitly asked about their
views on race expressed anti-Hispanic attitudes” (Nevarez 2012). He uses
examples like Miami aka “the north most Latin American city” as examples that
Hispanics are “creating another America” (Eckstein 2006 pg. 297). However,
studies done by the Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project show that
not only is Huntington’s view flawed in regards to first-generation Hispanic
Americans, but also more importantly it becomes even less valid when looking at
the second and third-generation. As seen in Figure 1 below, of those surveyed,
62% of first-generation Hispanics most often identify with their family’s country of
3 origin, but that number drops significantly to 43% among second-generation and
28% among third-generation. More importantly, the majority of third-generation
Hispanics said that if asked, they would most often describe themselves as
American first and foremost (Pew 2012, pg. 1).
Figure 1
Huntington believed that three main reasons can be attributed to Hispanics
“creating another America”: 1) Hispanics tend to settle down in the same area
(ex. Miami) 2) Hispanics feel it is important to continue the use of Spanish
3) Hispanics typically are strong Catholics. All three of these statements are
probably true for the most part, but does that mean they are a threat to our
nation’s identity? Can it not be said that most WASPs (White Anglo-Saxon
4 Protestants) settle in close proximity to each other? Does America as a nation
today not place a strong emphasis on the importance of knowing more than one
language in order to better one’s future? Is one of America’s most basic values
not freedom of religion? Yes, Hispanics may feel it is important to hold on to their
cultural roots, but to suggest that they do so in a way that is threatening to
America is simply misinformed.
The Pew Research Center’s study determined that 82% of Hispanic adults
in the United States speak Spanish, and an even larger portion, 95%, believe it is
important for future generations to continue to do so as well. However, 48% of
adult Hispanics in the US today “express a stronger sense of affinity with other
Americans and America than do immigrant Hispanics” (Pew 2012, pg.1).
Furthermore, the vast majority of Hispanics surveyed say that life in the US is
better than their home country (regardless of where they immigrated from), and
nine out of ten believe learning English is vital to succeeding in the states. So,
while Hispanics clearly do show a love and respect for the culture and intend to
keep it a part of their lives, they do understand that they are becoming
Americans. Even more so, second and third-generations are beginning to identify
more as Americans than as a member of the country their family immigrated
from. This is a statistic that was surely shared by many immigrant groups in
America’s past, groups whose descendants probably make up most of “white
America” today. As to be expected, foreign born and Spanish dominant
Hispanics identify with their families country of origin 62% and 63% of the time
5 respectively, compared to native born and English dominant at 37% and 33%
(Pew 2012, pg.2). However as seen in Figure 2, interestingly enough this was
not the only notable correlation. Of those surveyed, the percentage of Hispanics
that are “less educated” (high school graduate or less) and identify with their
family’s country of origin was in the mid 50’s. The percentage of Hispanics that
are “more educated” (some college or more) and identify with their family’s
country of origin dropped to 46%.
Figure 2
6 This trend of the level of education affecting the level of assimilation of
immigrants will be useful to look at later when specifically looking at Cuban
Americans. Also worthy of note is the racial identification that Hispanics said
most applied. When looking at all Hispanics in general, 36% identified their race
as “white”, compared to 26% “some other race”, 25% Hispanic/Latino, and only
10% black (Pew 2012, pg. 2). However, just as it was seen before the trend
changed when controlling for generation. Second and third-generation Hispanics
are increasingly identifying as either “white” or “some other race”. The number of
second-generation Hispanics that identify as “some other race” jumps to 36%
(first-generation = 21%).
Figure 3
I believe that this significant increase can be attributed to a feeling of not
fitting in and being different than the “typical American”. They are left with a
7 feeling that they do not fit into the normal classifications of American society.
Consequently, when asked if they see themselves as “typical Americans”
Hispanics were evenly split, with wealthier more educated Hispanics identifying
as a typical American and vice versa. The survey also found that over half of
Hispanics in the United States immigrated for “economic opportunities” (Pew
2012, pg. 3). Additionally, 79% of Hispanics say that if they had to do it again,
they would; “it” being moving to the United States. The data in Figure 4 shows
that Hispanics are for the most part after the same things the “typical American”
is after, and America is giving them the opportunity to pursue these things.
Figure 4
8 Now that a clearer picture of what the average Hispanic immigrant to the
United States is has been painted, I will take a closer look at Cuban Americans in
particular. Where better to start than Miami, “the north most Latin American city”
as Huntington proclaimed. In 1997, over 80% of Cubans entering the United
States stated that they immigrated with the specific intent to settle down in South
Florida; Hudson, New Jersey came in second with only 3% (Barberia 2002, pg.
808). It may be easy to look back now and see it as the only logical choice for the
Cubans, but at the time Miami was economically unsuccessful and unattractive
(Gonzalez-Pando pg. 27). It was the proximity of the city that made it so
appealing to Cubans. The newly regrouped Cuban population redefined the
character of the city of Miami, and pressured other ethnic groups to do the same,
which contributed tremendously to the growth of the city (Portes pg. 13). Cuban
Americans have been rather successful in achieving the American dream that so
many Hispanics emigrate in search of. Cuban-owned businesses, the majority of
which were based in Miami, increased their sales and receipts 37 fold between
1969 and 1997. Also, the number of Cuban American households making
$75,000 more than doubled in the year 2000 to 19% (Eckstein 2006 pg. 297).
The economic success that Cubans have achieved in Miami has in turn been
beneficial to America as a whole. With the help of the Cuban American
workforce, Miami quickly became “a major center of trade, investment, finance,
and tourism spanning the Americas, from which we nationally benefit, a city with
9 hemispheric reach” (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). Miami was a logical destination for
Hispanics, especially from the Caribbean even before the large wave of Cuban
immigration. When the Cubans fled the communist regime and ended up in
Miami, it simply enhanced the attractiveness of the city as a destination.
Immigrants began to come in from all over the Caribbean. Miami found itself not
only having a “Little Havana” (neighborhood of Miami named after the capital city
of Cuba), but a “Little Haiti” as well (Gonzalez-Pando pg. 84). Everything from
the city’s architecture, to the way it did business, to who it did business with, was
forever changed, and most would say for the better. Someone like Huntington
would look at the progress Cuban Americans have made in Miami and focus on
the fact that they have reached this level of success through different means than
most Americans. Huntington might claim that the Cuban Americans who have
grown Miami into the prosperous city it is today did so by not assimilating. He
might argue that Cubans immigrated to the United States and all created a hub in
Miami where they would be able to keep so many of their customs, including
Spanish as a primary language. By the 1980’s, the non-Hispanic population in
Miami began to feel threatened, similar to the country as a whole today. A
referendum was passed in Miami stating that public funding could no longer be
used for events where the primary language was not English and events where
any culture other than that of the United States was promoted. However, in their
first real collective political action as a group of United States citizens, the
Cuban-Americans fought back (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). It began with the
10 Cubans resisting the pressure from the non-Hispanics in Miami to abandon their
cultural norms, and ended with the Cuban-Americans making up enough of the
electorate in the 1990’s to demand the removal of the “English Only
Amendment”.
The Cubans began to realize the power they had as a collective force and
became more involved in politics and society. It was “the rapidity and large
numbers of the Cuban migration to the United States combined with their
concentration in Dade County [that] made them politically relevant in a short
time” (Wilbur 1998). Several Cuban American groups began to spring up left and
right, including the Municipios de Cuba en el Exilio (Municipalities of Cuba in
Exile). What began as a way for individuals from areas in Cuba to plot the
takedown of Castro, evolved into something much more useful. The Municipios
essentially became the first social outreach group for the Cubans. They began
connecting members from the same area in Cuba back here in the United States,
and even assisted in finding work and housing. Another prominent Cuban
American-run group was, and still is, Liga Contra el Cancer (League Against
Cancer). Modeled after an organization back in Cuba in the 1920’s, Liga Contra
el Cancer quickly became a prominent group in the “business” of fundraising to
serve cancer patients as well as spread knowledge to others on the subject of
cancer (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). It was movements like these by the early
Cubans that acted as a catalyst for the social and political involvement of Cuban
11 Americans. Cubans formed, de jour, many professional organizations, including
Cuban American lawyer/physician/builder groups, as well as their own Chamber
of Commerce. They also formed, de facto, their own branches of nationally run
organizations like the Kiwanis Club who is made up 100% by Hispanics, 90% of
which are Cuban (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). However, this “complete takeover” did
not sit well with the white Anglos in Miami, who continued to attempt to live
isolated lives from The Cuban Americans. While Cubans sent their children to
prominent parochial schools, Anglos sent their children to prestigious nondenominational schools with little to no Hispanics. The separation extended into
social clubs as well. The Big Five was a social club named after the five most
exclusive clubs in Cuba, whose members were 80% Cuban and 99% Hispanic.
On the other hand, Fisher Island Club was made up by 93% non-Hispanic whites
(Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). The cultural divide was evident, but it did not prevent
the Cubans from assimilating to “Anglo America”. Let’s revisit two of those three
claims Huntington made that “prevent” Hispanic assimilation. 1) Hispanics tend
to settle down in the same area. A 2004 survey done by the Florida International
University (located in Miami, Florida) indicated that 62% of Miami Cuban
Americans live in neighborhoods where they are the minority. 2) Hispanics feel it
is important to continue the use of Spanish. The same survey found that roughly
half of Cuban Americans in Miami speak either English or English and Spanish
12 outside their homes (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). Contrary to what those like
Huntington may believe, Hispanics can in fact assimilate to Anglo America while
still holding on to their own culture and Miami Cuban Americans are serving as
living proof.
As a newly forming group in the United States, Cuban Americans quickly
began to realize the power in collective action. Since their arrival to the States,
Cubans have been close to the ideal case study on immigrant involvement in
politics. From citizenship, to electoral participation, to holding office, Cuban
Americans have exceled in all three areas. In 2004, two-thirds of the Cubans in
Miami had become citizens of the United States. Furthermore, on a national
scale 54% of Cubans had become American citizens as compared to only 29%
of Mexicans, and of that 54% of Cubans an astounding 90% were registered to
vote (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). As more years passed with the Cuban American
population growing, they began to fill more and more of the prominent political
positions. They were not only filling small local office but countywide offices as
well, and were doing so with the help of the non-Cuban electorate as well. By the
year 2000, while accounting for a mere 29% of the population in Miami Dade
County, Cuban Americans were holding all of the following offices: mayor, county
commission, and delegation to state legislature (Eckstein 2006 pg. 300). Two
years later, Congress included three Cuban Americans from Miami along with a
fourth from Hudson County, New Jersey (followed by the first Cuban American
13 United States Senator in 2004). Perhaps even more impressive than all the
offices that Cuban Americans were holding was the fact that non-Cuban elected
officials were equally as focused on addressing the needs of the Cuban
electorate. One Man who understood the impact of Cuban Americans was
President Bush. Cubans voted for Bush, so in return he appointed them to senior
positions on the National Security Council, the State Department, and the
Department of Commerce. Cubans also ranked second amongst all ethnic
groups in terms of campaign donations (Bueso pg. 8). Most impressive was the
fact that all this occurred while Cuban Americans accounted for a less than
meager 1% of the country’s population (Eckstein 2006 pg. 300). It seems that the
data does in fact show Cubans being more successful at assimilating and
achieving upward mobility than the average Hispanic. However, this is where the
data begins to change.
The numbers have spoken volumes about the efforts taken by Cuban
Americans to work together to achieve upward mobility. Yet, what the public
does not see is the substantial divide amongst Cuban Americans. This divide is
focused on the different types of Cuban Americans coming to the United States.
The immigrants that came over in the hopes of fleeing the revolution are very
different than the immigrants making their way over to America today. The one
major difference between the two groups of first-generation immigrants is their
14 reason for coming over to America. The first wave of immigrants left Cuba largely
for political reasons, while the later wave (post 1990) was more like the average
Hispanic across the country, and emigrated for economic reasons. The first-wave
immigrants came over mainly in the early 1960’s and were extremely anti-Castro
and anti-Communist. The post-1990 immigrants experienced the revolution first
hand and lived in a very different Cuba. Additionally the two waves of Cuban
immigrants differed in race as well. First-wave immigrants tended to be
predominantly white, while the later group was made up mostly of single black
and mulato Cubans (Bueso pg. 4). The difference in race may have contributed
to differing levels of success in America. These differing levels of success can be
attributed to two basic variables, “assets they emigrated with” and “labor market
conditions when they arrived”. As of 2000 the first-wave immigrants held three
times as many high-level jobs as post-1990 immigrants. Furthermore, twice as
many ranked among the nation’s “wealthiest tercile of income earners” (Eckstein
2006 pg. 302). All the elite social clubs Cubans founded and joined in Miami
were primarily made up of first-wave immigrants as well. Aside from economic
factors, the early 1960’s immigrants relied much less on Spanish than the postrevolution immigrants. The 2004 survey by FIU found that “46% of first-wave
Cubans relied on Spanish for their news and 67% spoke only Spanish outside
their homes, while 82% of post-revolution immigrants relied on Spanish for the
15 news and 90% spoke only Spanish outside their homes. Both statistics show a
much larger emphasis on making the effort to acculturate from early Cuban
immigrants. Politically speaking the results are no different. With little to no
exceptions, the Cuban Americans who have taken political office are typically
immigrants from the early 1960’s or the children of those immigrants. “The
leadership of first wave immigrants comes almost exclusively from first-wave
immigrants and their children. They were politically powerful, economically
successful, and organizationally skilled which lead to the domination of the public
arena specifically towards US-Cuba policy. The problem was, as more postrevolution Cuban immigrants began to come to the US, the Cuban Americans in
power began to represent a smaller portion of the overall Cuban American public
opinion” Barberia 2002, pg. 832). Perhaps the most eyebrow-raising of all the
statistics is the percentage of Cuban immigrants who have applied for
citizenship. “As of 2000, nationwide only 26 percent of eligible 1990s émigrés
had taken out citizenship, a prerequisite for voting. In contrast, 92 percent of
1959–1964 émigrés were citizens” (Eckstein 2006 pg. 302). The fact that only
26% of post 1990 immigrants had taken out citizenship speaks to a lack of effort
to assimilate to American culture. Meanwhile, first-wave immigrants had nearly
all taken out citizenship, which shows the importance they placed on
assimilating. Post-revolution immigrants came to America chasing economic
advancement, but early Cuban immigrants came chasing the complete American
16 dream. For the most part, these first-wave Cubans have done exactly that. Not
only have they in many cases achieved the American dream, but they are now
(and have been for quite some time) contributing to what America is. They may
not be living the standard Anglo-American life, but they are in many ways
contributing to it.
So often in today’s society Americans talk about “the immigrant
experience”. When elections come around, the minority populations become a
focal point for those in power, and the issue of immigration takes center stage.
However, as is the case with Cubans, “the immigrants experience” greatly varies.
No one group of Hispanics is the same as the other, and moreover, no group of
Hispanics is the same across the board. Cuban Americans cover the entire
spectrum; from wealthy to poor, white to black, politically involved to politically
apathetic, and as of late even Democrat to Republican. With this disparity, Cuban
Americans have had a very different “Immigrant experience”. The first-wave
immigrants have had a truly remarkable experience assimilating to the United
States and its culture. From sparking the growth of a now major city, to being
deeply involved politically on a national level. These Cuban Americans have set
the bar for other immigrant groups to try and replicate. Unfortunately, more
recent members of their own immigrant group have had a less favorable
experience. Post 1990 Cuban Americans have had significantly more trouble
assimilating and climbing the social/political ladder. They have not worked their
ways in to the upper class social clubs, or into political positions of power. So
17 yes, Cuban Americans are “Hispanic”, and proudly so, but they certainly do face
their own troubles with a cohesive identity. That being said, perhaps this is the
new norm for Hispanics. America is a nation with citizens across all classes and
of many different races, why should Hispanics be any different. The future of
Hispanics in the United States may very well look like the Cuban Americans
today. Maybe that is what assimilation truly is? After all, if all Hispanics fit the
mold of a specific group of White Anglo-Saxon Protestants then it would not be a
true representation of what America is today.
Bibliography
1. Eckstein, Susan. "Cuban Émigrés and the American Dream." Perspectives on
Politics 4.02 (2006): n. pag. American Political Science Association. Web.
2. Bueso, Lara M. "Cubans: Anomaly or Pioneers?" Thesis. Rollins College, n.d.
Web.
3.
Alejandro Portes. "Immigrants' Attainment: An Analysis of Occupation and
Earnings among Cuban Exiles in the United States." In R.M. Hauser (eds.)
Social Structure and Behavior: Essays in Honor of William Hamilton Sewell,
(New York: Academic Press, 1982): 91-111.
4. Eckstein, Susan, and Lorena Barberia. "Grounding Immigrant Generations in
History: Cuban Americans and Their Transnational Ties." International
Migration Review . 36.3 (2002): 799-837. Web. 20 Oct. 2013.
5. Rich Wilbur, Dario Moreno. Cuban-American Political Empowerment. 1998.
Print. <http://www2.fiu.edu/~morenod/scholar/empower.htm>.
6. Pew Research Center. Taylor, Paul, Mark Lopez, Jessica Martínez, and Gabriel
Velasco. "When Labels Don't Fit: Hispanics and Their Views of Identity."
Hispanic Trends Project (2012): 1-5. Pew Research Center. Web.
7. Nevarez, Griselda. "AP Poll: Racial prejudice against blacks and Latinos has
risen." VOXXI. N.p., 30 10 2012. Web.
8. Gonzalez-Pando, Miguel. Greater Miami: Spirit of Cuban Enterprise. 1st ed.
Fort Lauderdale, FL: Copperfield Publications Inc., 1996. Print.
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