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HOMEWORKERS
OF
SOUTHEAST ASIA
The Struggle for Social Protection
in Indonesia
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International Labour Organisation
Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific
Bangkok, Thailand
December 1992
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ILO
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Homeworkers of Southeast Asia:
The Struggle for Social Protection in Indonesia
•Compiled and edited by Lucita Lazo
Chief Technical Adviser
Rural Women Workers in the New Putting Out System
ISBN 92-2-108704
-2
® Copyright 1992 by the International Labour Organisation
Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok, Thailand
P.O. Box 1759, Bangkok 10501
FAX (6 62) 280 1735
Printed in Bangkok, Thailand
Published by the ILO-DANIDA Subregional Project on Rural Women Workers in the New Putting Out System
Policies and Programmes Branch, Employment and Development Department, International Labour Organisation
Geneva, Switzerland
Homeworkers of Southeast Asia
The Struggle for Social Protection in Indonesia
Contents
Page
Foreword
i
Contributors
ii
Homeworkers of Indonesia:
A Review of Issues
byLucitaLazo
1
Homeworkers of Indonesia:
Who Are They, Where Are They?
by Paulus Wirutomo
25
Labour Legislation in Indonesia and
the Legal Protection of Homeworkers
by Tapi Omas Ihromi
108
Homeworkers of Indonesia:
Who Cares?
by LucitaLazo and Yasmine d'Silva
124
Proceedings of the Tripartite National Policy Workshop
on Rural Women Homeworkers in Indonesia
by Muhamad Moedjiman
236
Foreword
The articles in this country monograph comprise part of the background work carried out
within the framework of a subregional project on Women Workers in the New Putting Out
System in Southeast Asia implemented by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) with the
financial support of the Government of Denmark (DANIDA). This project was initiated in 1988
under the Programme on Women of the Employment and Development Department of the ILO.
It focuses on the employment patterns and conditions of work of homeworkers, the majority of
whom are poor rural women. Phase I of the project was implemented in two stages: the first stage
consisted of collecting information and data on the background situation in the participating
countries, namely, the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand and the second stage consisted of
specific and concrete actions aimed at promoting the social protection of rural women
homeworkers in the field.
Home work is the production of a good or the provision of a service for an employer or
contractor under an arrangement whereby the work is carried out at a place of the worker's own
choosing, often the worker's own home, where there is normally no direct supervision by the
employer or contractor. Alternative terms sometimes used to refer to homeworkers are
"outworkers ", "home-based workers", or "piece-rate workers". Apart from "outworkers ", which
can be considered a synonym of "homeworker", these terms emphasise different aspects of home
work but may not be entirely adequate to describe this category of workers. *
The data and knowledge gap on the homeworkers's situation was stark. The obvious
imperative was to collect and compile all available and accessible information as much as
possible. As the essays show, homework-related literature is scanty and concepts fuzzy.
Methodologies are underdeveloped and welfare actions for homeworkers were non-existent.
The background studies presented in this report comprise the information base on
conditions of employment, policies, organisations and legal provisions affecting homeworkers
upon which field actions were derived in Thailand. The findings of these studies were presented
to the ILO tripartite constituents, namely the government, employers and workers organisations
and the NGO community in a national workshop. Specific and practical recommendations for
promoting the social protection of homeworkers were formulated during the national workshop.
The workshop proceedings are presented at the end of this volume.
It is hoped that this country review contributes to filling the knowledge gap on die
conditions of homeworking in Thailand. Since the completion of these studies, practical actions
have been taken on a pilot basis and are still going on in the field. The outcomes of these field
actions hopefully will be documented in a subsequent report.
Azita Berar-Awad
Policies and Programmes for Development Branch
Employment and Development Department
*
"Social Protection of Homeworkers." Documents of the Meeting of Experts on the Social Protection of
Homeworkers (MEHW/1990/7),ILO Geneva, 1990, p.3.
1
Contributors
TAPIOMAS IHROMI is a lawyer-professor at the University of Indonesia. She is engaged
in the legal education of women and research on women and the law.
PAULUS WIRUTOMO was chief of the Research Department of the Indonesian Manpower
Foundation, locally known as Yayasan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia (YTKI). He also lectures at the
Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Indonesia.
LUCITA LAZO is expert/coordinator of the ILO-DANIDA project on Rural Women
Workers in the New Putting Out System. She was formerly an official of the Philippine Ministry
of Labour and Employment. She was assisted in the study of NGOs in Indonesia by YASMINE
D'SILVA, a local social researcher.
MUHAMAD MOEDJIMAN is head of the Bureau of Legal Affairs and Foreign
Cooperation of the Ministry of Manpower of the Government of Indonesia. He was responsible
for organising the first national workshop on homework in Indonesia.
Homeworkers of Indonesia
A Review of Issues
by Lucita Lazo
What Do We Know?
Homework remains an under-explored subject in Indonesia. However, insights into
homework could be found in studies on non-farm employment, village and industry studies and
rural development. At the forefront of homework-related studies are foreign scholars, specially
the Dutch. Industry-specific studies provide the bulk of information related to the dynamics of
the putting out system in Indonesia, namely: Rebecca Joseph's "Women in the Indonesian Batik
Industry"(1987), Anita van Velzen's "Women in Small Food Processing Industries"(1989), Dewi
Haryani Susilastuti's study on garments homeworkers in Central Java (1989), Ines Smyth's study
on the handicraft producers in West Java (1988) and Joan Hardjono's study on the textile industry
in Majalaya, West Java (1988).
A far more encompassing study on "Rural Non-farm Employment in West Java"
launched in 1987 until 1991, provides significant insights on the phenomenon of putting out in
Indonesia. Van Velzen's and Hardjono's studies were in fact undertaken under the umbrella of
this project. In addition, there are the rural industry studies by Knorringa and Sandee (1989) and
a 1988 study of women entrepreneurs.
Along with these efforts to understand rural non-farm employment in Indonesia is the
growing interest in promoting self-employment in the informal sector, a concern of a government
project funded by the World Bank. Further, there is keen interest in promoting and enhancing
the productive role of women for which a three-year project was funded by UNDP and
implemented through Indonesia's Ministry of Industry. The project's second phase was
implemented in 1990.
The study on "Rural Productivity and the Non-farm Sector in West Java" started on
1 April 1987. The studies under the project are meant for policy makers and are also intended
for countries and regions facing similar problems. They contribute innovative approaches to
research on these problems in terms of new concepts, analytical frameworks and perspectives.
The project involved some 50 researchers to carry out 42 separate research activities
focusing on the following general problems:
1.
What factors contribute to the stimulation of specific patterns of growth in
rural industries and other non-farm activities in a developing agrarian region?
2.
How can this growth be structured in ways which maximise employment
generation and income distribution in rural areas?
3.
What are the constraints faced by planning and implementation agencies at
various levels (both governmental and non-governmental) in achieving the
above objectives?
Three institutions were involved: the Centre for Development Studies, Bogor
1
Agricultural University, the Centre for Environmental Studies, Bandung Institute of Technology
and the Institute of Social Studies, and The Hague which has overall responsibility for the project.
The Netherlands Ministry for Development Cooperation, Division of Research and Technology
funded the project.
Rebecca Joseph's case study of the batik industry, looked into the industry's female
labour utilisation and women's access to income opportunities. In particular, she stressed the
effects of industrialisation policies and crafts promotion programmes on class structure and
upward social mobility at the village level.
Her analysis was based largely on primary data collected in the Special Region of
Yogyakarta and Central Java from 1984 to 1986. Data for the case study were collected in
Wukirsari and in the city of Yogyakarta over a period of 30 months through direct observation
and unstructured interviews with residents, officials and others involved in batik production.
Van Velzen focused on small-scale food processing industries in rural West Java while
Hardjono studied the textile industry in the village of Majalaya also in West Java. In both studies
two rural industries and their relative prospects for rural employment generation were assessed.
Ines Smyth's case study of the village of Tasikmalaya lent some information on the
results of interventions to assist homeworkers in the bamboo industry. Smyth analysed the
changes in the village before and after the interventions were introduced.
Another source of information on women homeworkers is a 1988 study of women
entrepreneurs in Indonesia conducted by the Netherlands government through the Development
Cooperation Operations Review Unit (10V). Examining the role of women in small-scale
industry in two countries, Swaziland and Indonesia, the study sought to gather ideas for the future
design of development programmes.
Other written materials in English on women-in-development, rural industrialisation
and rural development tend to be highly tangential to the subject of homework. However, they
are generally instructive on formulating practical measures to alleviate the plight of rural women
as they document the experiences in implementing income-generating projects among rural women
within the context of family planning programmes. Also, descriptions of rural and community
development programmes serve as reference in designing practical action projects for rural women
homeworkers. To this extent, these literature are relevant and were included in this review.
Facts and Features of Homeworking in Indonesia
The Homework System
Extent and Nature
There are no precise figures as to the occurrence and distribution of homework in
various geographical parts and industries of Indonesia. Both the total number of home-based
workers as well as the total workers categorised by products is unknown. In the census, their
total number is included in the workforce. Yet, because no detailed information is collected, they
do not appear in the official statistics.
Indications of its extent can be gleaned from studies of certain industries such as food
processing, textile production and batik making. Based on Nagib's 1986 research around
2
Semarang, Central Java, he discovered that among the samples, 21 per cent of the households are
engaged in home-based work.
One drawback in establishing data on homework is the ambiguity in its concept
and definition. It tends to overlap with the notion of entrepreneurs in small-scale or micro
operation. In one study, it was noted that "small entrepreneurs are extremely dependent upon a
small number of suppliers and wholesale purchasers, which tends to blur the distinction between
independent entrepreneurship and homeworking. These entrepreneurs, many of whom are women,
are economically vulnerable and often subject to exploitation ".
The putting out system has been practiced in Indonesia for sometime as was the case
in the textile industry. According to Hardjono, in 1928 three young girls from Majalaya families
that owned a number of gedongan (traditional) looms were sent to the Bandung Textile Institute
at the suggestion of the bupati of Bandung, to learn how to use the new loom. Other girls,
together with a number of male weavers, were sent the following year and in this way the
foundations were laid for what was to become a major industry. Rural households in villages
close to the town were soon supplementing agricultural earnings by weaving. They worked on
the basis of the putting out system under which textile agents representing cloth merchants in
Bandung supplied the yarn that was required; wages were paid according to the amount and
quality of the cloth they produced. With the access they had to capital, the merchants, who were
almost invariably of Chinese origin, gradually came to control not only the disposal of woven
cloth but also the supply of imported yarn.
The putting out or makloon system, which has been a characteristic of the Majalaya
textile industry since the earliest days, still forms the basis of production among the small and
medium size weaving establishments that make unfinished cloth, though it is far less common
among individual household weavers than it once was and likewise is rare among sarong
manufacturers. Under this system large companies subcontract weaving work to other
establishments, which range in capacity from as few as 10 to as many as 125 looms. Estimates
place the number involved in the makloon system at 60 per cent of all industri kecil (small-scale)
weaving establishments in Majalaya and in 95 per cent of all industri kecil establishments that
produce unfinished cloth. Even the better equipped IK establishments produce their cloth through
the makloon system.
As the makloon system functions today, a supplier provides a weaving establishment
with the yarn required to make cloth. One of the essential elements of the system is the fact that
the yarn is already sized and wound onto the warp beam, which means that weaving factories do
not need to have their own sizing equipment or to subcontract sizing to other establishments.
Similarly, they do not need to own a warping machine, which means that they do not have to
undertake kelos work, that is, the winding of yarn onto the spools used in the warping machine.
They have to handle only the task of winding spools for the shuttles (known as palet work), the
threading (nyucuk) of the yarn from the beam through the reeds (sisir) and the weaving itself.
The woven cloth is returned to the supplier, who pays weaving costs on a per meter scale that
takes into account the quality of the weaving. The cloth is graded as A, B, or C on the basis of
the tightness of the weave, the percentage of broken threads and the existence of other flaws.
The same study reveals that aside from the makloon system or putting out work, there
is another much less common system known as hirkup under which the weaving establishment
or individual weaver buys the yarn already sized and warped but can sell his product to anyone.
The agent or establishment that provides the yarn is not obliged to buy back the finished product
as a makloon supplier must, though in some situations may choose to do so. Hirkup is today
3
largely limited to the individual ATBM (alat tenun bukan mesin or non-mechanised looms)
household weavers and to very small ATM (alat tenun mesin or power looms) establishments
located in the periphery of the town of Majalaya or in villages some distance from the town.
Survival of the system is explained by the continuing existence of household weavers and small
factories that produce such small and irregular quantities of cloth as to be unattractive to makloon
suppliers. Because of the poor quality of their cloth they sell it as lining material through the
hirkup system. A few establishments, however, choose hirkup because they believe that they can
get better prices outside the makloon system; it is these who suffer when demand for unfinished
cloth slackens.
The putting out system is common in batik tulis especially in the urban enterprises.
It is found in batik cap production in connection with a labour-saving technique in the dyeing
process whereby small areas of color are painted in prior to submersion in the main color(s)
(nyolet). Since these tasks involve the use of the canting or casual labour, women and children
are recruited as homeworkers to carry them out.
Home-based batik production in rural areas was closely related to the agricultural
cycle. Women originally made batik during slack agricultural periods for household consumption.
In areas of Java (outside of Yogyakarta in the Surakarta sultanates) where farming alone did not
meet the subsistence needs of the population, cottage batik industries developed. Production
generally continued on a part time, consumer demand basis with surpluses being traded by a
producer or a neighbor at local markets (pasar). During planting and harvesting periods, batik
work was put aside except by those too old or too young to work in the fields.
Home-based batik production in rural areas was geared to the peasant economy. It was
within this context that cottage batik industries developed as a strategy for overcoming population
pressure. With increased monetisation of the rural economy, the conditions that supported homebased batik tulis industries of the traditional type have mostly disappeared. The use of money
rather than barter as the mode of exchange and the high price of raw materials, has made the
returns to labour from home-based batik production too low for such work to continue being
profitable for rural households. In addition, the influx into rural areas of relatively high quality,
inexpensive textiles from other regions has reduced local demand for cottage batik industry
products. Today, this type of home-based industry exists only in an isolated area on the north
coast. Even there, signs of encroaching commercialisation are evident.
On the latter half of the nineteenth century, batik production became commercialised
and factory-based. This was in reaction to changes in the Dutch colonial administration's
economic policies.The emergence of the factory-based system as the predominant form of
production organisation was dependent on access to a steady supply of cheap labour. This was
found in the large number of landless migrants to the cities and among the surplus supply of
agricultural labour in the rural areas. Men were recruited for stamping in batik cap production,
and dyeing because these were thought to be heavy jobs, unsuitable for women. At the same
time, women and children were employed in urban enterprises and in home-based production to
do canting work and cloth preparation. In a few isolated villages in Yogyakarta, men also took
up canting work. Remuneration for work in the factory-based system was in cash, the rate
determined by the supposed difficulty of the task. The use of homeworkers (mostly female)
enabled the entrepreneur to reduce production costs, first, by not having to provide work space
and, second, by paying lower wages for what was labeled part-time work. These features of
production organisation in the factory-based system have not changed to date. In 1985, homebased workers in Yogyakarta made approximately Rp. 125 (US$ 0.11) per day for kasar (low)
quality and Rp 500 (US$ 0.44) per day for halus (high) quality canting work while factory
4
workers earned as much as double those amounts.
Technological innovations adopted after 1850 and the expansion of roads and railways
acted as catalysts in the development of a commercial batik industry. Factory-based production
in the batik industry has from its inception been associated with a large supply of surplus labour
and a strict division of labour that is to a great extent gender and age specific. As it became
firmly established, the urban factory-based system engulfed previously independent household
production units.
The putting out (tukar tambah) system is a mechanism adopted by batik entrepreneurs
to keep production costs low. In its basic form, the putting out system entails the exchange of
inputs and cash for work completed on one or more steps in the batik production process. Inputs
are supplied by the entrepreneur to a middleperson (bakul) and can be either raw materials or
once dyed cloths. The middleperson returns to her village or neighborhood (kampung) and
distributes the work among her neighbors. She often does part of the work herself. The
middleperson returns the completed work to the entrepreneur. Partial payment is made for the
work that has already been done and, if the work is satisfactory, a new supply of inputs is given.
The middleperson is responsible for obtaining any materials, i.e., wax not supplied by the
entrepreneur.
More common is a system where smaller units buy melinjo from a larger enterprise
and sell emping to the same firm. Per kilogram, they earn almost the same as 'normal'
producers. This system spreads the risk due to fluctuating melinjo prices. Small firms prefer this
because it guarantees them their supply of melinjo without being indebted to their bandar and
without worries about marketing. As they do not receive fixed wages, they consider themselves
independent producers. For the larger firms, the system affords them flexibility to expand their
labour reserves especially during the peak seasons.
The system has a 'bad reputation' as this fragmentation of production processes can
easily exploit the weaker party: those who own their labour only. When the suppliers, however,
possess a certain skill or when they have other alternatives, subcontracting can work out
effectively.
In Tuk, subcontracting seems to be efficient in cases where large firms buy end
products at market prices from smaller units. The system seems to be in balance because large
firms could not find enough labour supply to meet large orders and producers do not own a
specific skill but a village is 'specialised' for the production of emping. Though the process is
easy to learn, it is not easy to find another village where so many wage labourers and firms can
be employed; small units receive fair prices for their products and have no marketing, packing
or transport problems; small units always have alternatives; they can sell their products to Cirebon
or other places; small firms obtain a guarantee of the supply of melinjo and thus of income.
Forms of Homework
In Indonesia, various forms of homework are found. Women are engaged in both
commercial and industrial subcontracting. In the former, often referred to as putting out, the
outcontractor does not participate in the actual production process while in the latter, the
outcontractor(s) themselves engage in the production process. Both traders and producers can
function as outcontractors. Traders specialised in marketing a specific range of products can
organise production through subcontracting selected enterprises or individuals, which have to
produce according to standards and specifications set by the outcontractors. Producers however,
5
will use subcontractors for executing specific tasks within their overall production process. These
two main types of subcontracting are clearly related to different specialisations within the
marketing and production cycle.
Van Velzen1 reports that subcontracting or the practice of putting out is very common
in Tuk, a village in West Java but it takes different shapes:
1.
The most well known form of subcontracting whereby a firm receives raw
materials and returns an end product on a piece-rate base is found in Tuk as
well but on a very limited scale. This could be done by a large or medium
enterprise putting out directly to homeworkers.
2.
More common in Tuk is another system of putting out under which smaller
units buy melinjo from a larger enterprise and sell the emping to the same
firm. Per kilogram tfiey earn almost the same as 'normal' producers. In this
way the risk of melinjo price fluctuations is shared between the boss and the
suppliers. Small firms prefer this way of working as they are sure of a
guaranteed supply of melinjo without being indebted by a bandar and without
worries about marketing. As they do not receive a fixed wage, they consider
themselves independent producers. For the larger firms this way of putting
out means a larger flexibility: in busy periods they have an extra labour
reserve.
All producers in Tuk, maybe two or three of the largest excluded, regularly sell part
of their emping to larger producers who obtained large orders of traders in Surabaya or Jakarta.
Instead of selling to Cirebon, they sell to another producer for almost the same price. The main
difference wim the putting out system described above is the fact that producers buy their own
melinjo and they only occasionally work in mis way. This organisation of production within the
village is considered as a normal way of 'trade' which offers the larger producers the chance of
accepting large orders wimout employing more labourers. For smaller producers it means
enlargement of their production capacity.
The putting out system is widely used to employ rural women in their homes. Urban
entrepreneurs who employ workers in this manner supply materials to rural middlewomen who
become responsible for their distribution in the village and for the collection of completed work.
In rural areas, entrepreneurs also employ home-based workers but proximity allows them to
interact directly. Urban batik enterprises are far more numerous than rural ones. Moreover, the
majority of batik workers are rural women, employed by middlewomen, in the putting out
system.
In the textile industry, the putting out or makloon system, which has been a
characteristic of the industry of the Majalaya textile industry since the earliest days, still forms
the basis of production among the small and medium size establishments. Today, a supplier
provides a weaving firm with the yarn required to make cloth. The yarn is already sized and
wound onto the warp beam. The woven cloth is returned to the supplier, who pays weaving costs
on a per meter scale that takes into account the quality of the weaving.
In the textile weaving industry, a similar arrangement exists though it is much less
common. In the hirkup system (see page 3), the agent or establishment that provides the yarn
already sized and warped is not obliged to buy back the finished product as a makloon supplier
must, though in some situations, they may choose to do so.
6
Hirkup is today largely limited to the individual ATBM household weavers and to very
small ATM establishments located at the periphery of the town of Majalaya or in villages some
distance from the town. Survival of the system is explained by the continuing existence of
household weavers and small factories that produce such small and irregular quantities of cloth
as to be unattractive to makloon suppliers.
Similarly, in the embroidery industry. Hardjono notes that work is also put out to
women who sew in their own homes, using machines that are owned by the entrepreneur, just
as women in Soreang sew garments together on treadle machines that they do not own.
In the batik industry. Joseph notes that there are many variations of the putting out
system. In recent years, one of the most important developments involves the worker bypassing
the middleperson in favor of a direct trading relationship with the entrepreneur. This change
was made possible by the expansion of the mass transportation during the 1970s which facilitated
travel between rural areas and the cities. The system of exchange is the same but the control of
the middlemen over intermediate transactions has decreased.
In the bamboocraft or anyaman making in Tasikmalaya, West Java, the bamboo
weaving was carried out in households and employed only family labour. The entrepreneurs were
all producers memselves, who owned the means of production. The pengrajin (artisans) only
rarely produced goods on their own initiative to sell directly in the market. Normally, they
receive orders from a tengkulak (local producer who functioned also as intermediary) or a bandar
(outside intermediary), for a specific number oikodi (20 items of goods of a certain design), to
be completed by a given date; payment is made on delivery.
The tengkulak is a producer cum middleman and comes from the village while the
bandar are always people from outside the village and tended to pay higher prices for bamboo
goods. They were not punctual with payments nor were tfiey regular wim their orders. Thus
local producers prefer dealing with tengkulak than with the bandar. The main advantage of the
bandar is their contact with broader and more varied markets which enable mem to bring in
diverse orders. In turn, this allowed for acquaintance with better and more designs.
An important point made by Smyth is that women producers are not homogeneous.
They differ in their degree of access to resources such as land and capital as well as in their
access to direct contracts widi buyers and other producers. Access to marketing outlets by the
tengkulak enable them to exercise control over other producers which were mostly small, landless
and lack capital. The tengkulak who were both producers and intermediaries maximised their
income as they were able to profit from the production of others. The layers of intermediation
served to strengthen the position of the tengkulak on the one hand but tended to aggravate the low
returns for the petty producers. It must be noted that earnings from handicrafts are low, to begin
with, because of the very poor position of the handicraft industry in the entire economy.
According to Smyth, because the tengkulak is also a producer, they could be altering
drastically not only the scale of their activities but their structure, and possibly that of the other
enterprises wim which mey interact.
Women Involvement in Homework
Female home-based workers dominate the labour-intensive melinjo and batik
industries. Van Velzen2 reports that the production of emping is mainly performed by female
labourers. Production without wage labour is almost impossible as the work is very labour-
7
intensive. Labourers usually work from 6 a.m. to 12 o'clock p.m. The women take care of the
actual production process: roasting the melinjo, crushing skins and operating the pendel.
Labourers are girls from the age of 12, married women with small children and old women,
usually widows. In some peak periods the larger firms work with two or three shifts a day. The
afternoon shift is filled with school children.
In the case of the batik industry, home-based batik production is historically known
to involve two classes of women: the aristocratic women in the court centers of Central Java who
produced batik tulis halus for personal and court use and the rural women in other parts of Java
who made batik tulis for household consumption during slack agricultural periods.3
Most of the batik industry's labour force is drawn from rural areas, including men and
women employed in urban enterprises, women working in the putting out system, and men and
women working in rural enterprises. Like other households in Java, batik workers generally
consist of a nuclear family sometimes with a grandparent or other relative(s). Once married,
women usually return (from the factories) to the village and continue making batik as home-based
workers. In some cases, they are able to continue working for the same enterprise, though they
often go to work for a middleperson (bakul).
In the women or bamboo making industry in Tasikmalaya, there is no fixed gender
division of tasks. However, considerable differences existed in the way men and women were
involved— and in the benefits they derived from it. "Women worked longer hours than men at
weaving and on a more regular basis, since they had more limited earning opportunities outside
it. At the same time, their productivity tended to be lower, as they had to interrupt their work
frequently to attend to their children or to the needs of other household members". In each unit
of work, a flexible routine varied according to the other tasks to which individual members were
committed and to the actual demand for bamboo goods.
First, the regional distribution of these 'very small enterprises' within Java is very
uneven, with more than half of all enterprises and participants located in Central Java, or almost
two-thirds if we include Yogyakarta; this regional disparity is found in all the three major
branches of household industry (wood and wood products, food manufacturing and textiles which
together comprised 86 per cent of all household participants in 1974/75. Secondly, although more
men than women are recorded as 'employed', i.e., having their main occupation in the
manufacturing sector as a whole (as shown in the 1971 and 1980 Population Censuses), there are
almost three times as many females as male household industry participants when both 'full time'
and 'part time' participants are included. Among children and young adults the sex ratio among
participants is more equal, but among participants aged 25 years and above (80 per cent of all
male, and 90 per cent of all female participants) the ratio is almost exactly 3 females to every
male participant. Women's participation, as may be expected, is more of a part-time nature, with
women contributing an average of 82 'full time equivalent' days per year as compared to 210 by
men. The same 1974/75 Industrial Census included sample surveys of household industry
participation over a 12 month period which provide some insights into the seasonality of
participation in rural areas. While aggregate data for all rural Java do not show any pronounced
seasonality the busiest and slackest months of participation vary only by +15 per cent around the
mean. These variations are more pronounced at provincial level, covering all household industry.
Certain activities intensify in some seasons while others decline; hence, the variations cancel each
other out.
Majority of rural manufacturing activity is found in the so-called 'informal sector', at
the household level and to a lesser extent, at the level of small-scale enterprises. One aspect of
8
activities at this level is their lack of access to formal services such as bank credit and relatively
low participation in formal institutions such as cooperatives. Susenas (1979) data on cottage
industries indicated that only 2 per cent received bank credit, and less than 0.1 per cent received
credit from cooperatives. At the small industry level, 1983 data compiled by the Department of
Industry (reported in the Department of Cooperatives, 1985) indicate that only 0.4 per cent of the
1.8 million small manufacturing enterprises in Indonesia were cooperative members.
The small scale and 'informal' character of most rural manufacturing activity should
not however be taken to imply that these household and small-scale enterprises are not integrated
in various ways with the operations of larger-scale production, output processing or trading
enterprises. Formal subcontracting links between small and large industry, altiiough promoted
by government agencies, are rather infrequent with the exception of a few well known cases,
particularly in the metal working sector. On the other hand, various forms of linkage between
'very small' and 'less small' enterprises, both traditional and modern, are common and not always.
to the benefit of the small producers. We may mention for example the home-based production
of furniture parts for the Jepara furniture industry where an estimated 10,000 self-employed
craftsmen produce for about 1,700 furniture enterprises4: home-based work in parts of the
process of batik tulis production; and the garment industry, which is largely based on production
in households or small firms on a contract or piece-work basis for larger finishing and/or trading
enterprises. These linkages can have positive or negative consequences for the small producer.
On the one hand, links to larger production or trading enterprises can provide access to markets,
and information on the product designs necessary to reach those markets, which independent small
producers cannot easily obtain; these are especially important in an economy characterised by
changing consumer demands and large distances between producers and final consumers (and
especially, of course, where export markets are involved). On the other hand, these links may
also place small producers in (near) monopolistic/monopsonistic relations with input suppliers and
buyers, whose effect— especially in the context of labour surplus and the generally weak
bargaining position of direct producers— can be to shift a large part of total value-added in a
particular production process away from the smaller to the larger enterprise. For purposes of
illustration, we may note the example of small-scale leather working industries (bicycle saddles,
belts, pump washers) in a village near Tegal, Central Java. After only a few years of
'ancillarisation' to urban entrepreneurs who provided them with credit and raw materials on
condition that all output be sold to them without price bargaining, more than half of the village's
67 producers had gone out of business.5 Under such conditions, 'independent' producers may
find themselves reduced to the condition of 'disguised' wage workers, not much different than
the situation of home-based putting out workers paid by piece-rates.
Other authors have noted the signs of relative decline of the true 'independent rural
petty producer' in the face of changing market conditions. In a survey of several different types
of rural cottage industry in Yogyakarta in the late 1970s, Dunham observed the following trends:
1.
The adjustment of production to changing demands due to declining demand
for traditional utilitarian wares (clay pots, woven mats, handwoven sarongs
etc.) under competition from factory-made or imported substitutes, and
increasing demand for a different type of ('neo-traditional') handicraft items
for the urban, tourist and export markets.
2.
A change from 'true' cottage industry production using unpaid family labour
to more complex forms of production organisation such as large family owned
workshops using hired labour.
9
3.
Polarisation within village industries between a small class of wealthy
entrepreneurs and a large class of dependent piece-rate and wage workers.6
Such polarisation, even under conditions of healthy growth in specific
industries can produce increased income disparities within the industry.
Reasons for Women's Involvement in Homework
Women's involvement in homework has two patterns of entry: through the wealthier
households who use agrarian surpluses to diversify into relatively high return occupations, and
the rural poor households who combine low return agricultural and non-farm work in the effort
to achieve a subsistence income. The former reflects an accumulation strategy as opposed to the
survival strategy of the latter.7
This finding indicates the heterogeneity of non-farm workers, socially and
economically. Perhaps, the same thing holds for homeworkers. This has to be taken into account
in identifying the target groups to be assisted via project action in the near future.
Survival
Foremost among the reasons that lead rural women to engage in homework is the need
to survive. In Indonesia, the responsibility for the management of household finances fall on the
women who see to the family survival with or without male contribution. A study of the Bogor
Agricultural Institute found that about 20 per cent of households in Java are female-headed. Of
these 64 per cent are divorced.
Indonesia's increasing unemployment has emphasised the increasing need for women
from poor households to engage in income-generating activities. This has highlighted the growing
phenomenon of female-headed households in Indonesian society whofindthemselves alone, eidier
because the male members of the family are forced to migrate in search of cash employment or
because of divorce, abandonment or death of the husbands.
Female-headed households are reported to be 21.5 per cent in the village of Tamansari
in East Java, although the 1980 census of Indonesia indicates a national figure of 16 per cent.
A 1988 community survey in Malang, East Java revealed that 29 per cent were female-headed
households of which 21.5 per cent were dejure and 7.5 per cent were de facto heads.
Like India, many female household heads engage in homework in Indonesia.
Inequalities in income and wealth over time must be taken into account in the identification of the
specific targets for assistance and intervention.
Landlessness
Land ownership in Indonesia is reportedly small, on the average. White8 reports that
in Java, average farm sizes are less than two-thirds of a hectare, i.e., about 80 x 80 meters, and
declining. Such decline may be coming to a halt as suggested in the past three agricultural census
trends.
There is increasing landlessness in Indonesia. Farmers are becoming marginalised in
the sense that they possess less than 0.5 hectares of land which is considered to be the minimum
needed to fully utilise the available family labour. Statistics show that the number of agricultural
households increased and available area of farm land decreased. Because of this, it becomes
10
necessary to "create conditions for transferring such marginal farmers to rural non-farm activities
(RNA)". The employment strategy suggested consists of a target oriented approach aimed at the
educated and young unemployed and the rural poor.
New Technology
The introduction of new technology and the application of less labour-intensive ways
of rice production has led to the marginalisation of women. The introduction of plastics has
reduced the effective demand on bamboo woven products made by women. Consequently,
women have had to shift to other production activities or simply slacken their production of their
traditional products.
In the batik industry, many women lost their jobs due to the fierce competition among
the small-scale batik workshops and factories resulting in the shutdown of thousands of small
enterprises and the change of production methods from hand design and use of wax pens by
women to the use of printing blocks primarily by men.
Culture
For a variety of reasons, women prefer to work in the seclusion of their own homes
particularly those who keep strictly to the Islamic traditions. When working at home a woman
can look after her children better; she can undertake income earning activities while continuing
with the many recurrent household tasks. This holds true for Java in particular, where two-thirds
of the Indonesian population reside.
Socio-economic Profile of Indonesian Homeworkers
The general impression that homeworkers undergo a highly exploitative situation,
labour for long hours and earn sub-minimum incomes appears to hold true in Indonesia. One of
the striking characteristics of homeworkers is the poor working conditions under which they
labour, and their low wages.
Wijaya9 reports that workers home-based earnings are usually lower than the
minimum daily wage rate (Rp 800). In the case of bed sheet sewing for example, a worker earns
Rp 600 for 8 working hours . One piece of hand embroidered cloth completed within 2 days of
10 working hours is paid Rp 500.
The case of rural women batik workers shows similarly low earnings. Joseph10
documents this phenomenon extensively:
As a group, rural workers earned less than urban workers. Men working
in urban enterprises had the highest incomes, but women working on-site
in urban enterprises in Yogyakarta and Solo earned slightly more than men
who worked in rural enterprises. The much higher average income of
urban men is attributable to the presence in the sample of several highly
paid pattern designers. Even so, men doing production work in urban
enterprises who normally receive daily or weekly wages tend to earn better
incomes than their rural counterparts who are paid on piece-rate basis.
Rural women, who are mostly home-based workers in the putting out
system, constitute the lowest income group, their monthly income
averaging only 27.4 per cent of urban male workers.
11
Overall, women working in the batik industry in Central Java are receiving only 47.5
per cent of what their male co-workers earn. Women's low earnings in the industry are of
particular concern because of the high incidence of divorce among female batik workers (40.2 per
cent of the combined sample). Throughout Indonesia, households headed by women average
fewer earners and fewer working hours than those headed by men. As a result, they are
disproportionately represented among the lowest income groups.11
White12 submits that the rural employment problem in Java can be most usefully
viewed as a problem of low labour incomes rather than one of not enough work; relatively high
labour force participation rates and relatively long working hours for both men and women are
coupled with low labour incomes in the types of occupations in which the majority of rural
households are engaged. She further states that at least in the early periods of rapid non-farm
development, the wages or labour incomes received by women in non-farm activity are extremely
low, whether home or factory-based, whether home or export market oriented.
In the batik industry, like odier industries, the putting out system is a mechanism
undertaken by entrepreneurs to keep production costs low. Similar to evidence elsewhere,
Indonesian home-based work, as earlier mentioned, is characterised by long working hours and
low returns to the workers.
On the contrary, the putting out system, in any of its variations, is clearly beneficial
to the entrepreneur who does not have to invest in additional work space. On the surface, the
system also seems advantageous to the other participants. Workers, for example, are able to set
their own daily schedule, even when there is a production deadline. This is an important
consideration for women with domestic and agricultural responsibilities and for children who
make batik outside of school hours. Moreover, the middleperson is able to make a modest profit
from her activities without the burden of marketing the finished product.
On closer examination however, the putting out system reveals additional advantages
to the entrepreneur at the middleperson and worker's expense. The provision of inputs appears
to benefit the middleperson or worker, who always has a fresh supply of work. The half payment
for finished work appears to represent a guarantee that the entrepreneur's investment in the inputs
will be returned. Thus in this set up, the middleperson or worker who accepts partial payment
for finished work loans her capital to the entrepreneur in the form of credit for the other half of
the work. Entrepreneurs however frequently default on these 'loans' during periods of slow
demand by reducing inputs, refusing to pay for work, or paying a reduced rate.
The more trading relationship (langganan) a middlewoman has, the greater her shortterm capital outflow and vulnerability vis-a-vis the entrepreneurs. She cannot accumulate the
required amount of working capital because she receives only partial payment for the finished
work she brings to the established entrepreneurs. The middleperson is put in an even more
precarious position by the practice of paying workers in full on completion of each piece. As she
is responsible for quality control, she is forced to absorb any losses resulting from work rejected
by the entrepreneur.
The characteristics of the rural women homeworkers do not seem to be that distinctive.
Sandee observes that many of the socio-economic characteristics of the women studied by the
Indonesian Manpower Foundation (YTKI) in its exploratory survey (refer to Wirutomo's article)
on homeworkers in Indonesia did not look different from those of other groups in rural society.
This observation could have policy implications.
13
12
Issues And Concerns Of Rural Women Homeworkers
There are many indications that women from the poorer households in particular are
still beyond the reach of various existing services.
Illiteracy among women is still high: 37 per cent of females over 10 years old were
illiterate in 1980 compared with 20 per cent of males. In some rural areas half of the females
over 10 years were illiterate.
Females miss out on many opportunities for education and training due to the view that
they would not be interested, and particularly, that these opportunities would interfere with their
primary duty of taking care of their families.
Policy Gaps
The search for policies directly addressing rural women homeworkers in Indonesia
leads to nowhere. An Indonesian woman sociologist confirms that "there have been no specific
policies designed to improve the welfare of home-based workers in these industries".14
Two relevant thrusts of Repelita V, among others, are:
1.
To find employment for nearly 12 million new entrants into the labour force.
Growth will create job opportunities but additionally it is necessary to
implement action-oriented projects for employment creation and enshrine the
objective in all economic activities.
2.
Protect the underprivileged and distribute the benefit of growth to the poor as
nearly 20 per cent of the population are now below the poverty line and they
can be a destabilising force for the economy.15 To the extent that rural
women homeworkers are among the underprivileged, then their interests are
subsumed under these major policies.
Specific sectoral policy thrusts also bring the rural women homeworkers' concerns into
the fold of national policy such as those mat promote women's development in general,
employment among the disadvantaged and unemployed sectors, small enterprises and village
industries and aim at increasing incomes and reducing poverty. Within these policy clusters, the
interest and concerns of rural women homeworkers, domestic outworkers or women in the putting
out system are assumed to be covered. For example, one broad policy is the development of the
industrial sector that emphasise export-oriented goods, labour intensive activities, and industries
processing agricultural products and industries that produce industrial machinery.16
Women-in-Development Policy
Specific reference to women is not made in Repelita V, the national development plan
of Indonesia. But Repelita IV contained specific policy objectives to strengthen the role of women
as housewives striving to create healthy and prosperous families and as members of the labour
force through expanding opportunities for work and raising educational and skill levels in various
development sectors. It also included policies to encourage a socio-economic climate conducive
for women to participate in development; and to increase the ability of the Indonesian people
through their own efforts to grow and develop and to create a just and prosperous society based
on Pancasila.
13
Earlier on, during Repelita III, 10 million US dollars were allocated for women's
programmes designed to overcome problems of backwardness, low productivity and poor family
living standards. By the end of fiscal year 1982/83 programmes had been implemented in 2,020
villages in 26 provinces, 282 districts and 1,410 subdistricts.17
There is no means for
ascertaining whether or not these policies did in fact affect the employment and welfare of rural
women home-based workers. What is noteworthy is that the Indonesian government has passed
some policies favoring women though these may fall short of the ideal.
The women's situation has somewhat improved. But in 1986, Oey-Gardiner observed
that gender specific activities were not sufficiently addressed in policies and intervention
programmes. For example, policies state the need for employment creation without according
special attention to women. In fact projects may even create problems for women to the degree
that they may be displaced from their traditional work or are pushed to the periphery. Women's
concerns are still not sufficiently dealt with, largely due to under representation of women in
leadership and decision making positions.
In 1987, government directives stipulated that women should have the maximum
opportunity to contribute to the country's development and should do so on equal footing with
men. However, this should not detract from their task of caring for their family and in particular,
child rearing. This orientation is affirmed in the centrality of the Family Welfare Movement,
known as the PKK18 around which women-in-development activities revolve.
In 1990, the WID policy or the thrusts in the national women's programme were stated
in the national coordination meeting organised by the Ministry on the Role of Women. In broad
terms, these are: promotion of family welfare, enhancement of the role of female workers,
promotion of education and skills of women, development of the socio-cultural environment and
women situational analysis, establishment of a monitoring and evaluation system and overall
mechanism for the enhancement of women's role.
Though the WID policy does not focus on rural women homeworkers, some qualitative
change in the overall climate for WID activities appears to be evolving. This positive climate is
seen as a plus factor in any campaign involving the interest of any specific subgroup of women
such as the domestic outworkers or the rural women homeworkers.
The WID orientation is beginning to permeate the development culture in Indonesia.
Thus, in the UNDP Advisory Note for the Fourth Country Programming (1991-94), it is stated
that: programmes for women-in-development have been conceived and executed in the past in the
form ofprojects related directly to activities carried out by women. All programme design now
will try to integrate women's interests.
Diversification of agriculture, agro-industry or community forestry programmes,
industry and trade would cater for incorporating activities touching on women's concerns or
interests. There may, however, be some specific projects for women-in-development.19
Employment and Manpower Policy
The employment and manpower policy in Repelita V sets out the following objectives:
to increase employment opportunities, to attain a better distribution and utilisation of manpower,
to promote and improve the skills of the labour force, to foster a healthy and harmonious
development of the union-employer relationship and to improve the general welfare of workers.
14
During Repelita V, labour-intensive work programmes were to be undertaken in not
less than 7,500 locations in the subdistricts (kecamatan) that are identified to be poor, densely
populated, prone to natural disasters and to the vagaries of fluctuating prices of agricultural
commodities.
The World Bank20 reports that in poverty reduction programmes, "a particularly
important target group are women. While the incidence of poverty is about the same between
female-headed and male-headed households, there is evidence to suggest that the poorest
households are headed by females. Part of the reason for this is that households headed by
women are smaller and therefore have less labour available to work. For this reason, other
households, such as those headed by older people, may also face the same problem. But it would
appear that women face greater handicaps than men because they have fewer available hours to
work on the farm, have lower levels of education and less experience than men in looking for
employment, and may be discriminated against in the services provided to farmers. Females are
also affected disproportionately by the ongoing process of farm mechanisation..."
Human Resource Development Policy
In Repelita V, the main emphasis is on quality improvements through the improvement
of education and training. This is essential to ensure higher earnings capacity and to enhance
labour productivity. Over the medium term, there is also a need to enhance the availability of
trained manpower to cope with the skill demands of a growing formal sector and improve the
productivity and earning capacity of those remaining in the informal sector.21
Industrialization and Rural Development Policy
Being an agricultural country and because the greater bulk of the population live in
the rural areas, the national development programmes of Indonesia have always been oriented to
rural and agricultural development. From the inception of its first national development plan, such
has been the policy thrust.22 Today, the thrust towards rural development remains.
Although agriculture accounts for only 24 per cent of GDP, it provides livelihood to
60 per cent of the population and accounts for 50 per cent of exports. While maintaining food
self-sufficiency that target is to secure a greater diversification and expand tree crops, fisheries
and livestock output, Outer islands development, small farmers development, development of
rural industries, i.e., agri-business, better maintenance and utilisation of irrigation facilities are
some of the major programmes.23
In the industry and mining sector, specially non-oil industries, the objectives are
development of export industries, deepening the industrial structure, improving their
competitiveness, promoting small-scale industries, expanding agro-industries, promoting
technology and controlling industrial pollution.24
Worthy of note is the UNDP Advisory Note to the Fourth Country Programming
which contemplates the development of small-scale industries with special attention to
subcontracting, metal industry, rural industrialisation and technological support services as
one of the areas of concentration for technical assistance.
One more interesting national policy is the tri-Dharma policy whereby academic
institutions and universities are mandated to engage in community development activities. This
is an added means for reaching out to the grassroots level where the rural poor are found. For
15
rural women homeworkers, access to services could be enhanced dirough such means.
In brief, national policy statements do not categorically identify rural women
homeworkers as a target group. But by implication, given that the Repelita V seeks to assist the
poor and the disadvantaged who are mostly found in the rural areas,25 it may be argued that
effectively, the rural women homeworkers are covered. Indeed, this is a generous interpretation
of national policy intent. From the viewpoint of practical actions, it may indicate the relative
receptiveness to future initiatives promoting rural women homeworkers' employment and welfare.
However, the absence of specific focus on rural women homeworkers indicates the general lack
of information on the peculiarities of the homeworkers' situation, leading to official ignorance and
benign neglect of the sector. If this interpretation is correct, then the need for an awareness
campaign is well founded.
It is interesting to note that at the provincial level no less than the governor of Bali
noted that wages are very low, by most world standards and that some subcontractors underpay
their workers. He has suggested that villagers form cooperatives to guarantee fair treatment.26
That no less than a government official has recognised the problems of outworkers/homeworkers
is noteworthy as it indicates incipient official awareness of the ills of industrial subcontracting and
the disadvantaged position of the home-based workers.
The growing incidence of subcontracting has also been noted: Kembar Kerepun,
regional chairman of the Indonesian Textile Association, said Bali-based clothing entrepreneurs
now employ 45,000 people here and on the nearby island of Java, many of whom subcontract
work in their villages or homes. Five years ago, he said, this workforce amounted to no more
than 10,000. Simon Haryantho, director of C. V. Merta Jaya, a Bali-based exporter said that
many villages have work pools of between 10 and 30 people, managed by a subcontractor
responsible for quality control, on-time delivery and piece-rate payment. The export companies
provide all materials needed for the work, ferrying them to and from distant villages by truck.27
Programmes
Expectedly, the absence of a specific policy tfirust for rural women homeworkers is
accompanied by the lack of programmes directly addressed to diem. A systematic review of
existing programmes reveals the wide array of development projects which are aimed at the
general populace, especially for the poor and the disadvantaged, men and women included.
Programmes for women are implemented by both government and non-government
organisations. WID programmes fall into two main groups: family welfare and income
generating activities. Government programmes include functional literacy, training, cooperative
formation, credit and the like. NGOs or community groups have been actively participating with
the Government in a number of development programmes, including family planning, health,
irrigation, and urban development. NGO development targets are generally broad based.28
Two special programmes are worth citing in view of their bearing on the promotion
of employment among rural women homeworkers: the Self-employment Programme for the
Informal Sector (SEIS) and the UNDP Enhancing the Productive Role of Women Project.
The SEIS project reflects the Government of Indonesia's concern for the informal
sector which is quite impressive. It has chosen to invest a part of its World Bank Loan for the
promotion of self-employment in the informal sector. Towards this end, a pilot project is now
16
being implemented in East Java, one of the poverty-ridden rural areas.
The SEIS project is one among several subprojects of a larger ILO-executed
programme funded by the government from its World Bank loan. In the project women have been
identified - including the petty producers and subcontractors - as part of the large mass of the
informal sector, as appropriate targets for development assistance. Interventions consist of
training, education, credit and similar such activities to promote self-employment, microentrepreneurship, and small enterprise in the informal sector.
The UNDP Project for Enhancing the Productive Role of Women involves the
promotion of micro-enterprises among the rural women in selected villages by conducting training
and organising the women into small business groups. The ultimate goal is to integrate women
in the rural development process by enabling poor rural women to participate in sustainable and
productive activities. Industries selected for development were 'those which could be carried out
in the home without disturbing the household.'
There is a need for measures to expand and to increase job opportunities outside
agriculture that enhance earnings. Such efforts should be within the rural region itself and should
involve the use of local materials.
Non-agricultural undertakings (which give lower returns than farming itself) are carried
out because households need such work. These also require various credit/market services, to
increase household income and to increase capital for undertakings that will give employment to
other villagers.
Poor women need additional income to meet the family's basic needs but work they
have access to are more restricted to those with lower pay than middle class women. This is
made more evident when compared with men given the poorer women's limited education and
skills. To enhance their skills and income-generating capabilities, rural women with their heavy
housework should thus be provided a 'functional' education with the assistance of women leaders
as executors at the local level and as extension workers at the village level. There should
however be willingness from the women leaders, their families, and the males.
Those who plan and implement policies (from central to local level) should base their
concepts upon the norms that exist in rural areas, that the rural woman has two roles: as a wife,
mother and household worker and also as an income earning worker. The various service
institutions should fit in with the needs of women: family welfare, credit, agricultural extension
work, marketing and so on.
The decision making process in which husband and wife participate within the
household shows many variations, beginning with a pattern in which decisions are made by the
husband or wife alone and continuing to a pattern in which decisions are made by husband and
wife together, with one or the other or even neither having greater influence.
The fact that women rarely enjoy the status of leaders in rural areas both at the hamlet
and also at the village level reflects the lack of community attention to the aspirations and interests
of women in these areas.
In the ILO-UNDP programming mission to Indonesia on 16-27 January 1989, focus
was given to problems of unemployment and underemployment which was expected to intensify
during the Repellita V (1989-94). Within this period, it is expected that there will be 10.9 million
17
new entrants to the labour force, 3.9 of which are young and educated. The employment strategy
suggested by the mission consists of a target oriented approach aimed at the educated and young
unemployed and the rural poor.
For the educated unemployed: an innovative programme built around an integrated
package of skills-management entrepreneurship development training and credit (the latter if
necessary for self-employment) to be undertaken at the provincial levels geared specifically to
employment potentials in and around the specific provinces, (p. 8)
For the rural poor: expansion of the padat karya and INPRES programme;
identification and implementation of labour-intensive construction projects; credit based special
programme supplemented by training in elementary entrepreneurship, management and marketing
skills with a flexible and innovative delivery system.
Among the actions suggested are:
1.
Thorough review of experiences to date on the entrepreneurship development
and self-employment programmes implemented by government and other
organisations. The review should focus on an inventory of programmes
implemented to date; assessment of strengths and weaknesses of individual
programmes, estimation of the cost-effectiveness of the programmes, potential
for replicability and key success factors for programme design and
implementation.
2.
Examine the feasibility of implementing a special employment programme for
the rural poor through the Local Development Working Unit (UDKP system)
or the Village Development Committees (LKMD).
3.
Consider NGOs with proven track record along similar lines, i.e.,
employment programmes.
4.
Identify, develop and diffuse information on technology, especially to cottage
industries to help them upgrade the quality of their products and introducing
new products to cater to changing market demand.
5.
Identify activities with growth potential and are sufficiently productive to
ensure a minimum level of income for those engaged in them. Policy and
direct interventions to channel people to such activities.
6.
Audit all suggested assistance in terms of its impact on women, and ensuring
that adequate provision is made for the access of women to training and
support services. The tendency to concentrate training and extension services
on traditional 'female' occupations and income generating activities should be
avoided.
Since Repelita IV also stresses self-employment for youth as well as women, there
should be a re-orientation in the training programmes. It also proposes to enhance the
participation of community organisations in the development of informal sector activities.
The development plan recognises the difficulties in promoting cooperatives, given the
low level of education, lack of management skills and capital accumulation capacity. For instance
18
proposals like product reservation for small industries, introduction of hire purchase system for
acquisition of machinery and equipment, strengthening of linkages between large and small units,
export incentives and emphasis on production of basic need items can have relevance to certain
informal manufacturing units which possess a certain threshold level of capital and management.
A major bottleneck has been the absence of a suitable institutional network to
communicate and channel assistance to this sector. Also, development must be approached from
below, owing to the low level of education, skills and motivation.
Employment growth in the informal sector has occurred in the past even in the absence
of a policy framework. In Indonesia informal sector employment is concentrated in trade and
services, partly because they can be entered with little or no training or capital. Those engaged
in trade and services can not gain at the same time unless the market as a whole for their goods
and services also expands. But favorable policies and support facilities including provision of
premises in suitable locations and easy access to credit can no doubt contribute to higher incomes.
Employment growth in informal trade and services sectors seems to have a strong
multiplier effect.
There is however a need to select and promote activities with growth potential. While
informal trade and service activities do offer employment and income opportunities, they offer
little scope for raising productivity through technological change, capital accumulation and skill
development. This implies the need for developing a programme of vocational guidance on
alternative opportunities followed by specific support policies and measures. For instance
information on more profitable and productive activities can be developed and disseminated which
can then be backed up by appropriate training, credit and extension facilities. From an
operational perspective, the informal sector concerns are not headed by entrepreneurs in the true
sense of the term and require specific technical advice tailor-made for each or a group of units.
Existing institutions like the vocational training centers may be utilised but should be re-oriented
to serve the management sector needs.
Besides regional development policies based on decentralised investment in the formal
sector, greater attention can be paid to link informal manufacturing activity in rural areas with
agricultural development and construction projects.
Finally, with regard to credit there is a need to formulate more innovative approaches
for credit delivery based on the current experience of the Bank Indonesia programme. Outside
urban areas the limited number of banking outlets will remain a bottleneck in credit delivery for
some time.
Conclusions and Recommendations
1.
The policy situation in Indonesia simply shows absolute lack of reference to
homeworkers' concerns, indicating general lack of awareness and concern
over homeworkers' welfare at the moment. There is however growing
recognition of the increase in the incidence of subcontracting and an
expectation that this may continue to increase over time.
Employment creation dominates national policies and programmes and is seen
as a favorable factor for homeworkers' welfare, especially if these enable
them to become independent producers as self-employed workers or
19
entrepreneurs in the long term.
There is a plethora of programmes for employment promotion including
training, credit, etc. (see World Bank report, 11 May 1990) These need to be
brought within the reach of the rural women homeworkers who must be made
aware of the existence of such programmes and the possibility for them to
avail of such.
2.
Specific policy actions and reforms may be somewhat difficult and rather
premature at mis stage considering the level of overall awareness about the
issues. The few studies dius far, are unable to identify specific policy
measures to help rural women homeworkers. Notwithstanding, a constant and
vigilant search for possible policy actions should be encouraged. And this
could be done alongside efforts to promote awareness of homeworker-related
issues. The documentation of the absence of policy focus on rural women
homeworkers could be taken as the beginning step in the long term effort to
introduce appropriate policy reforms.
3.
Practical measures strongly indicate that the generation of public awareness,
including those of government officials, policy makers and implementors,
NGOs and the women themselves, is the main imperative at die moment.
Additionally, the formation of home-based producer groups for purposes of
protecting themselves is opportune. This is precisely the suggestion made by
the governor of Bali.
Current policies and programmes tend to ignore the aspects of working
welfare and protection. This gap needs to be filled. Prerequisite actions would
be to increase the policy makers' and implementors' level of awareness
regarding the concerns and problems of homeworkers. This could be launched
in collaboration with both government and non-government organisations.
20
Endnotes
1.
Anita Van Velzen: "Small-scale Food Processing Industries in Rural West Java," 1989,
p. 1 8 - 19.
2.
Ibid., p. 19.
3.
Rebecca Joseph: Worker. Middlewomen. Entrepreneur: Women in the Indonesian Batik
Industry. 1987. p. 6.
4.
Benjamin White: "Rural Non-farm Employment in Java: Recent Developments. Policy
Issues and Research Needs." January 1986, p. 53.
5.
Kompas, 24/12/85.
6.
White, op. cit.. p. 55.
7.
Ibid,
8.
Ibid.
9.
Hesti Wijaya: "Home-based Workers in Indonesia: A Short Note." April 1989, p. 2.
10.
Joseph, loc. cit.. p. 17 - 18.
11.
Ibid., p. 18.
12.
White, loc. cit.. p. 64.
13.
Personal communication, 1989.
14.
Wijaya, op. cit.. p. 5.
15.
UNDP Advisory Note for the Fourth Country Programming of Indonesia.
16.
Indonesia: Country Profile, ILO-Jakarta, 1988-89, p. 27.
17.
Mayling Oey-Gardiner: Women in Development: Indonesia. 1986. p. 2 - 7.
18.
The PKK means Pembinaan Kesaajeteraan Keluarga, a government-sponsored movement
seeking to achieve total family welfare.
19.
UNDP Advisory Note, p. 13.
20.
World Bank Country Report. May 11, 1990, p. 53.
21.
Ibid, p. 31.
22.
Ibid.
23.
Annex 1, UNDP Advisory Note, p. 1.
21
24.
Ibid.
25.
In absolute terms, the poor are heavily concentrated in the rural areas and in Java. Thus
about 90 per cent of Indonesia's poor people are in rural areas, and 60 per cent are in Java alone.
Second, the percentage of the population in poverty is greater in the rural areas of Java (35 per
cent) than in the Outer Islands (25 per cent) or in urban areas (8 per cent). But on some Outer
Islands, particularly in the eastern areas where the soils are generally poorer and water is scarce,
the incidence of poverty has not declined in line with the decline in the national incidence of
poverty.
26.
Michael Richardson: "Made in Bali" Catches on Abroad," Herald Tribune. 7 February
1990, news clipping.
27.
Ibid.
28.
"Indonesia: Poverty Assessment and Strategy," World Bank Report. May 11, 1990, pp.
136 - 137.
i
22
References
Collier, William, et. al. "Employment Trends In Lowland Javanese Villages, April 1988, 30 pp.
Joseph, Rebecca. Worker. Middlewomen. Entrepreneur: Women In the Indonesian Batik
Industry. Bangkok: The Population Council Regional Office for South and East Asia,
June 1987, 61 pp.
Hardjono, Joan. "Developments in the Majalaya Textile Industry", Report under the West Java
Rural Non-farm Sector Research Project presented in the Second Annual Workshop
in Ciawi on August 8 -10, 1988, 60 pp.
Knorringa, Peter and Weijland, Hermine." Subcontracting, Or the Incorporation of Small
Producers in Dynamic Industrial Networks", n.d., 16 pp.
Oey-Gardiner, Mayling. Women in Development: Indonesia. Jakarta, Indonesia: 1986,
unpublished paper, 65 pp.
Project Document INS/85/020 - Pilot Project for the Development of Productive Role of Rural
Women (Phase II), April 8, 1986.
Report of the Evaluation Mission (draft). Pilot Project for the Development of the Productive
Role of Women (Phase II), Indonesia, January 1990.
Proceedings of the National Coordinating Meeting for the Enhancement of the Role of Women
in Development, 1990. (English Translation).
Report of the ILO-UNDP Programming Missions to Indonesia:
Recommendations 16-27 January 1989.
Preliminary Findings and
Sajogyo, Pudjiwati. "Women and Food: Production, Processing and Marketing (An Indonesian
Case)". Paper read at the International Workshop on Women and Role in Food Selfsufficiency and Food Strategies in Paris on 14 - 19 January 1990, Bogor Agricultural
University, 1985, 18 pp.
Sandee, Henry and Weijland, Hermine. "Rural Cottage Industry in Transition: The Roof Tile
Industry in Kabupaten Boyolah, Central Java". Bulletin of Indonesian Economic
Studies, vol. 25, no.2., Canberra.Australian National University, August 1989,pp.
79 - 98.
Smyth, Ines. "Differentiation Among Petty Commodity Producers: The Effects of A
Development Project on Handicraft Production In a Sundanese Village (West Java,
Indonesia)", February 1988, 36 pp.
UNDP Advisory Note for the Fourth Country Programming of Indonesia.
Van Velzen, Anita. "Small-scale Food Processing Industries in Rural West Java", Preliminary
Research Report: IV TUK, Kabupaten Cirebon, Bandung, August 1989, 86 pp.
Village Development Foundation Research Team. "Women Household Heads in East Java, A
23
Case Study in a Highland Village", n.d., 71 pp.
White, Benjamin. "Rural Non-farm Employment in Java: Recent Developments, Policy Issues
and Research Needs", Report prepared in the Framework of the UNDP/ILO
Department of Manpower Project INS/84/006 Implementation of an Employment
Creation Strategy, January 1986, 107 pp.
Wijaya, Hesti. "Home-based Workers in Indonesia: A Short Note", Paper contributed at the
International Workshop on Home-based Workers in Ahmedabad, India on 10 -12 April
1989,6 pp.
World Bank Country Report on Indonesia, May 11, 1990.
24
Homeworkers of Indonesia
Who Are They, Where Are They?
by Dr. Paulus Wirutomo
Background of the Study
Attention to homeworkers as a separate group of workers and the system they work in is
relatively new in studies of workers in general in Indonesia. It is commonly known that most
economic activities in Indonesia is in the informal sector and that the modern sector is still small. In
rural areas, economic non-farm activities are sought after the planting and harvesting seasons. Efforts
are made to boost these activities for the sake of promoting employment and better income
opportunities for many households.
Recognition of the implications of particular arrangements such as subcontracting, practiced
by small to large-scale industries is very recent. The arrangements, activities and the involvement
of workers under conditions entirely different from those in wage labour employment in the formal
sector challenge the adequacy of present labour force and industry survey data. Along with various
studies of economic activities, research on home-based work and the putting out system shed light on
the economic activities that could contribute to the welfare of individual households.
Homeworking for the rural women is a most convenient job option but it also means the lack
of legal protection for the women as workers. For the putting out firms it is a means for surviving
the stiff market competition. For the women homeworkers, it means casual or marginal employment
without the benefit of social protection. Social protection is a struggle still to be initiated.
Industrial policy and employment creation could stand at cross purposes. A capital-intensive
investment policy rather than a labour-intensive one has been adopted in the hope that it will generate
revenues quickly and would enable Indonesia to catch up with the other fast growing countries in the
region. This was true in the import substitution era and is still true for the current export-oriented
economic regime.
The issues attendant to homework in Indonesia revolve around the mounting pressure to
create employment, the stiff competition among industries and their need to survive in the market,
the acute pressure due to low and/or unstable incomes, the lack of legal protection for labour in both
the formal and informal sectors of the economy.
As regards the latter, labour protection receives less attention because of the priority for
employment. The paramount concern for now is to stabilise the industrial climate so as to encourage
investment growth and thence, employment creation. The stress on industrial peace arises from fear
that the instability of the seventies might recur were labour protection measures vigorously pursued.
Against this backdrop must be viewed the zealous efforts to create a favorable labour relations
climate, especially in 1982-87. Institutionalization of these arrangements are gradually taking form
through legal and institutional instruments issued every now and then.
25
The stimulus to extend protection to the informal sector including homeworkers has however
come from the outside. For example, there is the campaign for the formulation of an international
convention to protect homeworkers. Information on the phenomenon of homework has become
necessary in the national effort to establish ways and means of extending such social protection.
Purpose and Methodology
Objectives
The present study is a baseline survey on the situation of rural women homeworkers in
Indonesia. Aspects looked into were:
The incidence of the putting out system in Indonesia.
Profile of the women homeworkers.
The relative significance of homeworkers' earnings to the family income.
The reasons for involvement in the putting out system.
Their perceptions concerning their involvement in the system and aspirations on
enhancing their work.
The nature of homeworking and the assistance needs of the homeworkers.
Concepts and Definitions
1.
The putting out system refers to a certain method of production where a whole part
or certain parts of a production process is put out from the central site of the capital
owner, to one or several units based in the home, with or without involving one or
more other parties in the role of middlemen.
2.
Homeworkers are die women paid to do die outwork.
3.
Employer/principal is used when it is known for certain, that a certain supplier of
outwork is the original capital owner, and does not function simultaneously as an
agent or middleman.
The term employer refers to suppliers of outwork who may or may not be functioning
as middlemen.
The disadvantage of the term is that it usually refers to more visible/solid employeremployee relationships than that found in putting out arrangements. In the following
text, me term employer could mean employer/ principal/ supplier/ orderer vis-a-vis
die homeworker.
4.
Orderer, supplier though less popular, would more accurately describe a person
supplying outwork directly to the homeworkers. The hardly used term supplier also
refers to mose supplying outwork; bom terms could be confused with those supplying
die raw materials which is not always die case. In the following text, the term
supplier is used with die necessary explanation in particular cases. Where die
particulars are unknown, supplier may also be a principal or a middleman.
5.
Middlemen refers to the third parties in die putting out system in general, without
differentiating die functions of suppliers of raw materials and diose only supplying
26
orders. When the term is used, it is known for certain that the concerned party is
indeed a middleman.
6.
Rural and urban refer to the wide variations between 'cities', 'villages', large and
small towns in Indonesia and is based on criteria established by the Central Bureau
of Statistics: population density, percentage of agricultural households and the level
of 'urban' facilities (schools, hospitals, electricity and main roads). This
classification was made before the 1980 Population Census and to be renewed prior
to the 1990 Population Census.1
7.
Expenditure is an estimate of the monthly expenditures of a homeworkers' household
and is used to countercheck information on the household's monthly income. Both
cannot be entirely accurate. In general, income is unstable from month to month and
the components or sources are often difficult to calculate per month and frequently,
it falls short of the essential items of expenditure every month of the year.
Expenditures are more stable and indicate the minimum needs of the household.
8.
Basic Physical Needs (BPN) is die simplest standard for the minimum needs used by
the Central Bureau of Statistics in Indonesia. However, it was the most feasible
standard to use for comparing expenditures and income of the respondents, as the
questionnaire only explicitly asked for sums in rupiah. More accurate standards
introduced by other institutions such as the Bogor Agricultural Institute are based on
calorie consumption and quantity of staples per capita.
The BPN (Kebutuhan Fisik Minimum/KFM) is calculated per month and is different per
province. It differs among the unmarried income earners, a husband and wife with two children, and
a husband and wife with three children.2
27
The BPN reflects the minimum needs of a worker expressed in terms of the minimum
required calorie consumption of protein, vitamins and minerals per montfi. It is stated in rupiah. The
minimum needs of goods and services consist of 5 main groups: food, beverages, energy, housing
and clothing.
The five main groups above contain 47 components for workers widi no dependents and 53
for those with dependents. The components are measured by die respective units, resulting in the
following formulation:
H
»=1
where: n =
t =
p =
q=
number of goods/services needed for a month from i = 1 to n; 47/53)
time (month, three months of survey duration)
price of commodity; Pti is the price of the i commodity at time t
volume/number of units of surveyed commodities; qoi is the number of certain i
goods/services at the initial year 0.
The value of q for each good/service is constant for each year and the minimum quantity
has been established. Prices are given according to die data from the markets in the survey sites.
One market was taken from a small area and 2 to 3 markets were surveyed in larger areas.
Selection of Survey Sites and Respondents
Because data on the national population of homeworkers are not available, a sample could
not be drawn directly from the population. In other words, die exact incidence and distribution of
homeworkers are not known up to die present time. It was tiius difficult to decide on the sampling
mediod to be used. Anotiier way to identify die women homeworkers - the target respondents - had
to be found. Alternatively, sampling was based on die approximate distribution of small-scale
industries which are believed to involve women in die putting out system. Relevant data were
obtained from die Ministry of Industry. The Directorate General of Small Industries, diat is die
audiorised body to implement die P2WIK (Small Enterprise Promotion Project) project was men
approached.
The project was initially funded by die UNDP and a list of 24 provinces in the UNDP
Village Aid for 1987 projects was obtained. Those provinces have commodities which could be
developed for domestic and foreign markets. The more developed commodities were weaving (clodi
and odier materials such as leaves and bamboo) and batik in 1987 and in 1986, rattan weaving, food
processing and garments. Among me provinces which have been developing mose commodities are:
Bali, Central Java, West Java, South Sulawesi, Western Nusa Tenggara, West Sumatera, Special
Region of Yogyakarta, East Java, Eastern Nusa Tenggara, and Lampung.
The baseline survey covers die provinces of West Sumatera, Lampung, West Java, die
Special Region of Yogyakarta, East Java, Bali and Soudi Sulawesi.
Bali was chosen to represent die Smaller Sunda Islands (Nusa Tenggara Barat, Nusa
Tenggara Timur, Bali). It is common knowledge diat die garment industry is prominent in diese
28
places. East Sulawesi was taken to represent the eastern part of Indonesia.
Other considerations were:
o
The majority of the Indonesian population (62.48 per cent) are concentrated in
Java and Bali (the proportion is 70.48 per cent including Lampung and West
Sumatera).
o
The types of industries likely to practice the putting out system were believed to
be concentrated in Java, Bali and some parts of Sumatera.
o
As a consequence of the increasing population density and the agricultural
intensification programme, the pressure for women to seek off-farm activities is
greater in Java and Bali than in other islands.
Financially, research was feasible in these areas. Prior to the pretesting of the
questionnaires, it was confirmed that the local offices of the Department of Industry did not have any
list of small and large industries which practice the putting out system. However, the officials are
well informed. On this basis, field workers in the 7 provinces were only given suggestions (based
on the list from the Directorate General of Small Industry) on certain villages and commodities
involved. The areas and commodities are presented in table 1.
Table 1
Province, District and Commodities Used As Sample
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Province
District
Commodity
West Sumatera
Solok
Bamboo Weaving
Padang Pariaman
Emping/crackers
Central Lampung
Tapis weaving/embroidery
South Lampung
Garments
Bekasi
Embroidery
Sumedang
Processed sweet banana
Bogor
Bamboo weaving
Gunung Kidul
Emping/crackers
Yogyakarta
Embroidery
Kediri
Crackers
Blitar
Coconut sugar
Klungkung
Wayang painting
Tabanan
Crackers/embroidery
Enrekang
Silk weaving
Tana Toraja
Weaving
Lampung
West Java
Yogyakarta
East Java
Bali
South Sulawesi
29
The field workers further consulted the local officials of the representative offices of the
Department of Industry and the Department of Manpower at the grassroots or local levels. The
researchers asked for two rural areas, in different districts involved in different commodities. The
sampling scheme as presented in table 2 was then formulated. This information is considered far
more reliable. Local officials pointed to the locations where women outworkers are involved, and
table 1 identifies the target areas under the P2WIK projecf, aimed to motivate women to eventually
set up their own enterprises.
The Industry Department was asked tofindother commodities but women outworkers were
reported in the majority in the sectors below. A more reliable sampling method required a more
thorough search of the areas.
In each location, twenty-five respondents (more or less in some cases) were interviewed.
The criteria for selecting the sample were that the women workers should have been doing domestic
outwork at the time of the survey. They may not always represent the majority of homeworkers in
each area because in general many women who do outwork are usually without any other work due
to slackening of orders. Hence, the representativeness of the sample was inevitably at risk because
it could not include those women homeworkers who were temporarily unemployed at the time of the
survey due to the periodic or seasonal slack in the orders.
The field work was carried out simultaneously in 14 districts covering 7 provinces from
September to November 1988.
30
The sampling scheme of the survey is as follows:
Table 2
Respondents by Province, District and Product
Province
District
Product
Total
West
Padang
Hand embroidery
30
Sumatera
Bukittinggi
Hand embroidery
36
Lampung
Central Lampung
Tapis weaving
24
South Lampung
Garments
19
Soreang
Garments
30
Tasikmalaya
Machine embroidery
30
Girirejo
Batik
22
Prenggan
Garments, Machine
embroidery
25
Pasuruan
Match boxes
25
Sidoarjo
Garments, Machine
embroidery
25
Gianyar
Machine embroidery
31
West Java
DIY
East Java
Bali
Total/
Province
66
43
60
47
50
Sculpture painting
Tabanan
Woven goods
20
52
South
Ujung pandang
Garments
26
Sulawesi
Pol mas
Woven silk sarongs
26
50
Total
369
Data Collection
The ILO questionnaire on homework was translated and modified. Adaptation of this
instrument to local conditions was not possible; this had to be worked out by the field workers. The
questionnaire was pretested on similar samples such as women workers in the garment industry which
practices the putting out system in Soum Jakarta. The objective of this trial was to ascertain the
validity of the questionnaire and establish the proper procedures for administering the interviews.
This questionnaire consists of three main components:
1.
The profile of the homeworkers, identifying their characteristics by age group,
marital status, level of education, family's monthly income, spouse's occupation,
and family's monthly expenditure.
2.
The conditions of work, working hours, place of work, work assignments,
31
equipments used, how the materials are provided, wages, health problems due to
work, working relations with the employer, reasons for taking part in homework,
job fluctuations and control over the finished products.
3.
Workers' perceptions toward their present jobs, aspirations and efforts to improve
and to get assistance for enhancing their present work, frequency of change of
employers, from whom the assistance is obtained, savings patterns and social
involvements.
Besides the questionnaires, in-depth interviews of one homeworker in each area were done.
Thus, there were 14 depth interviews. These are supplemented by time/budget studies, i.e.,
observations of the homeworker's daily schedule.
The purpose of these interviews was to gain wider and deeper information on the
homeworker and her involvement in homeworking. Observations of the time/budget studies are
needed to record the management of the outwork and household duties including information on help
obtained from other members of the family, if any. Observations also included the physical aspects
of the homeworker's working and living environment.
Interviews of other individuals who were expected to be involved in women development
programmes such as NGOs, Ministry of Industry, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ministry of Home
Affairs, Family Welfare Movement, Health Community Center, a few employers and middlemen were
also conducted.
To enrich die research data, two case studies were made to obtain in-depth information.
Case study sites were selected in order to illustrate and document certain unique features that were
related to the practice of homework. One case study is Bukittinggi in West Sumatera where
homeworkers had access to a special foundation which took care of distributing the homeworkers'
products in die market. The foundation became die marketing arm and institutional middleman for
the homeworkers' products.
Soreang in West Java is the second case study. It is reported to be a good example of the
P2WIK project for West Java. The target of the project is low-income women, potentially able to
give stimulus to otiier women in the vicinity to earn additional income by involving diem in
homeworking activities.
Also, statistical figures and otiier documentary information were collected from
government offices, mainly the Central Bureau of Statistics. Literature on related studies were also
collected.
The literature found was mainly studies on women outworkers in Britain and India; studies
on women in rural industries mainly in West, Central and East Java, including women entrepreneurs;
more general studies on off-farm/non-farm employment in rural areas, mainly in Java; national and
provincial statistics on the labour force and on the spread of industries, mainly from the Central
Bureau of Statistics; analytical studies on the above statistics; relevant studies on the specific provinces
and data gathered from pertinent government bodies.
In general, it was noted that literature on homework in Indonesia are scarce. This may
indicate ignorance on the subject and neglect of it in labour studies. Relevant information could be
obtained on studies pertaining to off-farm/non-farm employment and women's studies.
32
Discussions were conducted with a few experts. A seminar was to be held to present the
results of this study to obtain further inputs. Quantitative data were tabulated.
The Survey Findings
A. Analysis by Survey Site
In this section, the situation of homeworkers and the homeworking system is described in
each of the provinces surveyed. A brief description of die survey site in terms of some basic
demographic features and female labour force participation is given to provide a situational context
for homework. Female labour participation per province is described on the basis of the 1987 Labour
Force Survey3 and is shown on table 3. Since data on labour force distribution by employment status
and type of industry for each province are not available in the 1987 survey data, the 1985 intercensal
survey data were used instead.4 The related cross tabulations are in the annexure.
1. West Sumatera
West Sumatera is primarily an agricultural province. Sixty-two per cent of the working
female population are involved in agriculture in rural areas (374,616 out of 604,808), 13.53 per cent
(8,851) are involved in trade in rural areas. Rural women in services rank third (22,002 or 3.78 per
cent), and rural women in industry come fourth, (25,119 or 4.15 per cent). In urban areas, most
women workers are involved in services (22,874 or 3.78 per cent of total working female
population).5
In West Sumatera, as a whole, only 43.74 per cent of die total female population are
categorised as economically active (618,393 out of 1,413,664). Of the economically active group,
604,804 (97.80 per cent) women work, whereas 13,589 are still looking for a job. In comparison,
65.53 per cent of the male population are categorised as economically active. The female labour
participation rate in West Sumatera is lower than the national LFPR of 44.84 per cent.
By status of employment, family workers are predominant in agriculture, both in urban
and rural areas. There are 207,463 women or 40.77 per cent out of a total of 508,857 working
women. Employees in public services rank second, numbering 51,174 or 10.05 per cent).
Some 9 per cent of the women or 45,900 are self-employed in agriculture, and 8.80 per
cent (44,798) are self-employed workers assisted by family members who are temporarily engaged
in agricultural work.6
Rural and urban women employees in industry comprise 10,399 or 2.04 per cent. Those
in die category of production worker7 are 11,276 or 2.21 per cent of the total working women.
Homeworkers in West Sumatera make fine embroidery which are all done by hand. Using
golden Uireads, embroidery is done on satin fabrics with intricate designs. Gold colored threads are
used in die embroidery.
33
Fine Embroidery in West Sumatera
The Homeworker
Of sixty-six homeworker respondents in the province, it is noted that age groups are evenly
distributed: 30.3 per cent belong to the 21 to 25 age bracket; 21.2 per cent are 26 to 30 years old and
16.7 per cent are 31 to 35 years old.
Among the respondents, 73.8 per cent are married, 18.5 per cent are unmarried and 7.7
per cent are widows.
Married respondents' husbands are mostly labourers (39.3 per cent); others are peasants,
drivers, small traders and carpenters.
Educational attainment of the respondents is rather low. Forty per cent did not finish
elementary school, 15 per cent attended junior high school.
Homeworkers in the two hand embroidery locations surveyed, Bukittingi and Koto
Gadang, which were surveyed acquired their skill from their forefathers. Thus, 71.2 per cent got
their skills by tradition.
The women homeworkers found themselves engaged in putting out work in the course of
time. They went into it voluntarily.
34
Homeworkers' household incomes vary between 50,000 to 200,000 rupiah or US$ 29.00
to 114.00. Income groupings are as follows:
Rupiah
> 200,000
150,000 to 200,000
100,000 to 150,000
50,000 to 100,000
< 50,000
US$
%
> 114
87 to 114
57 to 86
29 to 57
< 29
19.7
18.2
28.8
21.2
12.1
The Homework System
All 66 Sumateran homeworker respondents make only a part of the embroidered product.
Most homeworkers are assisted by their family in accomplishing the orders for about one hour a day.
Orderers are mostly individuals rather than factories. Raw materials are provided by the
orderers in 44 per cent of the cases. However, in 21.2 per cent of the cases, the homeworkers
provide themselves with raw materials and in a few cases both the orderers and the homeworkers
share the burden of providing raw materials.
Equipments used in production are usually manual. In most instances, 93.85 per cent, the
homeworkers provide themselves with the equipment. In cases where the orderers supply the
equipment, the condition was merely for the homeworker to take good care of the equipment.
Work contracts consist of unwritten agreements and 89 per cent of the homeworkers are
reportedly satisfied with this situation. In fact 57 per cent did not want to change employers at all.
Homework is essentially seasonal but the Sumateran homeworkers report that diey get
regular orders. However, it is the homeworkers themselves who are not available for homework due
to their farm duties. Thus, 'seasonality' in the Sumateran context could be due to the irregularity of
orders as well as the availability (non-availability) of the women for homework activities.
Minimum working time per piece of embroidery is seven hours while the maximum time
is unlimited and depends largely on the nature of the orders, the volume and the designs involved.
Earnings per hour vary:
Rupiah
> 300
200 to 300
100 to 200
< 100
US$
%
> 0.18
0.11 to 0.17
0.05 to 0.11
< 0.05
35
35.0
21.2
29.0
14.8
There is no specific workplace for the homeworker. Most of them do their work in the
sitting or dining rooms of either brick or wooden structures judged to be 'adequate' but could still
stand improvement.
Illumination was perceived to be inadequate in 25 per cent of the cases.
Most respondents have kidney troubles, and headaches. To overcome diese, they simply
went to the hospital at their own expense.
The overall impression is that the Sumateran homeworkers are dependent on their orders
for their daily living. Corroborating this is the finding that 50 per cent see no disadvantage in
homework but 37 per cent complained of low pay. Of course, to be able to earn and be able to stay
at home at the same time is seen as an advantage.
2. Lampung
The annual population growth rate of Lampung is the highest compared to the other 26
provinces in Indonesia. For the 1971-1980 decade, the annual population growth rate was 5.77 per
cent against the national population growth rate of 2.32 per cent.8 The ever increasing number of
migrants who come and live in Lampung, especially through transmigration sponsored by the
government accounts for its high population growth rate.
Homeworker in Desa Natar claims to have been working for 15 years. Her husband is a farmer
and they are landless. Her husband earns 1500 rupiah per day. She states that her earnings from
homework has enabled them to buy a house.
Lampung remains an essentially agricultural economy. Among 992,229 women workers,
about sixty-eight per cent (or 673,907) are in agriculture, while 11.57 per cent or 114,805 are rural
women involved in trade, and 4.98 per cent are rural women in manufacturing. The urban women
are mostly in trade (3.49 per cent or 34,671), while 2.06 per cent (20,437) are in services.
36
Economically active women comprise 46.07 per cent of the total population versus 71.51
per cent economically active men. Thus, in Lampung as in most provinces in Indonesia, women in
wage jobs is much smaller compared to men.
Among 720,845 women workers in the urban and rural areas, 61.03 per cent are family
workers who are mostly in agriculture. Some 9 per cent of the women are self-employed assisted by
family members/in temporary agricultural work, 7.49 per cent are self-employed in trade.9
Homeworkers in Lampung make tapis (cloth embroidered with golden threads) cloth in
the central part and garments in the south. Tapis cloth is actually woven in traditional fashion and
they are usually made for decorations.
The Homeworker
Homeworkers in Lampung are mostly married (98 per cent). They are generally younger
than the homeworkers in other survey sites. Most of them are 21 to 25 years old. Almost fifty per
cent accomplished elementary schooling, 33 per cent did notfinishelementary school and only 12 per
cent attended senior high school.
In terms of income, 42 per cent belong to the less than 50,000 Rp per month bracket.
Income distribution is as follows:
Rupiah
> 200,000
150,000 to 200,000
100,000 to 150,000
50,000 to 100,000
< 50,000
US$
%
> 114
87 to 114
57 to 86
29 to 57
< 29
7.0
33.0
42.0
Lampung is known for its woven cloth called tenun tapis. The skill for making this type
of cloth has been handed down through generations and as may be expected the homeworkers learned
their skill in weaving this cloth by tradition. In contrast, the making of ready made garments was
learned by attending special courses.
Homeworkers save money by putting away the balance of their daily expenses. These
savings are normally used for day to day consumption needs as well.
Seventy-two per cent of the respondents participate in the arisan, a local savings
institution. They contribute 2,000 Rp per month. Women's savings via the arisan are also used for
consumption purposes.
The Homework System
Seventy-seven per cent of the homeworkers make only a part of the whole product. The
homeworkers got into the putting out system on their own will and in some instances, they were
recruited by their friends. Orders were mainly obtained from individuals rather than from factories.
37
For most homeworkers, equipment were owned by themselves but in 28 per cent of the
cases, the orderers supplied them with equipment.
Fifty-one per cent stated that they have unwritten labour agreements. Eighty-nine per cent
are satisfied with this arrangement.
Ninety-five per cent said that they have regular work and they have some orders to comply
with every day.
Minimum work time per product is 200 hours with a pay of less than 100 Rp per hour on
the average.
Computed on an eight-hour working day, this means one product requires 25 working days
or a little over one working month, excluding Saturdays and Sundays.
Sixty-seven per cent reported that they do not have specific workplaces. As in the case
of most homeworkers they work at the sitting or dining rooms.
Sixty per cent report that they often had health problems like headaches, pain in the chest
and kidney ailments. To remedy these, they merely went to the PUSKESMAS, the local community
health center, at their own expense.
The homeworkers pin their hopes on their orderers.
With regard to the advantage or disadvantage of the putting out system, 73 per cent of the
respondents said that there was no disadvantageous aspect in it, while 12 per cent stated mat each of
them got too small pay and the possibility of this system to get developed was also small. Most of
them, however, said mat they felt lucky to have an additional income, work experience and
knowledge wimout leaving home.
3. West Java
By main industry, 49.66 per cent of women workers (2,024,549 of 4,076,450) are rural
women in agriculture, 11.86 per cent are rural women in services. Urban women in services rank
third, numbering 289,241 (7.09 per cent). Urban women in the trade rank fourth, numbering
283,261 (6.95 per cent).10
Among females, 35.77 per cent are economically active against 68 per cent for the men.
Female LFPR in West Java stand at 39.75 per cent and 26.5 per cent, for rural and urban areas,
respectively. The rural female LFPR is higher than the female LFPR in the urban sector. Compared
to the national LFPR for rural areas of 50.45 per cent, the West Java rural female LFPR is lower.
38
Homeworker-sewer in Tasikmalaya
By employment status, 23.50 per cent of women are family workers in agriculture, 13.82
per cent are employed in agriculture, 10.82 per cent are self-employed in trade, and 10.34 per cent
are employees in public services.
Homeworkers in West Java make various handicrafts such as woven bamboo goods
(various forms of anyaman) and many types of embroidery (border, bordel). Products range from
table cloth, bed sheets, tunics, praying apparel, kebaya (long sleeve traditional blouses) and
underwear.
The Homeworker
The village monograph lists 62 entrepreneurs and 400 workers. As in Soreang, the
number of listed workers do not clearly show whether they are regular workers or homeworkers.
Women homeworkers are of various ages. The village monograph lists 759 women in the
age group 20 to 49 years old but not all of these are homeworkers. This does not include the women
under 20 who also take orders. On the other hand, it is known that employers also use labour from
outside the village including regular workers and homeworkers. Several homeworkers also take
orders from outside the village through middlemen. Embroidery from Cilamajang, as from other
areas in Tasikmalaya, reach large towns in Java and outer Java as well as foreign countries like
Malaysia, Singapore and Saudi Arabia. These embroidered products are sold in other countries too
but in smaller quantities.
Villagers are proud that virtually everyone old enough to sew earns something from sewing
buttons at 10 Rp for one kebaya, embroidering and soldering holes as part of the embroidery pattern
at 75 Rp for all holes in say, one kebaya. On the other hand, a previous study in a neighbouring
39
village with similar conditions revealed that the industry tends to lower aspirations for formal
education. Members of a family and a large part of the village thought it more profitable to earn
from embroidery in which young members of the family could participate in the simple tasks. In
Cilamajang, schoolchildren would do some needlework after school hours. The work is also a means
for socialising when several women of various ages gather to sew, especially in peak seasons like the
Lebaran/Idul Fitri periods.
The Homework System
Until 1976, manual sewing machines operated by foot were used. When electricity entered
the village, they began to shift to electric machines called zuSd, which was instantly preferred because
of higher productivity. Its main drawback is the lack of ergonomic fitness of the machine to the
women's height and size.
At the time of the survey, the homeworkers were made to understand that this was a hard
time for the employers. Wages were paid late and in some instance, the wages were not paid in full.
The small amount of orders are distributed as equally as possible but there are still jobless women
waiting for orders. Respondents could spend more time on embroidery than on housework. Yet they
state that their main occupation is being a housewife and embroidery is considered part time work.
As long as there are orders, they do not seem to complain about wages. However, a few felt that
wages were lower than that in 1977. This may be due to less orders and/or more women now asking
for work.
Middlemen, called pengedar, are frequently involved. They take up to 25 per cent of the
original wages established by the employers. They visit the employers once every two weeks where
they wait for two hours for the checking of orders, another two hours to wait for new orders and up
to two hours for the whole journey. Before delivering orders, middlemen check the work on its
neatness and cleanliness. Homeworkers mend and wash parts if necessary and their wages are
sometimes deducted by some 25 to 50 per cent. In odier cases, the homeworker may not be paid at
all or they may have to buy die product at the rate of the production cost minus their usual wage for
one piece. Rejections do not happen frequently. In low periods such as during die time of the
survey, the homeworkers still on the employer's list would receive, for instance, six blouses a week.
Others would receive 12 blouses which indicates different definitions of low, middle and high periods
of production among homeworkers in one area.
In time, there were complaints related to health among the older villagers and the women
using the machine had heart complaints, leucorrhea, hemorrhages and bleeding among those who were
using IUDs. The men then took over the electric machines in die factories and the women
homeworkers used die manual ones once again. Products made by die manual machines are finer and
expensive. The higher productivity of electric machines led to a disparity in the earnings of the
women vis-a-vis the men. The women earned lesser as compared to die men using the electric
machines.
Depending on die pattern or design, the average wage for a blouse is 250 Rp and it can
be finished widiin diree hours. Two blouses can be embroidered widiin seven hours or one working
day.
There is an implicit norm on the distribution of work among homeworkers and the
middlemen. A certain pengedar will not give out work to homeworkers who usually receive work
from anodier middleman, except when permission has been given by the employer. This explains die
difficulty of seeking work on die part of die homeworkers when they have not received orders from
40
their usual pengedar. These middlemen are the trustees of an employer's operation. Without them,
the homeworkers would receive smaller amounts of work if they went directly to an employer.
Homeworkers thus depend on the middlemen who in turn will allow extra time for uncompleted work.
The system is perceived to be fair by the homeworkers.
4. Special Region of Yogyakarta
In contrast to the population growth in Lampung, the Special Region of Yogyakarta shows
the lowest annual population growth rate at 1.10 per cent. This is reportedly because of the big
number of emigrants."
According to the 1987 data, among 699,168 women workers (80.93 per cent) live in rural
areas. By main industry, 44.35 per cent or 311,500 are rural women in agriculture, 16.60 per cent
or 116,067 are rural women in trade, and 12.13 per cent or 84,798 are rural women in
manufacturing. The urban women in trade rank fourth, numbering 74,041 or 10.59 per cent of the
working women population. Participation in industry is about 13.63 per cent or 95,322 women in
urban and rural areas.12
Labour force participation rate for women and men are 57.13 per cent and 71.13 per cent,
respectively. The women labour force participation rate in the province is much higher than the
national rate of 44.83 per cent, and is only the fourth among the islands of Western Nusa Tenggara,
Irian Jaya, and Bali. The rural women's participation rate (64.22 per cent) is much higher than that
of the urban women, 39.47 per cent.
Like other survey sites of the present study, most women in the province are workers in
agriculture (36.09 per cent), 10.59 per cent are self-employed women workers in trade, 9.40 per cent
are employees in public service, and 7.84 per cent are self-employed workers assisted by family
members in temporary agricultural work.
Two villages in the province of Yogjakarta were surveyed, namely the villages (desa) of
Glrirejo and Prenggan. Girirejo illustrates the nature of homework in hand embroidery while
Prenggan illustrates the garments industry.
Women homeworkers in embroidery
41
Homework in Girirejo
The Homeworker
Batik homeworkers are mostly middle age women with hardly any formal education. Their
skill is inherited from their mothers and additional training has been provided by the Ministry of
Industry.
A typical time allocation for the homeworker's activities is shown below:
Time
Activity
05.00-07.30
cook, washes, bathes child, feeds child, helps child to prepare for
school, takes a bath;
07.30-09.00
takes child to school, and goes to J i ma tan to work for_/'uragan(employer)
Sastro, carrying batik (buruh menggendong/carrying labourer);
09.00-10.00
grates coconuts (buruh marut kelapa) and grinds peanut mixed in chili,
also for wages;
10.00-11.00
collects dried paddy (buruh ambil beras) by bike, from the market to
J i ma tan;
11.00-12.00
fetches child from school;
12.00-14.00
tends child and rests;
14.00-16.00
does batik work (batik tulis);
16.00-17.00
cooks;
17.00-18.00
feeds and bathes child and herself;
18.00-19.30
dines and chats with family;
19.30-22.00
does batik work;
22.00-05.00
sleeps.
The earnings of a batik homeworker is definitely less than the total earnings of wage
labourers.
Aid sought by homeworkers consists mostly of financial support for their work. The
Ministry of Industry has offered training and market information, emphasising motivation training so
that they could become independent producers.
Homeworkers have not been very receptive and tend to look upon their homeworking as
a secondary activity and as mere part time work. The Ministry of Industry believes that there is
potential in developing batik homework as an industry for women. Existing services and facilities
are not availed of by the women.
42
The government programme for family welfare education (PKK) does not seem to attract
the homeworkers. They tend to be more active in local prayer groups.
Savings are more frequently done at home and consumed for daily needs. Consumption
is also covered widi loans at an interest of 10 to 20 per cent a mondi.
The women's low wages contribute little to raising their level of living. However, the
homeworkers do not complain and feel content with the system of being able to work at home.
The Homework System
Batik processing can be divided into different stages which can be put out. Some
homeworkers are involved in all stages.
Raw materials are usually provided by the orderers and workers collect their shares.
Orderers in Girirejo are mostly middlemen.
Orderers have been employers for more than 20 years. On the surface their socioeconomic status does not differ much from homeworkers. This helps to foster close familial ties and
mutual dependencies amongst them. An orderer stated that he/she would not add the number of
homeworkers because it is not easy to find reliable workers.
Contracts are unwritten and quality control by orderers does not seem to be that strict.
Homeworkers seek help from orderers, for instance, during financial crisis.
Orders in the batik industry are stable as compared to other industries. Seasonality arises
due more to the inability of the workers to accept orders during certain seasons.
Homeworkers spend more time for homework than for their household chores.
One piece of batik cloth takes seven to twelve days to finish depending on the
specifications of the orders. Thus, wages or earnings vary. Generally, homeworkers receive about
US$ 0.05 per hour or 100 rupiah, the "local currency.
Many respondents feel that the wages are low and wish to take orders from other
employers. But wages and conditions under other orderers in the area are similar and do not offer
any advantage to the women.
There is no special place for batik homework. The work environment appears to have had
a negative effect on the homeworkers' health. According to an official report of the Community
Health Center, there are breathing difficulties due to the inhalation of paraffin from boiling wax. This
goes unnoticed by the women homeworkers for the most part.
Batik homework in Girirejo appears to be an extension of an adjacent village called
Wukirsari. The latter has been previously studied and it has been the location of a project where
entrepreneurs have succeeded.
Girirejo, like Wukirsari, is a place that is largely made of limestone formations. Able
members of a household are forced to seek various jobs to supplement the meager earnings from each
source. Batik work is perceived by homeworkers as having low prospects but they could not enter
the more lucrative activities of batik cap/batik printing. This is possibly due to the need for skilled
43
workers. Prevailing in the batik printing industry is a hierarchy of batik skilled workers: skilled batik
cap workers are mostly males; dyers and boilers are semi-skilled males and trained canting workers
are mostly females. Canting is the tool to paint batik.
Although canting workers are in short supply, it is considered an innate feminine ability
and not a skill that could be learned. Earnings are in accordance with the above mentioned hierarchy
of skills.
Batik tulis production costs are also high and in fact, rural home-based production as such
is even more costly than factory-based ones.
Homeworkers under 30 years of age more frequently express their wish to be free of the
system and seek existing aid from the Ministry of Industry. Middle age women consider the difficulty
of marketing and small profit margins were they to become independent producers.
Likewise, orderers said that though they encourage some women to market their own
products, the women prefer to be employed.
Most employers or orderers in batik in the rural areas are affiliated with urban centres.
The organisation of batik tulis production is shown in the diagram below.
Diagram 1. The Organisation of Batik Tulis Production
Urban Imported
Raw Materials
Suppliers
Urban
On-Site
Worker
T
1
—•-
Urban
Entrepreneur
—•-
Rural
Middleperson
l
•
1
T
—•-
Rural
Entrepreneur
I
—•-
1
Rural
Home-Based
Worker
4h.
Urban Domestic
Raw Materials
Supplier
Rural
On-Site
Worker
Source: Rebecca Joseph: Worker, Middlewomen, Entrepreneur: Women in the Indonesian Batik Industry, 1987, p. 5.
44
The subcontracted or put out work consists of cloth with designs given by the orderer or
in the form of the mori cloth (putihan) without designs.
Subcontracting is acknowledged to benefit born homeworker and orderer/employer. One
employer mentioned that they do not have to provide meals for the workers which they would have
to do in the case of the 'inworkers', i.e., those who work in the premises or the factory of the
employer.
Mention was also made of workers' refusal to work at the central workplace because they
want to tend to their homes. In this sense, homework benefits the homeworker.
All employers/orderers said that they did not have supportive families in that their parents
were entrepreneurs or merchants. One of them mentioned that her parents or one of them was a batik
worker. All employers engage in batik tulis. In fact in the neighbouring village of Wukirsari, all
middlewomen began as batik tulis workers. Those whose mothers were also middleperson have the
distinct advantage of not having to start from scratch in looking for and establishing trading
relationships.
Homework in Desa Prenggan
The Homeworker
Homeworkers have a high level of education. Most of them are 20 to 45 years old. Their
skills were obtained from courses and some claimed they learned it on their own. Most are married
and their spouses have stable jobs with relatively sufficient income.
The putting out system has been a major feature of the village for a long time now. The
village, in fact, is known as a handicraft center. It is a model project for the "Health at Work"
programme, the main concern of which is to provide health information related to work.
Ninety per cent of the villagers are homeworkers.
The Homework System
Orderers do not provide all the raw materials. Threads and buttons are provided by the
homeworkers but this does not disturb the work relation. Orderers say that the system was largely
suggested by housewives who wanted extra income.
Contracts are verbal and employers/orderers are sources of help when needed. Some
workers use equipment from employers with the condition that they do not receive orders from other
suppliers.
Workers complain of the inconsistency of the amount of orders which is dependent on the
market situation. Income and hours of work fluctuate accordingly.
Generally, homeworkers receive 125 to 200 Rp or US$ 0.07 to 0.11 per hour. They are
aware of the low wages and they know that there are no better offers.
According to an employer, a few women homeworkers want to be independent but this
possibility is not considered by those who have been working for a long time.
45
Credit facilities which could be used to expand the homeworker's business are therefore
unused. Loans are obtained mainly for daily consumption needs and for the most part, such loans
are obtained from informal institutions and tukang /credit at interest rates of 30 per cent per month.
Savings are more frequently done at home though a few have started to use the services
of the local post office. Similarly, this is used for daily consumption needs of the family and for
clothing and accessories among the unmarried workers.
5. East Java
Of the total 6,051,164 women workers, 51.27 per cent or 3,102,296 are rural women in
agriculture, 15.41 per cent or 932,284 women are in trade, 7.67 per cent or 464,324 are urban
women in trade, and 7.59 per cent or 459,051 are rural women in manufacturing. Thus, the trade
sector in East Java absorbs 23.08 per cent of women workers.13 The women's participation rate in
East Java is 48.05 per cent, while men's participation rate is 72.95 per cent.
About a quarter or 26.49 per cent women are family workers in agriculture, 14.26 per cent
are self-employed in trade. As in West Java, a large part of women in East Java (12.56 per cent) are
employees in agriculture. Women who work as employees in public services are 8.70 per cent of the
total women workers.
Embroideiy of kerudung (scarves) in Sidoarjo
46
Homework in Sidoarjo
The Homeworker
Homeworkers in Sidoarjo are from various levels of education, i.e. elementary to senior
high school and as in other areas, many are housewives. Some gained their skill from the employers
and others obtained the skill from non-formal training. Compared to some employers, the socioeconomic level among the workers is relatively high.
The Homework System
Homeworkers in Pasuruan are virtually all peasants. Homework is therefore done only
after the planting season until harvest time. They are about 20 to 50 years old and most have only
had elementary education or none at all. Their skill was mostly obtained from the orderer who
initially took them into the system. Relationships in Sidoarjo are based on trust and familial ties.
Employers provide work equipment in some cases and they grant interest-free loans to homeworkers.
Work hours vary because of the seasonality of work. The average routine is over six
hours a day during which they are helped by other members of the family. A few homeworkers
employ other workers. The women receive 100 to 250 Rp or 5 to 14 US cents per hour. This is
relatively better when compared to wage rates in other localities.
Some workers receive orders from die local cooperative which collaborates with
government institutions to help the workers. Some workers obtained additional training from the
Ministry of Industry and a few were given aid in the form of equipments.
Homeworkers are active in the local prayer groups aside from the arisans in which almost
every respondent is active. The monthly payment reached by consensus in the arisan is 10,000 to
25,000 Rp or 5.7 to 14.25 US dollars which is higher than the homeworkers' monthly earnings. The
collective money from the arisan is then saved for the education of the children, house repairs and
for capital accumulation.
Homeworkers in Pasuruan
Homeworkers in Pasuruan make match boxes.
47
The Homeworker
Compared to the homeworkers of Sidoarjo, almost all the respondent homeworkers in
Pasuruan are peasants. Hence, homework is done only after the planting season until harvesting time.
They are between 20 to 50 years old and most of them have had only elementary education or none
at all. Their skills were mostly acquired from the supplier who initially took them into the
homeworking system.
The Homework System
The necessary tools for making match boxes are simple and provided by the homeworkers
themselves. Orderers provide the raw materials. These orderers are middlemen who deliver the work
to their individual employers or to the local match factory.
Wages range from 45 to 135 Rp or .02 to .07 US dollars per hour and work hours are
shorter compared to other areas. There is no separate space to work in. The economic level is far
from sufficient.
Homeworkers feel that the work is helpful as a part-time job though the wages from
peasant work, their main occupation, are low. None of the respondents has ever tried to seek
facilities to enhance capital accumulation. Savings are rare and almost none of the homeworkers are
involved in the local PKK.
6. Bali
Handicraft industries are predominant in Bali compared to the other regions. Along with
non-traditionally based industries, particularly garments, these sectors provide a considerable source
of income and involve many of die men and women. Tourism has been a major encouragement in
the growth of these industries since the 1970's. Before then, die Balinese were solely dependent on
rice cultivation.14
Data on the labour force in Bali show mat 67 per cent and 61 per cent were engaged in
agriculture in 1971 and 1976, respectively. Participation in industry was only around 6 per cent in
1971 and doubled to 13 per cent in 1976. Significant shifts from agriculture also occurred in services
and transport.15
In 1986 data on the female labour force in me urban and rural areas in Bali show a
participation rate of 61.45 per cent of the total Balinese adult population, which is very high
compared to the national rate of 44.45 per cent and second only to Nusa Tenggara Timur (64.30 per
cent).
Data from die Intercensal Population Survey (SUPAS) of 1985 on the female labour force
in the rural areas in Bali reveal mat for the outside agricultural sectors (46.9 per cent or 227,737 of
the total 485,118 women), most women participate in trade (15.58 per cent, or 75,585 women), 14.0
per cent or 67,928 in manufacturing and 14.25 per cent or 69,138 women do not have any job. This
further highlights die shift of the labour force distribution away from agriculture which was die main
livelihood source a decade ago. Tourism has played an important part in opening opportunities in
directly and indirectly related industries.
Homeworkers in Bali make machine made and machine embroidered garments, sculpture,
painting, woven goods and mats from lontar leaves.
48
Homework in Gianyar
Mat weavers in Gianyar
The Homeworker
The characteristics of the women homeworkers in Bali do not differ much from women
in other areas. Their ages range from less than 20 to 50 years old and most have elementary
education level. A few women under 20 have finished the secondary high school level, while those
over 40 have not had any formal education at all. By custom, every member of the family, especially
the women, must earn some income. This Balinese custom has strongly contributed to the widespread
practice of the putting out system. Another factor is tourism which has led to high demand for local
handicraft products. The putting out system is the main mode of handicraft production and involves
almost every able member of a family.
The survey in Gianyar focused on two kinds of handicraft and revealed two different types
of material supply patterns. For woven goods (anyamari) - flowers, bags, hats - which are made of
lontar leaves, respondents buy raw material from the pengepul to whom they also sell the finished
products. In a week they usually consume 5 lontar leaves totaling Rp 2,000 - Rp 2,500 (US$ 1.14
to US$ 1.42). The dyeing material is bought from the same pengepul for Rp 200 (US$ 0.114) per
package. The homeworkers are involved in the next stages of dyeing, drying in the sun and weaving
the leaves into the finished product. Their wages are then deducted with the price of the leaves
provided by the employer. Homeworkers involved in sculpture receive half-finished products to be
given the appropriate colours.
The division of labour is similar to that in mat weaving. The husband processes the lontar
leaves, the wife weaves, and children help. However the wife is frequently also involved in stripping
and dyeing leaves. Leaves are divided into 6 to 7 strips measuring about 0.5 centimeters wide.
Dyeing is then done by boiling the colouring material or dye and the leaves are put in when the
49
substance reaches boiling point. This takes about an hour before leaves are dried. In drying, males
are more frequently involved.
A large part of the anyaman orderers live relatively close to the homeworkers, hence, the
collection and delivery of orders do not involve any transportation costs. Homeworkers in sculpture,
on the other hand, are burdened with extra expenditures for transportation, but have the advantage
of having all work tools supplied by die employer. This is not so in the case of the anyaman
workers.
The Homework System
The beginning of putting out arrangements can be inferred from the growth of the garment
industry in Bali.1 Its centre was in Gianyar, which is one of die survey sites. Cloth was eidier
imported from outside die country or from Java.
Since men the garment industry in Bali has undergone rapid growth, fostered indirectly
by tourism. The Development Studies Project (in cooperation with Bappenas) conducted a study on
Bali's garment industry.2 The study revealed die pattern of cooperation between the initial
entrepreneurs and the development of the industry to die present.
Traditionally mere was no established 'class' of entrepreneurs in Bali. Foreigners
collaborated, some by accident, widi die traditional Chinese-Balinese trading families. The foreigners
supplied designs and mediods of management which were quite new to die Balinese. Quality control
was also done by die foreigners. Small units were set up, producing garments cut and sewed by die
few tailors in die larger districts. Expansion of die business involved die recruitment of die tailors'
friends and relatives residing intiieirhome villages. Some also become inworkers. The social base
of diis network of friends and relatives is called a kelompok (group), and also includes migrants.
This kelompok appears to be a certain modification of die traditional seka, which is a
closer net of village members, more likely related by kinship, differentiated according to die several
functions in die social/cultural life of die Balinese, e.g., special seka for ceremonial preparations.
The kelompok and seka are under die larger unit of die banjar.
Migrants number more dian die native Balinese as inworkers in die garment industry. The
Balinese are not fully adapted to full work hours and die 'industrial discipline' of die modern
production organisations. Employers also understand die situation where ceremonies occur several
days per mondi. This is one reason why putting out arrangements can be practiced widely in Bali.
Occupations as permanent workers in special workplaces are not a popular option in Bali as in Java.
After die mid 1970's several Balinese separated diemselves from partnerships widi
foreigners. Indonesians from outside Bali are also involved in die industry now, benefiting from die
unique, lucrative business climate brought by die spread of tourism. The kelompok is still die main
basis to recruit homeworkers and inworkers as well. The skill required includes machine embroidery,
which originated from die skilled workers of Tasikmalaya.
1
In die early 1970's, die textile industry in Bali relied on its traditional sector, die handloom
produced sarongs.
2
Personal contact, 1988; written material still unavailable.
50
Further data are needed regarding the market situation and marketing margins, which are
believed to be very high compared to what the homeworkers receive. Prices vary according to
destinations, from the stalls in Bali to large stores in the main cities in Java, to foreign countries like
the United States; but wages are similarly low.
Several layers of middlemen are involved.
Compared to the early 1970's when there were no native entrepreneurs in Bali, the present situation
is already regarded as an improvement from the viewpoint of indigenous industrial development.
Also, there are more returns on investment of foreigners.
Homework in Tabanan
A child homeworker in Bali weaves mats
The Homeworker
Almost all women here spent their spare time making mats. The raw material, the pandan
leaves, are abundant in their environment, but which has to be bought from neighbours who are the
pengepul (supplier of raw material, frequently also orderer and/or merchant of the products).
The workers' ages range from under 20 to 50 years old; some are still in elementary
school and those over 40 have no formal education. Almost all members of the family are involved
in earning something. The woven mats are done by housewives, their daughters and other members
of the family including the husband.
Workers receive put out work in the form of processing the pandan leaves: cooking,
drying and rolling the leaves to be ready for weaving. They are woven into tikar (mats), or rirang
(one piece of a mat; two are woven into one tikar). The thread for weaving is also of pandan leaves.
More specifically, the division of labour is usually as follows: the husband finds and
gamers leaves and processes them; the wife weaves and makes the dried leaves into the large pieces
51
(rirangan), and the children sew the edges by hand into finished mats (tikar). Older children also
weave and sew themselves.
The equipment consists of a bamboo base on which the woven strips of leaves are pressed
with another piece of bamboo (15 x 60 centimeter; the length of the base is similar).
The women spend 5 to 10 hours a day, and more when ceremonies are due, during which
time mats are in high demand. One rirang takes 5 to 10 hours to finish and the wage is Rp 500 (US$
0.28) per rirang, so workers receive Rp 80 to Rp 100 (US$ 0.04 to US$ 0.50) per hour. The
pengepul never rejects delivered products, which may be one of the few of the workers' advantages,
and they usually live nearby.
Mats are only for local consumption, especially used for ceremonies. Demands are thus
regular and frequent. The pengepul does not feel that capital is a large problem compared to the
supply of raw materials. Skilled workers are prepared to work more. Young women tend to migrate
and find work as domestic servants in town. Raw materials, the pandan leaves, are limited and there
is no effort to grow them specifically for the production of the woven mats. The pandan becomes
scarce during certain seasons.
There is no standard of quality for mats. The homeworker's work is always accepted.
The pengepul may then make some finishing touches.
Payment to workers follow two patterns:
a.
Workers taking raw materials are paid half of the price of the product (which is
Rp 500 or US$ 0.28). This is called paroan. Among these workers there is a
considerable difference between unmarried and married women.
Morning earnings:
Unmarried women: 90 strips x Rp 250 (US$ 0.14) = Rp 22,500 (US$ 12.82)
Married women: 30 strips x Rp 250 (US$ 0.14) =Rp 7,500 (US$ 4.27)
b.
Workers with their own material or those who bought material from the concerned
pengepul (to whom they deliver the products), are paid as follows:
Morning earnings:
Unmarried workers: 90 x Rp 450 (US$ 0.25) = Rp 40,500 (US$ 23.09)
Married workers: 30 x Rp 450 (US$ 0.25) = Rp 13,500 (US$ 7.69)
The products cited in a and b above are unsewn pieces.
Family ties and trust are the basis of relationships; employers sometimes live in the same
yard with the homeworkers. Workers state they are content with the system although wages are felt
to be very low. Their alternatives seem to be limited. They feel they have no possibility to expand
and make their way out of the system, and there was no visible effort either.
52
The Homework System
Workers in Tabanan are on the average below 30 years old, much younger than in the
other areas. Most are secondary level students who take embroidery work in their extra time. Their
skills were obtained from their families. The limitations in the number of machines prevent other
members of the family from participating in the work.
Embroiderers receive clothes upon which patterns have been drawn. They collect and
deliver the orders themselves to orderers/ employers. Most own their own equipments; a few use the
employer's machines with the requirement that they do not receive orders from other employers. But
workers have other employers to go to when orders have ceased from a certain orderer.
Workers work on a piece of embroidery for about 40 to 50 hours a week. Wages are
scaled according to fineness of work, from Rp 100 to Rp 170 (US$ 0.05 to US$ 0.09) per hour.
Long work hours (7 to 10 hours daily) affect their health, especially those using manual sewing
machines. Homeworkers complain of cramped feet, eye disturbances and low blood pressure. They
are not covered for medical care.
Workers seem considerably under informed. Besides the uncertainty of whether or not
their orderers are middlemen or the principals/entrepreneurs, they seem unsure of the actual wages
and standards of quality.
On the surface the features of the unwritten agreements are not immediately clear, but
further observation points out that workers' earnings are determined by a combination of factors:
a.
Length of time to complete orders (pasuh);
b.
Quantity of thread used: the price per spool is determined by the orderer which
is about Rp 600 to Rp 1,000 (US$ 0.34 to US$ 0.57). Workers receive an
average of Rp 750 (US$ 0.42);
c.
Quality of work, where types of products are classified according to fineness, as
described below:
Prices of Specific Products in Tabanan According to Quality Levels
Product
Opal
Twilight
Swiss-off
top
top
Quality A
US$
Quality B
US$
Quality C
US$
Quality D
US$
2.250(1.28)
2.275(1.29)
5.725(3.26)
2.000(1.14)
2.205(1.15)
5.500(3.05)
1.875(1.06)
1.900(1.08)
5.250(2.99)
1.800(1.03)
1.850(1.05)
-
Wages increase according to quantity of stitches, thread and length of time to complete a
product (2 hours for a T-shirt, a few days to a week for a top of a 'swiss-off skirt and blouse).
The garment industry in Bali is geared for export demand and a large part is dominated
by foreigners and Indonesian Chinese from outside Bali who have married locals. This export
demand has created employment and has somewhat raised incomes. But the welfare of the
53
homeworkers has apparently not received sufficient attention. Efforts are so far limited to training
programmes from the Ministry of Manpower and information on health related to work.
A large part of the workers feel they have very limited possibilities to expand but then they
also state it is good that they can work at home. No type of savings are aimed towards capital
accumulation; extra money is spent on doming and accessories (especially among unmarried women)
and for daily consumptions, including rituals.
7. South Sulawesi
Based on the census data of 1971 and 1980, South Sulawesi has a population density of
83 persons per square kilometer. The population adds up to 58.4 per cent of Sulawesi and 4 per cent
of the Indonesian population. The growth rate was at 1.7 per cent between 1971 to 1980, compared
to die national growth rate of 2.3 per cent.
Women in the labour force show a much lower level of participation compared to men.
Religio-cultural factors may still inhibit women's participation in the labour force which was highest
at 22.8 per cent in the 35 to 39 age group in the villages, and 26.2 per cent in the urban area among
women between 30 to 34 years old. For the same period, the national figures of female labour force
participation were 43.2 per cent and 20.3 per cent in the rural and urban areas, respectively. In the
above age groups male participation rates in both areas in South Sulawesi show figures of above 90
per cent.
Economically active women in this province number 643,263 in 1986, which is 25.13 per
cent to the adult population, while 1,915,981 are stated as not economically active, i.e. attending
school, housekeeping and others.
The 1985 data reveal that 45.58 per cent (251,755 of 552,324) of the women in the urban
and rural areas are employed in agriculture, and 66.93 per cent of these (168,507) are family
workers.
Outside agriculture, 20.25 per cent are involved in trade, where 55.59 per cent (62,183)
are registered as self-employed, 19.34 per cent or 106,838 are involved in manufacturing, in which
12.34 per cent are employees. The proportion of employees in manufacturing to the total number of
women in the urban and rural areas (552,324) is only 2.3 per cent; most female employees are in
public services (53,748 or 9.73 per cent of the total female population). The Economic Census of
1986 lists 3,371 small-scale industries in South Sulawesi and 22,057 workers, and 67,881 cottage
industries and 114,820 workers. Data disaggregated by gender are not available. The number of
female employees in manufacturing in the rural areas is also unavailable.
54
Ujung Pandang - Garments
Homeworkers in Ujung Pandang make garments.
Garments makers in Ujung Pandang
The Homeworker
Most homeworkers in the area are unmarried women. They learned the skill on their own
and for a few of the respondents, they learned by attending courses. They generally live with
relatives who are their job suppliers and other relatives who are also homeworkers.
The Homework System
Unlike homeworkers in Yogjakarta, the families with which the homeworkers live receive
uncut cloth from suppliers, which is then cut and distributed. Work equipment are usually owned by
the employers with whom they live. The only condition is that workers take care of the machines.
Homeworkers generally spend more than 5 hours daily during the low periods, 7 hours
during the moderate periods and up to 12 hours in peak periods. They are paid Rp 100 to Rp 200
or US$ 0.05 to US$ 0.11 per hour.
Employers are usually relatives of homeworkers and affects the 'nature' of the work
contracts. Contracts are very loose, without any clear definition of relationships. Workers
frequently come from their villages to Ujung Pandang at the request of die employer, to live in and
help infinishingorders. Homeworkers often obtain their skill from the suppliers.
55
Conditions of work in the area are far from adequate. It is usual for more than 10 to even
20 people to live in one cramped house. Houses are usually wooden structures on stilts and the
workers use the space below the house.
Wages are felt to be low but hardly any worker would like to shift to other employers.
Workers are rarely involved in organisations such as the PKK. Savings at home and arisan are
frequently done but the money is used for consumption. No respondents have appeared to try to work
independently through various facilities.
Kabupaten Polmas - Silk Sarong Weavers
The Homeworkers
Homeworkers in Kabupaten Polmas make silk sarong. Like homeworkers in other areas,
the women in Polmas inherited their skill within the family and the average level of education is low
(elementary level or no education at all among those over 30).
The Homework System
This area differs from others in the supply of materials. Workers buy the silk thread with
money from the supplier. Suppliers usually live outside the area and take the money to the workers
while collecting the completed woven cloths. Contracts are unwritten and based on trust.
The P2WIK programme entered Polmas in 1982 but seemed to involve only a few
workers. The PKK programme does not involve a lot of the workers. This is not surprising as their
work hours range from 5 to 7 hours a day. Workers state they would like to shift to other employers
if they had higher wages.
56
B. Two Case Studies.
Case Study No. 1
Emidawati, The Hotneworker
Bukittinggi, West Java
Involvement in Homework
Emidawati is a homeworker in hand embroidery in Bukittingi, a district in the Kabupaten
Agam. The district is well known for handicrafts, particularly for hand embroidery and silver ware.
She comes from the village of Koto Gadang which is located in the district of Bukittinggi.
Emi is married and in her late twenties. She has one child and still lives with her family:
The wage earners of the family are Emi, her husband and her mother and amongst them they share
the burden of the upkeep of the six members of the family, including her younger siblings.
Emi's husband does not always have a job. In 1988 he had various building jobs for nine
months and no work thereafter.
She finished elementary school and there was no possibility of continuing since her father
died. Emi's mother receives a pension of 40,000 rupiah per month, roughly US$ 20.
Right after dropping from school, Emi began embroidery work to earn some money. It
was better than playing around. She wanted to be an employee but she could not imagine what kind
of job she would do with her low education. After marriage she stopped embroidery for three years.
Then she took it up again to support the family.
When she was single, the wages were only for herself. Now her earnings have become
family income and it is most vital, especially when her husband is out of work.
Time is especially allocated for sewing, after housework and tending her child. Her
husband and family also think her embroidery is a very useful activity to spend the time. Her mother
and younger siblings also help. She sews two to five hours a day and the family helps for two or
three hours.
Emi learned the skill from her mother who learned it from her mother. The tool for
embroidery, a wooden base to spread out and pin the cloth, called pademangan, has always been with
the family.
Usually, Emi finishes a shawl in two months but she completed her last one in three
months when her child fell ill. According to Emi, none of her customers have complained about her
work. She has had many employers and orderers. She has obtained direct orders from individuals
who know about her expertise. She specialises in shawls with specific designs (suji cajir) and like
most embroiderers, she delivers the finished designs to be sewn and completed by the
employer/orderer. However, she also fixes the lace in case of individual orders. She buys the thread
when she goes shopping for the family once in two months while the cloth is brought to her by the
employer. It is better to buy the thread herself to get the right color for the various combinations in
the designs of her embroidery.
57
Time Allocation
The following table describes one of Emi's days (a Sunday).
Time
Activity
06.00-06.30
06.30-07.00
07.00-07.20
07.20-07.45
07.45-08.00
08.00-08.45
08.45-09.00
09.00-10.30
10.30-11.30
11.30-12.05
12.05-12.20
12.20-12.35
12.35-12.37
12.37-12.40
12.40-12.45
12.45-13.20
13.20-14.00
14.00-15.30
15.30-16.10
16.10-16.20
16.20-16.25
16.25-17.45
17.45-18.00
18.00-18.20
18.20-18.50
18.50-19.00
19.00-
Wakes up, brushes teeth, boils water
Plays with child
Cooks with mother
Cooks alone
Cooks with mother
Cleans house
Embroiders
Washes, bathes
Guest comes and chats (elder sibling and family)
Embroiders
Watches TV
Embroiders
Watches TV
Embroiders
Makes coffee for husband
Embroiders
Watches TV, has lunch
Goes out with sister to buy rice snack
Chats with family
Bathes child
Plays with child
Cooks rice snack
Feeds child
Tends child
Has dinner
Has herself massaged after strains from morning's washing
Tends child and retires
The above time/budget study is based on a field worker's observation of one of a
respondent's workday.
But being a Sunday, die only day when the television is on in Indonesia before 17.00, it
cannot represent a typical day, and contacts with die field worker are not included. The work hours
in embroidery would be better represented by the questionnaire data, 2 to 5 hours per day.
Prerequisite of a representative time/budget study is the familiarity of the respondent widi the
observer. To this extent distortion is kept at a minimum. However good the approach in this study,
the time spent, compared to the work load, would not have been enough to reach the above condition.
Household Income and Expenditure
Emi's family income for the last year (1987) up to the time of the interview (end of
October 1988), according to Emi, is as follows:
1. Emi's earnings: 2 shawls in 5 months =
(average output per 12 months = 125,000 Rp)
2. Father's pension: 12 x 40,000
3. Husband'8 earnings
2 kitchens in 5 months, 25,000 Rp/week
1 kitchen in 3 months, 30,000 Rp/week
painting job in 2 weeks
fence in 2 weeks, 25,000 Rp/week
58
100,000 Rp
225,000 Rp
480,000 Rp
500,000 Rp
360,000 Rp
30,000 Rp
50,000 Rp
Total:
1,645,000 Rp
or US $ 967.65
Her husband's income is not regular. Emi averages about two to three shawls per year.
The most regular component in the household income is the father's pension. Since no other data are
available, the estimate of the household income could be based on the above calculation which
amounts to 137,083.33 Rp per month or US$ 80.64.
As of October 1988, the family's average monthly expenditure is as follows:
- Staples: 20 liters per week x Pr 250,- Side dishes Rp 10.000/week
- Shopping at the market in Bukittinggi,
twice a month: 2 x Rp 10,000.00
- Electricity
-TV tax
- Other household needs: toiletry, sugar,
beverages
- Transport for shopping
- Water
-Education (state school)
Total
Rp 20,000.00
Rp 40,000.00
Rp 20,000.00
Rp 4,000.00
Rp 1,500.00
Rp 11,600.00
Rp 1,000.00
Rp 1,000.00
Rp 2.500.00
RplOl ,600.00 *
or US$ 59.76
The family uses wood for fuel. The inconsistency of the monthly income can be detected
from Emi's description of how they make ends meet. It also partially explains the apparent
impression that the family might have some money left over each month. They own no land, and
therefore have to buy the uncooked rice(beras). Sometimes there is no money at all to buy side
dishes. When savings are used up they borrow money from neighbors or nearby relatives. Emi also
takes part in ajulo-julo, which is an informal way of saving.
A certain number of participants pay an amount of money periodically (in this case, Rp
10,000,). One person is the bandar who collects this monthly payment and organises everything.
Participants receive the whole amount of money (Rp 10,000 x number of members) in turn by lottery.
But it is usually granted when someone in financial need asks for his or her share ahead of the others.
Another way is to put up the highest 'bid'. The other members pay evenly what is left of the whole
amount, and the highest 'bidder' gets his or her turn. The last time it was Emi's turn. She then
bought a buffet for the house with mis money.
Wage advances could be obtained from the employer (induk semang) to buy thread and
daily needs. Then, when a quarter of the work is finished, another cash advance could be obtained.
On completion of the work, usually, the wage balance is already very little. Emi thinks this is the
greatest benefit from her relation with the employers despite the low wages. This is why she always
seeks out different employers. But to maintain a good relationship, she always takes care in keeping
a balance between the amount she takes as cash advances and the proportion of the completed work.
Among her former employers there were a few who were still related. As widi other employers, trust
is the basis of the relationship and in Emi's experience, payment has always been punctual.
Homeworkers' Income
Calculated per hour, Emi's present wages is Rp 4,160, (US$ 2.45) for 5 hours work per
day in 2 months. The finished design is paid Rp 125,000. She delivers it to the employers' house
which takes an hour on foot, back and forth. It would take Rp 500, if she used public transport.
59
Table 4 describes the types of products, production and wage rate of embroidery workers
in Koto Gadang and surrounding villages in Bukittinggi. The table is not exhaustive since variations
in designs, sizes and quality of material, lead to different prices. In designs, the amount of flowers
and the closeness of the stitches influence prices.
Table 4
Homeworkers' Wages in Bukittinggi
Time
Commodity
Wages
per piece
in rupiah
(Rp)
Hours per
day
Wages
per hour
in Rp
Bedsheet
1 month
300,000
3-5
Bedsheet
6 months
500,000
u.a.*
Shawl
3 months
150,000
3 -5
555.00 333.33
Lace edge
20 days
17,500
3 -5
291.67 175.00
Suji cajir design
2 months
125,000
2-7
1,562.50 297.61
Table cloth
6 months
400,000
3 -5
740.74 444.44
2 days
6,000
u.a.
Bed drapery
u.a.
15,000
u.a.
Bride's costume
3 -4
months
60,000
u.a.
Design sketch
u.a.
7,500
u.a.
Terawang fillet
15 days
15,000
u.a.
Pillow cases (4)
12-21
months
(4x
35,000)
14,000 940,000
3
Traditional
dress
3,333.33 2,000.00
333.33
*u.a.: Data unavailable, meaning unavailable from the questionnaires. The commodities mentioned above were gathered
from various sources (i.e. employers, handicraft centers) other than the survey respondents. Hence, working hours are not
known. The distribution of specialities of production among the homeworkers is also not known.
Hours worked per day vary greatly from 1 to 7 hours and this may not transpire
everyday. Therefore, estimates of hourly wage rates would not be precise and accurate. The
amount of orders the homeworkers get seems to be the main factor in their individual arrangement
60
of work schedules, (see table 6)
Comparison to Basic Physical Needs:
An average worker's monthly wages in West Sumatera is Rp 84,524, (US$ 50.00) per
available data in 1986. The estimated Basic Physical Needs in this province for a worker and a
wife and 3 children for 1987 is Rp 145,710 (US$ 86.00). It is obvious that Emi's wages and her
family's income is well below the required minimum.
The following table summarises the comparisons between all of Indonesia and West
Sumatera on the following: the average monthly worker's wages (1986), the Basic Physical Needs
(1986 to 1987), Emi's family's monthly income per above mentioned estimate and her own wages
for 1988. Based on available data, the latter will have to be calculated from her earnings in 5
months (Rp 225,000 or US$ 132.00) which was described as her only earnings for the whole
year, (see table 5)
Table 5
Comparison of Earnings to BPN and Average Workers
Wage of Indonesia and West Sumatera
(Rp per month)
Basic Physical Need for
worker,
wife
and
3
children
Average
worker's
wage 1986*
Emi's family
income, 1988
Emi's
income
1988
Indonesia
1986 - 138,087
63,285
1987 - u.a.
West Sumatera
1986 - 122,726
84,524
1987 - 145,710**
1988 - 168,694***
Source: *
**
137,083.33
45,000
Manpower Statistic Department, Indicator of Labour Standard of Living 1988 (Jakarta: BPS,
1988), p. 33, table 2.5
Manpower Statistic Department, Average Value and Index of the Minimum Physical Needs of
the Labourer and His Family for a Month for Each Province, 1979-1987(Jakarta: BPS, 1987),
p. 6, table 3
*** Estimate only based on 15.7 increase from 1986 to 1987
The Basic Physical Needs estimate applies to a family of five while Emi's family has 6
members.
Emi's husband's stability of income is unclear and so far Emi's average output per year
is only 2 to 3 shawls (Rp 225,000.00 or US $ 132.00) in 5 months. Her family's income mainly
consists of her husband's earnings (73.15 per cent); Emi's embroidery work contributed only 17.5
per cent.
61
Emi's income is now compared to the average monthly wages of a worker in similar
amount of work hours, as described in the following table. (See table 6)
Table 6
Average Monthly Wages According to Hours Worked Per Week
1986 National Average
1988 case in West Sumatera
Hours Per
Week
Monthly Wage
1 -9
25, 272 Rp
2-5
45,000 Rp
Provincial data for the above comparison is unavailable. However there are data by
province (the latest for 1985) on the average daily wages of permanent production workers.16
Calculated per day, Emi's wages would be Rp 2,083.33 or US $ 1.22, based on the
minimum time (2 months) required to finish a shawl (Rp 125,000.00 or US $ 74.00). This turns
out to be lower than the provincial average estimated at Rp 4,063.5.
Production workers' rates in manufacturing are closer to the Basic Physical Needs as
shown in the two tables below:
Table 7
Average Daily Wages of Permanent Production Workers in West Sumatera
Compared to the Case Study
West Sumatera
1984
2,846
1985
3,111
Increase
9.31
Estimate
CaseEmi
1988
1988
4,063.33
2,083.33
Table 8
Percentage of Monthly Incomes to BPN in West Sumatera,
1988 Estimates
BPN
(Rp)
West
Sumatera
Monthly
Wage in
Rp
% to
BPN
Emi's
Monthly
Income
inRp
% to
BPN
Family
Income
% to BPN
168,694
121,899.33
72.26
45,000
26.67
137,083.33
81.26
62
The contribution of the homeworker in Bukittinggi to her family's income is small, but
the inconsistency of the other contributions make her earnings vital in maintaining or bridging day
to day needs.
Health Complaints
Emi complains of headaches, eye disturbances and backaches. She often visits the public
health centre and occasionally visits die hospital, on her own expense. This is not included in
computing die above expenditures.
Assistance Needs
In her work, Emi has sought and obtained help in marketing her shawls through
acquaintances. She also seeks aid from neighbours and relatives for daily needs and for medical
costs. The unstable income of her family would not be sufficient for daily needs, much less for
unexpected expenses. It is usual to ask help from neighbours in case mere are ceremonies and
celebrations. These may be in the form of participation in the preparations and lending their cooking
equipments and dining wares. Close relationships in die village make this possible.
Involvement in Saving and Local Organisations
There is a local PKK in die village, as in all villages, but since her marriage, Emi has had
no time for organisations and meetings. There is also a women's cooperative, which was initiated
by die wives of pensioners in die village. Emi takes part in this cooperative which also organises
prayer meetings (pengajina).
Emi can save a little, which is done at home. It can be used to buy cmxdies when die
Lebaran festival comes. She concludes tiiat she is satisfied widi the general agreements widi the
employers, aldiough she is always seeking other employers for higher pay.
Bukittinggi Employers' Relations widi Homeworkers
The following descriptions are excerpts from interviews widi employers in Bukittinggi.
Asri, 45, owns a shop which she started diree years ago. Her business is embroidery.
She now has 13 anakjahit (sewers, embroidery workers, literally 'sewing children'); diree inworkers
and ten outworkers. Selection is based on trust. Initially, she examines a sample of die newcomer's
work and die rest of her judgement is based on her personal impression of the individual.
Occasionally, she is outwitted, A worker disappears widi me clodi she has given but this is very rare.
She does not ask for any guarantee. A worker is given 2 pieces of clodi. She pays for die
completion of one piece and completes die payment when die whole work is finished. That is die
only guarantee, and she leaves die rest up to God.
Agents are also involved. Among diem are a few who do not disclose what diey really
do.
The best season is a mondi before die fasting mondi, die fasting mondi itself and die
Lebaran festival - only 3 to 4 mondis in a year. Sometimes a week goes by widiout any transaction.
Designs are mostly worked out by die workers in consultation widi die employer. After
63
designs are decided on, they are sketched on the cloth. In the face of stiff competition in the
business, designs are frequently copied. This is done by borrowing a cloth from a neighboring shop
on pretense of showing it to a buyer. Actually, the design is photocopied and given to workers to
embroider at a certain amount. Outworkers can also do this especially those with more than one
employer. They can even sell the designs to their induk semang, saying it is their creation. Asri
takes extra care in giving out new, complicated designs and selects the workers she trusts most and
they are responsible for the design.
Once she found her design sold at a cheaper price in another shop and in large quantities.
It turned out that an electric soldering tool was used to make the holes while Asri's work uses manual
sewing machines to make die holes in the design. This is more complicated and takes longer. Not
many people realise that the electrically made holes stiffen the cloth when worn and is more crude.
Asri takes care in not displaying exclusive designs. She folds her goods so that the designs could not
be easily copied. Copying of designs is likely where shops are close to each other.
Prices do not increase much. Prices of cloth and thread always increase by the year and
mere are the electricity, shop rental and the garbage man to pay. Wages are also increased a little
but this depends on the quality of the work. Asri pays Rp 2,500 to Rp 15,000 ($1.47 to $ 8.82) per
piece. Middlemen usually take a profit of Rp 500 to Rp 1,000 ($0.29 to $0.58) per piece. They are
responsible for the care of the cloth and the agreed schedule. Middlemen (or middlewomen) are
sometimes embroiderers, too.
The work from Kotogadang is excellent and rarely enters the shops in Bukittinggi because
of the high price. A shawl is finished in 3 to 4 months and costs Rp 250,000 to Rp 300,000 (US$
146.00 to 176.00). Buyers usually go directly to Kotogadang to order themselves or to buy the
products from the Amai Setia center.
Asri usually takes a profit of 5 to 25 per cent, depending on die quality of the cloth and
its design. There is no fixed standard price.
Asri's workers come from four surrounding areas. Sometimes they borrow money from
her for various reasons: school fees, medication, daily needs and others. She usually agrees to lend
them a certain sum as long as she can afford it. They can either ask for their wages in advance or
pay her back gradually.
Another employer, Ani, is 60, and has been 10 years in the business, after receiving orders
herself. She has 6 embroiderers but only 3 are active and have worked for her for 3 years. They
also take orders from other employers. They usually ask for their wages in advance.
The wage for a shawl is at the most Rp 80,000 ($ 47.00) which is completed in 3 to 4
months. It would be more expensive if the employer did it herself as the quality would also be better.
Buyers would pay up to Rp 50,000 in advance if the employer herself did the embroidery.
The cheapest wage is Rp 20,000 to Rp 30,000 ($ 12-18); the quality of the thread is
different, the design simpler. There is a little increase of wages each year. Usually the workers ask
for a raise.
Agents buy unfinished shawls (laced edges not fixed) for Rp 90,000 ($ 53.00). The
finished shawl is then sold at Rp 150,000 ($ 88.00). Other agents only help employers in selling the
finished product. The employer quotes a price, say Rp 130,000 ($ 76) and the agent will sell it for
Rp 150,000 ($ 88) or more. Agents usually come from Koto Gadang.
64
Problems come up when the person who has taken some pieces to sell does not
immediately show up. When this happens, wages have to be paid from the capital, in turn making
purchase of materials difficult. It would be impossible to cut down on wages, so the wages are
delayed for the time being.
Ani sometimes purchases cloth from Jakarta through relatives as the cloth is cheaper there.
In the village, it is Rp 500 while in Jakarta it is only Rp 300. Thread is Rp 150 while in the village
it is Rp 300. Quality is also better.
The disadvantage of the putting out arrangement is that workers often delay on orders and
work on other employer's cloth. The work is then completed in 4 to 5 months instead of the agreed
3 months but by then they would have already asked for more than half of their wages in advance and
sometimes even more.
Ani sometimes thinks it would be better to buy finished embroidered shawls and she would
only have to take care of the finishing touches, so she would only have to worry about unfinished
work among the outworkers. When she does this occasionally, she always tells buyers it is not her
work. This is important to keep them informed that the work would be different and the price would
not be the same. Another problem with outworkers is that Ani has several outworkers who often
borrow money from her for various reasons like school fees and medications.
Compared to previous years, native Koto Gadang embroiderers have decreased in number
and have been replaced by outsiders who take up residence there (people from neighboring villages).
The elders cannot embroider anymore and many educated young people have moved out elsewhere.
They would more likely embroider for themselves. Others might still take up orders but in a smaller
quantity, as they are only doing it in their spare time, apart from their main occupations as nurses,
teachers and government employees.
Ani once used the services of the village cooperative unit (KUD). That was when she had
to pay the wages and she had not received payment from a person in Jakarta who was selling her
clothes. She thinks that other employers might have used the services of the local BRI (Bank Rakyat
Indonesia/People's Bank of Indonesia, which has branches in villages), but for her it is too distant
and not worthwhile.
Ani's initial capital was from her own savings. She would sell her work to relatives, who
then brought it with them when they went to the rantau (the area where they migrated to) and she
began receiving orders from faraway places. She has four embroidery tools (pamedangan) and her
mother and relatives also do embroidery on their own capital.
Ani always tries to supply new designs. These she orders from a relative in Jakarta and
she pays Rp 10,000 per design. Usually new designs are handled by herself because outworkers
might copy and sell it to other employers. Ani can obtain up to 25 per cent profit on new, fully
decorated designs, while for simple flower designs the profit would only be up to 10 per cent.
According to Ani embroidery entrepreneurs working with homeworkers had already existed
in the 1910s. Then, they were honest and kept to the agreed schedule. Sometimes, Ani's threads
are exchanged for cheaper, poorer quality goods, and the product is naturally inferior, too.
65
The marketing of embroidered goods in Koto Gadang follows this scheme:
Orang Rantau
Person in Koto Gadang
(person who has — • coordinator, sometimes- —* embroidery
capital/ supplies also embroiders;
receives personal
materials/
orders;orders in
large quantities
to sell
Other employers say an increase in the finished products would make them harder to sell.
Increases in prices of cloth and thread are often not followed by price increases in the product sold.
Wages also have to be maintained at the same level. One employer says he manages by decreasing
wages from Rp 250 to Rp 500 per cloth, and asks the workers to understand the situation. The
payment is still considered fair compared to the work put in. Another employer comments that he
cannot really imagine how the workers put up with the present situation. Sometimes an employer has
no work at all for the workers. For example, there are times when they do not get paid by the
persons selling their products. Some employers still help by lending money to the workers. As one
of them put it, "as a friend, not as my anakjahit - anyway, they must be helped". Employers in
Koto Gadang tend to limit outworkers to the same area for the sake of control. "If anything comes
up I know where she lives," commented one of them. Some avoid middlemen in the knowledge of
the risks involved.
The Handicraft Foundation
A marketing outlet well known and available to homeworkers in Koto Gadang is die Amai
Setia Handicraft Foundation. It was established in 1910 by a journalist, Ibu Rohana Kudus. The skill
was initially obtained in a girl's school under Dutch teachers. Homeworkers have the advantage of
having access to market through the Amai Setia Foundation. The foundation enables putting out
arrangements without necessarily dealing with individual employers. Homeworkers often work on
orders for the foundation and for individual employers. They obtain annual bonuses from the sales
proceeds.
It is not known how many homeworkers market their products through the foundation.
It is therefore not possible to establish the general influence the set up has had on the
welfare of die homeworkers. It is noted that a similar set up has not been found in other survey sites.
It could be said that Koto Gadang homeworkers seem to be in a better position in so far as marketing
facility is concerned.
In the case of Emi, the homeworker under study, the facility to market her products is not
paralleled by a more significant share in her family's income and expenditure, only 17.6 per cent.
This may represent the case of other homeworkers in Bukittinggi, considering limited demand for
expensive products such as theirs. More orders are for cheaper products.
Conclusion
This case study leads to more questions than concrete recommendations. Further data
would have to be obtained on the welfare of homeworkers connected to the foundation to be compared
66
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Further research is needed to identify effective entry points. The existing project of the
P2WIK should be further studied. This may give indications on how to overcome the contradiction
between die project targets, i.e., entrepreneurs, and the homeworkers.
Further study is also needed to gain a better view of the market prospects of the garment
industry as it relates to the small-scale industries in rural Java. This market should also be seen in
relation to the social and cultural factors mat may influence the position of homeworkers.
C. The Homeworkers: An Overall Picture
1. Profile
The results of the survey show mat women homeworkers are generally young; eighty per
cent of them are 35 years old or less. Majority are married but almost one-third are unmarried. More
than 80 per cent of the homeworkers are elementary school level or absolutely uneducated but most
of them are at least literate in Bahasa, Indonesia. Their reading and writing skills in Bahasa,
Indonesia can be used in the formulation of their welfare programme. For example, a legal literacy
campaign that will attempt to inform them of their rights and privileges must pay due attention to mis,
both in terms of the educational content and the instructional mediodology.
Table 11
Age Distribution of Respondents
Age
Frequency
Percentage
< 20 years old
58
15.7
21-25
107
29.0
26-30
77
20.9
31-35
53
14.4
36-40
33
8.9
41-45
16
4.3
46-50
9
2.4
>51
16
4.3
369
100.0
Total
75
Table 12
Distribution of Respondents by Marital Status
Marital Status
Percentage
Frequency
Unmarried
107
28.9
Married
236
68.3
Divorced
13
3.5
Widow
11
3.0
367
100.0
Total
Most of the homeworkers are inexperienced before they became homeworkers. The
absence of working experience is apparent among the unmarried homeworkers. Only 19 per cent of
them have worked before with married women comprising 28.4 per cent and widows 63.6 per cent,
respectively. This indicates the acuteness of their economic need thus pushing them to engage in
homework. The unmarried homeworkers may depend on their parents for their livelihood; the
married women work to help augment the family income while widows get jobs to support their own
families. Homeworking then, becomes an alternative because of the difficulty in getting a job.
Table 13
Distribution or Respondents by Literacy Status
Literacy
Status
Bahasa Indonesia
Frequency
Percentage
Local Dialect
Frequency
Percentage
Literate
304
83.1
238
Illiterate
62
16.9
110
31.6
366
100.0
348
100.0
Total
76
68.4
Table 14
Distribution of Respondents by Level of Education
Educational Level
Frequency
Percentage
No Schooling
35
9.5
Not finished primary
school
183
49.6
Finished primary school
85
23.0
Not finished secondary
school
16
4.3
Finished secondary
school
21
5.7
Not finished high school
7
1.9
Finished high school
21
5.7
Academic/Universitry
1
.3
369
100.0
Total
Research findings show a negative and significant correlation between age and education
(r = - 0.16, p < .001). More than 70 per cent of high school-graduate homeworkers fall below 30
years. It is possible that the homeworking,system will employ many more young women. Most of
the present homeworkers are young people who are at the productive ages.
In this study, 16 per cent of the respondents are 20 years old or less. Young
homeworkers, including child homeworkers exist in Bali (35.2 per cent of Balinese respondents) and
in South Sulawesi (26.9 per cent). Balinese village children are accustomed to help their parents earn
money. This enables the children to quickly get a job when they finish their education or when they
become drop-outs in case their parents are unable to support their study. Many children are working
at craft industries since craft work is widespread in Bali. The custom of assisting parents also exists
in South Sulawesi. For girls, the activities include housework.
2. The Homeworkers' Household
Sixty-seven per cent of married, divorced, or widowed homeworkers have three children
or less. The average number of children is 3.6. The results of the intercensus survey in 1985 show
that the number of children of homeworkers are usually bigger than the average number per province.
In mis research, the relation of the number of the children and their involvement in the putting out
system is not apparent. Correlations between the number of children and involvement in homework
could be ascertained in future studies. The number of children could be a factor predisposing women
to engage in homework.
77
Table 15
Distribution of Respondents by Number of Children
Number of
Children
Frequency
Percentage
1
42
16.5
2
71
27.8
3
58
22.7
4
30
11.8
5
25
9.8
6
20
7.8
7
4
1.6
8
2
.8
9
3
1.2
255
100.0
Total
Table 16
Distribution of Respondents by Number of Dependents
Number of
Dependents
Frequency
Percentage
0
78
21.2
1
32
8.7
2
52
14.1
3
64
17.4
4
49
13.3
5
47
12.8
6
23
6.3
7
16
4.3
8
3
0.8
9
4
1.1
Total
368
100.0
78
Table 17
Distribution of Respondents by the Average Number of Children
and Dependents and Location
Province
No. of
dependents
No. of
children
Average no. of
children, 1985
West Sumatera
3.02
4.49
3.43
Lampung
2.72
3.21
3.25
West Java
2.28
3.30
2.86
Yogyakarta
2.51
3.13
3.03
East Java
3.30
3.57
2.57
Bali
3.10
3.86
2.93
South Sulawesi
2.36
3.77
3.23
Table 18
Distribution of Respondents by Husband's Occupation
Husband's Occupation
Frequency
Percentage
Government officer
19
6.0
Peasant
66
21.0
Driver
17
5.4
Labourer
99
31.4
Fishermen
18
5.7
Merchant
29
9.2
Embroiderer
1
.3
Weaver
4
1.3
Craftsmen
7
2.2
Military officer
1
.3
Cattle breeder
9
2.9
Retirement
2
.6
Private employee
2
.6
Others
3
1.0
38
12.1
315
100.0
Unemployed
Total
79
Another factor that predisposes women to engage in homework is religion. Because of
religious restrictions limiting female physical mobility, women prefer homeworking as it enables them
to earn income while at home. In South Sulawesi and West Java, Moslem influence is very strong.
This is apparent in West Sumatera. Religion may in fact induce the expansion of homework among
the women in West Java, South Sulawesi, and West Sumatera.
The Special Region of Yogyakarta is the only province showing a decrease in the rate of
female labour force participation. This is due to the high emigration of students who are categorised
as a non-economically active group. The results of the 1985 intercensal population survey showed
that immigrants in the Special Region of Yogyakarta are 2.9 million whereas emigrants are 3.2
million. So, the emigrants exceed the immigrants.
Conditions of Work
Employer-employee Relationship
Reasons for Choosing Particular Employers
Data from questionnaires, interviews, and field observations, reveal the
following considerations in the choice of particular employers:
Acquaintance, especially if the homeworker is related to employer;
Possession of appropriate skill;
Access to tools/equipment;
Distance to homeworkers' residence where no middlemen play the role of
collecting and delivering work;
Wages and orders; relatively large, stable orders make up for low piecerates, regardless of long working hours;
Willingness of employer to lend money when needed;
Acceptable personal approach of employer to homeworker, particularly
their style of reprimanding the homeworker whose output is not
satisfactory.
Other factors are secondary such as punctuality of payment although this has to be taken
in the light of the entire context in which the homework is done. In the absence of other incomegenerating opportunities suitable to their level of skills and actual and limited chances for economic
and social mobility, the inconveniences of the working conditions are hardly considered. These
inconveniences— self-imposed long hours of work to cover housework and the outwork; the time
consumed to collect and deliver orders; including hours of waiting and even working on other stages
of production without separate payment, unpaid 'help' from other members of the family including
school drop-outs, to the advantage of the employer; the minor to chronic health disturbances for
which no one would even think of charging the employer— have become immaterial and generally
overlooked in the face of a lack of better livelihood opportunities.
Acquaintance, including kinship, often positively correlated with physical distance is a
strong determinant in the choice of a particular employer. Access to skills and equipments were often
handed down by relatives and peers who were close by.
The presently weak position of the homeworkers vis-a-vis their employers is attributable
to a number of factors aside from the lack of alternative income opportunities:
80
Filial relationships and trust dominate and explain the absence of no
explicit and written contractual agreements stipulating rights and
obligations on either side;
Lack of access to market information and community facilities that may
enhance work;
The low level of living appears to play an important part in the lack of
initiative apart from the lack of formal education;
Trust is customary and makes for the employers' advantage and is used to reduce costs,
minimise risks and maximise profits. The flexibility in the homeworkers' employment status frees
the employer from having to provide continuous and sustained job orders to their workers especially
during the lean seasons and correspondingly, the obligation to compensate them disappears. In turn,
the homeworkers use this patronage system to take advantage of their employers as a ready and
available source of help, mainly financial aid, during times of need which is rather frequent. This
includes debts to cover family needs in daily consumption, medical costs and tuition fees - benefits
normally covered in the benefit packages considered to be the duty of the employer in formal
enterprises.
The pressures of stiff market competition is absorbed by the homeworker. For instance,
in certain areas there might be an increase in the price of raw materials justifying and leading to
increases in the selling price of the products. Yet, this does not necessarily lead to increases in
homeworkers' wages, which men lags behind the increasing cost of living.
It has also been observed that the level of dependence on the employer varies between
areas: it is higher where more complex skills are required and lower where alternative occupations
exist for homeworkers. In Yogjakarta, however, me extremely low returns from 'batik tulis' and die
existence of other low wage labour do not necessarily reduce this dependence.
Type of Agreement
More than half of die respondents (56.4 per cent) state that the orderers (employers) are
their first orderers, meaning many homeworkers have not changed orderers. Generally, they change
orderers only once diough some have changed as much as nine times. This reflects the strong
personal relation between the two parties, correlated with and bolstered by physical proximity and
degree of acquaintance: factors which are quite prominent in the choice of employer/orderer as earlier
described. That the patronage system is well entrenched is further evidenced by the fact that more
than two-thirds of the respondents state they do not want to shift employers.
Twenty one per cent of those who want to shift employers state the need for higher wages
as the reason. For respondents who shifted from their previous jobs, the reason is low wages. These
findings suggest the relative strength of economic motives in the choice of employers. Economic
motives for involvement in the putting out system is marked in South Sulawesi. More than half (63.5
per cent) of the respondents in South Sulawesi want to move from their present employers pointing
out reasons of the delayed payment. The same reason is made by the homeworker respondents in
West Sumatera (44 per cent). It appears that in South Sulawesi and West Sumatera competition for
skilled homeworkers among employers induce shifts in employees among die homeworkers. As a
result, homeworkers could have a choice of her employer depending on her own skills level. In odier
provinces such as in Lampung, West Java, Special Region of Yogyakarta, Bali and East Java, the
number of employers to choose from is not many. If diere is any, die employers' residences are quite
far or die employers give no better wages man odiers.
81
Only two homeworker respondents were found to have written contracts with their
employers, one in West Sumatera and one in Bali. Both are satisfied witii the contract. In general,
the orderer/homeworker relationship exists as a verbal agreement between the two parties. The
relationship operates mainly on the basis of trust and in some cases, on the basis of kinship ties. For
example, in Bali, the mat weaver orderers live in the same yard as the homeworker. The physical
proximity and social closeness engender a work relationship that is not formal. As such, there is no
clear cut definition of the employer-employee relationship between the two parties and the relationship
is left conveniently loose. Ninety-seven per cent of the respondents have unwritten contracts, but
majority (80 per cent) state their satisfaction widi the form of contract they are engaged in.
This is evidence of the patron-client relationship that underlies the putting out system.
Inworkers are those who work and live together in the employer's house. These employers provide
food, housing and allowances for clothing and sometimes money for special occasions such as Idul
Fitri (Moslem Celebration Day). For outworkers, who work from their own homes, the employers
sometimes give allowances such as money or clothes and other gifts on special occasions. Apart from
that, both inworkers and outworkers may borrow money when needed such as when one of dieir
family members get sick, or needs money for tuition fees. All of the loans are paid back even if the
money is used for the sake of the homeworker. When homeworkers fall ill, they bear die medical
costs. They generally go to the Public Healdi Centre when they are sick and pay the cost themselves.
Joseph18 states that employers do not view these benefits as workers' rights but rather as
an expression of their generosity, patronage and paternal feelings toward their employees. The
nuances of this relationship should be taken into account when considering labour regulations for the
improvement of the homeworkers' welfare. The whole attitude of employers is summarised in the
remark of one entrepreneur about recent labour legislation, "My business is very weak right now.
Don't bother me with labour regulations. We have always treated our workers like family".
Homeworkers are very dependent on the employers. When diey borrow money, mere are
corresponding requirements or conditions for the loan. Only 84 people stated that they have once
borrowed money; 9.5 per cent of them say mere is no requirement. Most of the borrowers have
deductions on their wages or are tied by working contracts which prevent them from shifting to other
employers or accepting job orders from other orderers. The borrowers are obliged to render work
even during the planting and harvesting seasons in order to pay back their debts.
One disadvantage borne by homeworkers is the rejection of their outputs. It may happen
when the finishing is not under the orderers' direct supervision. Unsatisfactory outputs are rejected
and the homeworkers risk and suffer the loss of pay for such rejects. However, the homeworkers
report that overall, the rejection rate of products subjected to quality control is reasonable at some
13 per cent. On the one hand, this could mean homeworkers' admission that the rejection is due to
their own shortcomings; on the other hand, this could also reflect the employers' reason for rejection
is reasonable and acceptable to the homeworkers. Although more than three quarters of the
respondents have had to repair rejected products, 10 per cent of them simply have to pay back. When
one considers this in die light of me homeworkers' low earnings and inadequate household incomes,
paying for the rejected products could prove to be painful for the homeworkers. Then, the issue of
'loose' contracts become relevant. Situations of this type could be anticipated and fair and protective
stipulations could be extended to the homeworkers and embodied in the written agreement.
Earnings and Income
Homeworkers' earnings may be viewed in relation to: a) die family expenditure and b)
the minimum physical needs as indexed in die Basic Physical Needs (BPN) and c) wages of men in
82
similar work and industry and d) the minimum wage in the locality and/or in the entire country.
Contribution to The Household Income
Women homeworkers' income in Sidoarjo, East Java have the highest income level
compared to those coming from the other survey areas. Homeworkers' incomes in Ujung Pandang
(South Sulawesi) and in Padang (West Sumatera) rank second and third, respectively. In terms of
income, those in Polmas (Ujung Pandang) rank next followed by those in Gianyar (Bali).
Homeworkers in other areas earn less than Rp 25,000.00 or US$ 14.00.
Table 19
Average Household Income and Expenditure
by Survey Site, 1987 Data
Province
Survey Site
Income in US
dollars
Expenditure in
US dollars
West Sumatera
Padang
Bukittinggi
66.11
99.98
96.60
66.78
Lampung
Lamp. Tengah
Lamp. Selatan
59.19
53.87
34.97
30.34
West Java
Soreang
Tasikmalaya
37.72
35.70
35.55
27.91
Yogyakarta
Girirejo
Prenggan
21.44
40.95
24.30
42.01
West Java
Pasuruan
Sidoarjo
37.86
111.90
21.55
51.42
Bali
Gianyar
Tabanan
37.25
70.94
29.27
35.27
South Sulawesi
Ujung Pandang
Polmas
75.66
97.49
44.51
40.22
As a whole, homeworkers in the Special Region of Yogyakarta have the lowest income
level compared to other provinces. In the regions where products are made by machines, the
homeworkers' income is generally higher. For example, machine-craft embroidery homeworkers'
income in Sidoarjo, East Java is five times higher than the income of the manually-produced matches
in Pasuruan (in the same province). Garment producing homeworkers in Central Lampung have one
and a half times higher incomes than the tapis producing homeworkers in South Lampung. In short,
the use of technology enables some increase in the homeworkers' incomes. Technology leads to
higher productivity and lower production costs and selling prices hence resulting to better incomes
for the homeworkers.
83
Table 20
Comparison Between Homeworkers' Income
and the Family Expenditures by Survey Site3
Survey Site
Homeworkers'
Income in US
dollars
Family
Expenditure in
US dollars
Share of
Homeworkers'
Income to family
expenditures
West Sumatera
Padang
Bukittinggi
19.84
6.41
66.78
96.60
29.70 %
6.6 %
Lampung
South Lampung
Central Lampung
8.54
12.77
34.97
30.34
24.4 %
42.1 %
West Java
Soreang
Tasikmalaya
5.47
12.82
35.55
27.91
15.4 %
45.9 %
DIY
Prenggan
Girirejo
8.46
6.84
24.30
42.01
34.8 %
16.3 %
East Java
Sidoarjo
Pasuruan
29.96
5.38
21.55
51.42
58.3 %
25 %
Bali
Tabanan
Gianyar
17.1
17.1
29.27
35.27
58.4 %
48.5 %
17.1
25.65
44.51
40.22
42.5 %
57.6 %
South Sulawesi
Polmas
Ujung Pandang
By using the expenditure of the family as a proxy for the income estimates, it is possible
to arrive at the relative share of the homeworkers' earnings. Thus the estimates are shown for each
of the survey sites. It is apparent that there is a great degree of variation in the homeworker's
contribution to the household income.
A homeworker's earning comprises as little as 7 per cent of the household expenses (also
used here as a proxy for income) as is the case of embroidery homework in Bukittinggi, West
Sumatera, and could be as much as 58 per cent as in the case of home-based woven goods in
Tabanan, Bali. This finding confirms that in certain villages, homeworking is merely secondary while
in others it could be a major source of income for the family. Noteworthy are the significant shares
3
The above data are based on randomly selected questionnaires from each survey site and
estimates of "average expenditures" as reported by the respondents.
84
in household income of homeworkers in mat weaving in Tabanan, Bali (58.4 %); garment making
in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi (S7.6 per cent) and garment making in Sidoarjo,Bali ( 58.3 %).
On the average, the homeworkers' earnings comprise 35 per cent of the family expenses or costs of
living. These findings also negate the notion that female contribution to family or household income
is small.
If income is compared to the index of Basic Physical Needs, homeworkers' family
expenditure always fall short. In other words, this means the cash income is never at par with the
minimum needs of an average family in Indonesia. It is worthwhile to note however, that the income
shortfall is made up for by non-cash income which are not adequately quantified in estimates of family
income.
Table 21
Comparisons of Family Incomes to the BPN Index
By Province, 1988
Province
Average
Monthly
Income in
US dollars*
BPN
Estimate in
US dollars**
%of
Income to
BPN
West Sumatera
84.64
73.19
115.6
Lampung
56.78
75.10
75.6
West Java
36.92
76.24
48.4
DIY
30.45
69.89
43.5
East Java
73.98
68.33
108.3
Bali
66.54
79.41
79.1
South Sulawesi
81.53
84.07
97
'Calculated by averaging the family incomes of married, divorced and widowed
• • Source: BPS: 1988c, p.4, table 2.
homeworkers.
The Basic Physical Needs Index, locally known as the Kebutuhan Fisik Minimum, is a
standardized estimate of the minimum costs of living in the various provinces of Jakarta. Compared
to the BPN index, the homeworkers' reported average family incomes fall below the provincial BPN
estimates. In other words, many homeworkers belong to families that are hardly coping with the
demands of day to day living. Homeworkers of West Sumatera and East Java appear to be the more
prosperous in that their family incomes are above the BPN indices for their respective provinces.
The trend, however, showstiiatthe homeworkers' estimates of family incomes underestimate or fall
short of the monthly expenditure. Most of them state that their family income could support their
family expenditure. It seems that the homeworkers' families are not conscious of the Basic Physical
Needs index. Their main concern is to survive - irrespective of whether or not they meet die BPN
index.
85
Comparison of the incomes of male and female homeworkers could not be done in the
present study. This is because of the small number of women and men who do the same job.
Homeworking on specific products is generally done eidier by women only or by men only. If they
work in the same field, for example in kain batik production in Yogyakarta, women and men work
at different parts or processes. Men work at the part which is more strenuous such as washing the
fabrics, whereas women work at the part requiring patience and caution as in drawing the 'batik'
design.
Homeworkers' income could not be compared easily with the minimum wage of other
workers. First, homeworkers cannot be regarded as workers who have the protection of labour law.
Second, minimum wage is time-based, on monthly basis, whereas homeworker's wages are outputbased, on the number of orders received and completed. Therefore, when the orders increase, the
homeworker's wages might precede the wage of other workers; in this case, he has to work overtime.
The status of homeworkers should be improved so that they could be entitled to social
protection and allowances. The women homeworkers' earnings are indeed low and some do perceive
and complain about the inadequacy of the rates (40 per cent of the respondents). The payment rates
for homework do not take into account the overhead costs and the labour contribution of other
members, raw materials and/or delivering the goods to the orderers in some cases. Thus, aside from
being low per se, current pay or piece-rates underestimate the costs of production by homeworkers.
Because of the low pay rates, some women will not accept orders from employers other
than their current ones. Yet, as is the case among the women batik makers in Yogyakarta, they are
not able to do so because other orderers do not offer any better pay rates anyway.
The low rates are sometimes aggravated by delays in payment especially during the full
seasons. For example, in Soreang, West Java wages were reportedly late and occasionally, they were
not even paid in full.
Middlemen expectedly, have a cut in the earnings of the women. The situation is
illustrated well in the case of West Javanese garments homeworkers in Soreang. They take up to 25
per cent of. the original wages established by the employers, i.e., the principals.
In terms of earnings and rates, the Indonesian homeworkers are obviously receiving very
little income. Indeed this is inadequate to satisfy family needs and make the homeworkers highly
vulnerable as they have very little economic choice.
Working Hours
Homeworking becomes the choice because it harmonises conveniently with women's dual
roles as housewives and mothers. Homework could be easily interspersed with domestic chores.
However, a greater proportion of the respondent homeworkers stated that the time needed for
homeworking is longer than the time used for domestic chores than those homeworkers who need
more time for housework (57.1 per cent compared to 42.9 per cent). It indicates that homeworking
is important even though it is regarded as a side activity.
86
Homeworking tends to be temporary and casual due to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Irregularity of orders due to unstable markets.
Farm work during certain periods of the year, especially in the planting
and harvesting seasons.
Availability (lack of) of raw materials.
Any combination of the above factors.
In general, orders received are not many so that homeworkers have only short working
hours. But during the three months prior to the Moslem Day celebration and when mere is an order
to make school children's uniforms, the homeworkers have long working hours.
Working Conditions
Almost two-thirds of the homeworkers do not have particular rooms to work; according
to the field workers, however, the lighting and ventilation are quite alright.
Most homeworkers suffer back pains because they sit all day. Other illnesses which are
closely associated with homeworking is blurring of the eyesight as in the case of weavers and
embroiderers, headaches and chest pains. They know mat they have to find medical aid from the
People's Health Centre, but they have to pay for their expenses. Employers who should actually bear
the cost do not help and no homeworker is medically insured.
Needs, Aspirations and Assistance
The number of homeworkers who seek help to improve their work is much less than the
ones who seek help for their consumption and ritual celebration. The low family income seems to
be a strong factor which encourages the high frequency of aid seeking for consumption. Those who
seek help to improve their home-based production are fewer because they do not know how and
where to obtain aid and assistance. In West Sumatera, almost half of the respondents have once
sought for help to improve their business, i.e., home-based production and only two respondents
failed. They mostly contacted individual businessmen for the said purpose. This way involves no
bureaucratic procedures in getting aid as the case would be in formal institutions like a government
bank. Non-governmental organisations are rarely used as a source of aid because it is not well known
and its activities rarely relates to homeworkers' income improvement. Rather NGOs are more geared
at rural community development as a whole.
There are three forms of aid expected: product design, credit, and marketing. Competition
among the homeworkers makes them inclined to develop their home-based production or business and
push them to seek aid. In addition, their need to contribute to the family income serves as one more
push factor in seeking aid to further their economic and production activities at home: Notably, the
older homeworkers, possibly having more family responsibilities, appear to be more prone to seek
assistance.
Involvement in Organisation
Almost half of the homeworker respondents are active members of the Family Welfare
Education (PKK). However, much more than these get involved with other organisations (64.3 per
cent), including the members of PKK who join other organisation. The other organisations are mostly
run by individuals or the community. Activities are generally social and religious ones. This
indicates the involvement of the homeworkers in community activities. The assistance given to
87
develop family welfare is meant to involve them in the PKK groups.
More than half of the homeworker respondents are taking part in arisan, a traditional
savings institution. Unfortunately, money acquired from arisan is spent for daily consumption
purposes by most of the respondents. There is no effort to accumulate capital for promoting their
enterprises. This fact obviously shows the possible role of arisan as a means for organising people
and collecting cash to be used to build up their production activities.
Analysis and Discussion
The putting out system has long been practiced in Indonesia but documentation on its
occurrence and the characteristics of homeworkers including their conditions of work is scanty.
Homeworkers are not registered as a separate group of workers in the country. The homeworkers
in the putting out system are either unregistered or hidden in other categories of workers classified
by industry or employment status.
Homeworkers, where are they?
Homeworking is not reported officially as work. But the existence of homeworkers and
the practice of putting out system is common knowledge in the local surroundings.
In the present study, the survey data do not allow for calculation of the national incidence
of homeworking. Similarly, existing statistical data in the country do not take homeworking into clear
account. Hence, the precise magnitude of homeworking in Indonesia cannot be estimated.
Nevertheless, a special effort was made to review die current national statistics to check if
homeworkers are enumerated in some way, no matter how imprecisely.
The lack of national statistics on women homeworkers is compounded by the general
invisibility of women. Women's work such as peddling, vending and home-based production
(whether under putting out or self-employment) would be considered as "non-work"; hence, it would
not be reported. Also, 'helping my husband' is not considered work and would not be reported to
the labour force surveyors.
It was found mat homeworkers are neither covered in the labour force surveys
(SAKERNAS) nor in die industrial establishment surveys. In the labour force surveys, it is possible
that homeworkers are 'hidden' among the so-called 'non-economically active group', the 'selfemployed' or 'the unpaid family workers'
The 'Non-economically Active Group'
The 1987 labour force survey data show that about half of the women in the labour force
are 'non-economically active.' Homeworkers could be part of this group since it includes those who
are attending school, housekeeping and others.
A tabulation of the labour force by economic activity status of the present study are shown
in table 22. Interestingly, Bali and Yogjakarta, where there are thriving tourist industries, have
smaller 'non-economically active' groups of women as compared to those of West Sumatera,
Lampung, West Java, East Java and Soudi Sulawesi. It is worthwhile to note that in Bali and
Yogjakarta many women are engaged in the putting out system for the production of handicraft goods
that are sold in the local tourist market. Particularly in Bali, the Javanese tradition encourages women
88
to participate in earning income for the family. Hence, sixty-one per cent of its female labour force,
i.e., women 10 years old and over, are in the economically active group.
By employment status, women homeworkers could fall among the self-employed, the selfemployed assisted by their family members or a temporary help, employee, employer, family worker.
Homeworkers could have been counted among the self-employed and the family workers.
Table 22
Population 10 years of age and over by Province and Economic Activity During the Previous Week
(1987 and 1977 Data)
The 1987 Data on the Labour Situation
Urban + Rural
Working
Looking
for
work
Total of
economically
active
Total of not
economically
active
Total
Population
!i(j
Survey
Site
Female
West
Sumater
a
604,804
42.78
13,589
.96
618,393
43.74
795,271
56.26
1,413,664
100
43.74
Lampun
g
992,229
45.14
20,447
.93
1,012,706
46.07
1,185,630
53.93
2,198,336
100
46.07
4,075,450
34.46
154,969
1.31
4,231,419
35.77
7,598,051
64.23
11,829,470
100
35.77
699,168
56.17
11,929
.96
711,097
57.13
533,613
42.87
1,244,710
100
57.13
East
Java
6,051,164
47.08
124,597
.97
6,175,761
48.05
6,676,239
51.95
12,852,000
100
46.05
Bali
688,972
62.77
5,427
.49
694,399
63.26
403,288
36.74
1,097,687
100
63.26
South
Sulawes
i
814,268
30.27
17,517
.65
831,785
30.92
1,858,279
69.08
2,690,064
100
30.92
Indonesi
a
27,922,12
5
43.74
694,956
1.09
28,617,081
44.83
35,223,399
55.17
63,840,480
100
44.83
West
Java
Yogyak
arta
89
The 1977 Data on the Labour Situation
Survey
Site
Working
Looking
for
Work
Total of
economically
active
Total of
not
economica
lly active
Total
Population
Labor force
participation
West
Sumatera
354,330
32.49
5,212
.47
359,542
32.96
731,137
67.04
1,090,679
100
33.0
Lampung
332,029
26,64
1,995
.16
334,024
26.80
912,176
73.20
1,246,200
100
26.8
West Java
2,446,387
28.96
34,997
.41
2,481,884
29.37
5,968,332
70.63
8,450,216
100
29.4
Yogyakar
ta
707,584
68.11
4,486
.43
712,070
68.54
326,874
31.46
1,038,944
100
68.5
East Java
4,024,852
38.07
62,009
.59
4,086,233
38.66
6,485,233
61.34
10,572,094
100
38.7
Bali
300,234
39.08
9,684
1.15
339,918
40.23
505,038
59.77
844,956
100
40.2
South
Sulawesi
393,963
18.73
22,649
1.08
416,612
19.81
1,686,850
80.19
2,103,462
100
19.8
Indonesia
16,322,957
34.90
273,729
.58
16,596,686
64.52
30,176,99
4
64.52
46,773,680
100
35.5
The Self-employed
Homeworkers could also be enumerated, though erratically, as belonging to the selfemployed. This inconsistency in classifying homeworkers as self-employed or employee was noted
by Alex Korns.
The Family Workers Group
Prior to 1986, family workers were considerably under covered in the national surveys.19
With improvements in the labour force survey methodology, mere was an increase from 12.3 per cent
family workers to 16.3 per cent in 1986. Five kinds of economic activity were covered in the 1986
labour force survey compared to ten in previous years. It is believed that manufacturing which
includes homeworking could have been enumerated in the Others category of workers. Homeworkers
could also be listed as belonging to the unpaid family workers.
Homeworkers may also be enumerated as 'temporary help' or as 'permanent workers' if
they work continuously with a principal giving them sustained and regular orders.
Another possible source of information on homeworkers could be the establishment survey
90
data where they are likely to be in the cottage industries. Again, this search was in vain. The
researchers looked at the establishments statistics in the textile and food processing sector (since
women homeworkers are popularly known to be here) but found that the data do not disaggregate
workers by gender. There is also no indication of whether or not the workers are in a subcontracting
arrangement with their employer.
In short, after examining current national statistics, uncertainty remains as to the specific
category where die homeworkers could be 'hidden.' This finding only confirms the invisibility of
women in national statistics and the lack of status of home-based work as a legitimate form of work.
Homeworkers, who are they?
Widiin the limits of the present survey data, two types of putting out work emerges. One
type of homeworking involves products mat are made in most parts of the country while the second
type involves products that are specially produced in certain regions or areas of the country.
Representing the latter would be the hand embroidery in West Sumatera, the tenun tapis in Lampung,
the batik cloth in the Special Region of Yogjakarta, weaving in Bali and silk sarong in South
Sulawesi. The former consists of garments that are widespread in almost all research sites.
For die area-specific products, die skill has been learned by tradition. The tenun tapis of
Lampung is the revival of an old tradition. For sometime, tapis production had stopped and is
currently being revived. For die non-area-specific products like garments, the skill is acquired by
taking non-formal courses, instead of learning from friends, neighbours or relatives.
The emergence and continuation of die putting out system is closely related to the market
demand. The latter triggers die gradual shift of traditional activities into economic ones. Thus
activities that used to be merely social, ceremonial, religious and leisure in function became moneyearning ones. Traditional products have been modified to attract consumers. For example,
embroidery designs in West Sumatera or die colour of tapis cloth mat used to be dominated by dark
colours have been modified.
Market fluctuations dictate die continued pursuit of putting out activities. When mere are
many orders, die putting out system grows, and naturally more homeworkers make the orders. Then
there are not many orders, die number of homeworkers decrease. The capacity of die putting out
system in absorbing homeworkers is affected by die workers' willingness to work in die system and
dieir personal preferences to perform domestic chores and farm-based activities during die slack
seasons between planting and harvesting rice. Availability of materials is of course crucial in die
continuance of production activities where putting out is practiced.
The view diat die putting out system develops because die factories want to cut down
production costs cannot be generalised for all putting out activities in Indonesia. Putting out as a way
of decentralising factory-based production exists indie Special Region of Yogjakarta (batik), East Java
(match boxes), and Bali (garment). In the odier survey sites, die system is run by small-scale
enterprises and micro-businesses. In Lampung and Yogjakarta, die homeworkers prefer die homebased system and have insisted on its practice. The women seek homework employment because diis
allows diem to carry dieir double burden. They could earn money widiout leaving home.
For the putting out activities associated widi factories, die economic benefit to employers
is quite clear: homeworkers' wages are lower, diey do not have to provide working space, housing
or food as diey would for inworkers. At die same time export production targets are conveniently
met.
91
Exploitation of homeworkers by big factories or multi-national enterprises are not
empirically well established in Indonesia. Homeworkers do not seem to fully recognise it yet. But
it is highly plausible that middlemen take advantage of the workers by deducting from the
homeworkers' wages and the practice of unwritten working contracts does not legally oblige them to
provide for regular job orders.
Characteristics and Motivation of the Homeworkers
Most homeworkers are young and married. The putting out system in Indonesia is
generally joined by housewives of productive age who are limited in skills, formal education and
working experience. For married women, their double burden restricts their mobility and makes the
putting out system a convenient alternative. More significantly, it is the scarcity of employment
opportunities which encourage the women to engage the women in the putting out system.
Homeworkers' families are poor and could not afford even the minimum needs.
Understandably, they would take putting out work, no matter that these involve sub-minimum wages
and working conditions.
Why Homeworking?
Putting out work occurs between the planting and harvesting seasons during which the
women have a lot of leisure time. Thus, putting out work serves to augment meager farm incomes.
In rural areas, although the main source of income is agriculture, many households have more than
one source of income. Twenty-five per cent of households (6.6 million out of 26.7 million) in
Indonesia have mixed sources of incomes.20
Labour force surplus, poverty, the expansion of the informal sector and culture favor the
practice of the putting out system in Indonesia:
Labour Force. In Indonesia, mere is marked increase in the labour force on one hand and
low labour absorption on the other. Labour absorption in agriculture has been the main outlet for
rural manpower, especially for the men who are traditionally seen as the breadwinners. Male labour
force participation is therefore far higher than that of the women and puts female unemployment and
underemployment on the up trend. Defining underemployment as a worker who works less than 35
hours per week, female employment in Indonesia is shown in die table below.
92
Table 23
Percentage of Unemployed and Underemployed Women
TAHUN
*
**
***
UNDEREMPLOYED (0-36 HOURS)
0 WORKING HOUR
Urban
Rural
Urban &
Rural
Urban
Rural
Urban &
Rural
1980*
2.26
4.46
4.09
26.74
56.94
51.86
1985"
1.43
2.68
2.44
31.76
63.62
57.46
1987"*
1.12
2.14
1.95
32.28
68.19
61.53
Sources:
Results of the 1980 Population Census, BPS, 1983: table S0.2, p. 260; table S0.S, p. 263; table 50.8, p. 266.
Results of the 1985 Intercensal Population Survey, Bps, 1987: table 50.2, p. 289; table 50.5, p. 292; table 50.8, p.
295.
Labor Force Situation in Indonesia 1987, BPS, 1988: table 20.2, p. 173; table 20.5, p. 176; table 20.8, p. 179.
Female unemployment has decreased but female underemployment has increased, that is
those who work less than 34 working hours. This is supposedly due to the increasing number of
women who work as unpaid family workers and self-employed women. Rural female unemployment
is two times more than urban female unemployment. Female participation rates, rural and urban, in
1980, 1985 and 1987 were 24.18 per cent and 35.17 per cent, 28.07 per cent and 41.09 per cent, 30
per cent and 50.45 per cent, respectively.
Poverty. Using food expenditure as a poverty index, rural poverty is more widespread
than urban poverty. The percentages of food expenditures in 1987 and 1988 in urban areas were
54.10 per cent and 52.36 per cent as compared to the rural percentages, 68.55 per cent and 67.21
per cent in rural areas. Food expenditures per capita were Rp 13,343 and Rp 18,073.21 in the rural
areas as against Rp 25,197 and Rp 33,413 in urban areas. Although it could be said that government
efforts to eradicate or reduce poverty has succeeded to some extent, still, the poor remains large.
Poverty trends are shown in table 25. The poverty threshold is placed at 2,100 calories per capita.
As table 25 shows, rural poverty is greater than urban poverty. Possibly, this is due to
the enormous rural labour surplus in agriculture and the low level of agricultural productivity. Eighty
per cent of the Indonesian population are in the rural areas and at least 70 per cent of the population
are in agriculture and most of them are in the rural areas. Added to this is the inequality in land
ownership; landless rural workers earn meager incomes from their farm work. The lowest income
groups in Indonesia are the landless who in most cases would own less than .5 hectares of land. In
the 1985 intercensal population survey as much as 10,532,177 farming households or some 52 per
cent of rural households own less than half a hectare of farm land or none at all.22
Landlessness is hardly found in provinces outside of Java. However, all of the Javanese
provinces register a high degree of landlessness, owning land less than one-half hectare or none at
all. The percentage of landless rural households in West Java is 71.80 per cent, Central Java, 67.44
per cent, East Java, 66.36 per cent, and Special Region of Yogyakarta, 67.17 per cent.
93
Table 24
Number And Percentage Of The Poor In Indonesia
According To Urban/rural areas, 1976-1987
Year
Number of the poor (000,000)
Urban
1976
1978
1980
1981
1984
1987
Rural
Total Population (000)
1 Frban & Rural
10.0
38.79
44.2
40.37
54.2
40.08
%
*
%
8.3
30.84
38.9
33.88
47.2
33.31
%
%
%
9.5
29.04
32.8
28.42
42.3
28.56
%
%
%
9.3
28.06
31.3
26.49
40.6
26.85
%
*
%
8.2
23.14
26.7
21.18
34.9
21.64
%
%
%
9.2
20.61
22.3
17.75
31.5
18.50
%
%
%
Urban
Rural
Urban & Rural
25,685
109,505
135,190
26,900
114,679
141,579
32,569
115,471
148,040
33,289
118,026
151,315
35,548
126,032
161,580
44,600
125,600
170,200
Source: BPS, 1988*, table 21, p. 78.
By ecosystem, culture, history, etc., Indonesia can generally be divided into Java and the
Outer Islands. The rural poor could well be looked upon in this manner as shown in table 24.
The study of poverty in Indonesia, based on the 1987 National Labour Force Survey,
revealed that the incidence of poverty is much lower in households in the Outer Islands than in Java,
20 per cent and 46 per cent, respectively. The overall incidence of poverty in urban areas was 14
per cent compared to 42 per cent in rural areas.23 Rural Java had a share of 33 per cent of
households and 77 per cent of these were classified as poor. Rural areas in the Outer Islands had 28
per cent of households, and 17 per cent were poor.
94
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Expansion of the Informal Sector. Job seekers who could not be employed in the formal
sector could be employed in the informal sector. Homeworkers are likely to get involved in small
and household industries. Labour absorption by small and household industries and the informal
sector is expected to be much higher than those in large and medium industries in the formal sector
as shown in table 21.
Culture. First is the strong influence of Islam in several regions in Indonesia which does
not fully support women to get involved4in wage work outside their home, such as in West Java and
South Sulawesi. Second is the polarisation of roles between men and women. The main
responsibility of women is taking care of children and doing the housework, whereas men are
responsible for earning money for the family.24
Table 26
Comparison of Projection of Employment Opportunities
in Large and Medium Industries and Small and Household Industries
YEAR
LARGE AND MEDIUM INDUSTRIES
MODE!IATE
LO
n(000)
n(000)
SMALL A N D HOUSEHOLD
INDUSTRIES
MODEPJVTE
LO>
%
n(000)
n(000)
%
1983
1,044
1.7
1,044
1.7
4,040
6.5
4,040
6.5
1984
1,093
1.7
1,095
1.7
4,180
6.5
4,180
6.5
1985
1,156
1.8
1,164
1.8
4,323
6.6
4,323
6.6
1986
1,214
1.8
1,232
1.8
4,469
6.6
4,469
6.6
1987
1,286
1.9
1,317
1.9
4,681
6.7
4,681
6.7
1988
1,399
2.0
1,449
2.0
4,770
6.7
4,770
6.7
1989
1,524
2.1
1,598
2.2
4,926
6.7
4,926
6.7
1990
1,663
2.2
1,765
2.3
5,085
6.7
5,085
6.7
1995
2,624
3.0
2,971
3.4
5,930
6.8
5,930
6.8
A basic assumption in employment projections is that large and medium industries could
be easily affected by the investment growth. On the other hand, small industry is believed to be
relatively unaffected by investment fluctuation as shown by the stability of employment projections
during the low (11 per cent) or medium (12.5 per cent) periods of investment growth. The informal
sector is labour-intensive whereas the formal sector is capital-intensive. There are great expectations
of the informal sector to compensate for the decline in labour absorption by agriculture.
Undoubtedly, the occurrence of homework is a result of a combination of factors. On the
part of the employers, among others, there was an interest in reviving traditional handicraft as in the
case of Lampung. Related to this is the expansion of tourism as is clearly evident in Bali and in other
such areas as Bukittinggi which is known for its hand embroidery and Yogyakarta, for its batik. In
certain instances like the tapis workshop in Lampung, homework is being practiced supposedly to find
employment for women of low income families as stated by the owner of a tapis workshop there.
96
In all areas involved in traditional handicrafts, craft production has evolved into
commodity production in which the artisans and producers have become piece-rate homeworkers.
In other words, activities that used to be taken as hobbies for leisure and recreation have been
transformed into income earning and employment activities. This has led to a change in the social
organisation of the industries, which puts into disadvantage the homeworkers. For example, the lack
of protection and allowances for workers, low wages, unwritten contracts has led to workers'
exploitation.
On the part of the homeworkers, the scarcity of access to earnings has raised traditional
leisure activities to main occupations; but is still mainly perceived as secondary to housewifely duties
even if such 'secondary' occupation is essential to family income. This ambiguity is due to
cultural/gender biases on women's work which the women do not perceive distinctly. In other cases,
earnings from homework are too low and unstable to be considered significant.
Orders received by the homeworkers may be regular but the volume is low. This is the
case in expensive products of limited demand as in West Sumatera where traditional costumes are
made by the women. Traditional costumes are affordable to only a few; most only rent them when
the need arises. The same thing is true in the cases of Lampung traditional tapis weaving and in
Yogjakarta batik tulis. Market demand is much greater for the cheap products and quality seems to
be of lesser consideration. Thus, products with the lowest piece-rates are more profitable. One
sociologist noted the deliberateness of highly skilled craftsmen in devoting much of their time to
produce cheaper, low quality products modified and diversified to the 'quality-blind' market,
including those seeking souvenirs.
Batik, for instance, is dominated by the batik cap in which men are mostly involved.
Previous studies have noted that changes in market demand, changes perceptions of profitable work
and technology innovation aimed to raise output at minimum production cost has brought in men into
the work previously involving mostly women.
Women stay in the traditional process of production considered appropriate for them.
These processes are usually tedious, require patience, and yield earnings best fit as secondary income
only, while men as breadwinners cannot afford to rely on such work. It has also been revealed that
the scarcity of employment opportunities has forced men to hope even for these meager earnings, as
in West Java.
Homeworkers in garment productions in West Java and Yogjakarta face greater instability,
with only three months peak season per year and smaller peaks for demand for school uniforms.
Frequent changes in fashion is also a cause of constant worry for garment homeworkers; business has
also declined for machine embroidery products. Women in Bali may have relatively the best position
in terms of stability and level of orders as their products can be assumed to be having the highest
proportion for export compared to other areas. But they also have the highest marketing margin
because their products are more popular. This needs further verification however, as on the surface
they are certainly not better off.
The central problem in general is thus demand vulnerability. In Bali, the problem seems
to be more related to the low returns to labour compared to the gains of the entrepreneurs and the
middlemen. This does not mean that in other areas the marketing margin is not a problem.
Demand vulnerability holds for the expensive products (where demands are regular but
limited) and also for products reaching wider markets as in the case of garments. One explanation
is the simultaneous decrease of consumption level caused by the decrease in income opportunities,
97
the latter causing the oversupply of labour in the garment industry. This is also true in machine
embroidered products. In all industries it is then more profitable to produce cheaper, simpler
products, if necessary of lower quality in material, design and make. On the part of die
homeworkers, this has not been a matter of choice for them since they just follow the orders. In
certain industries men have more frequently opted for the more profitable activities.
Thus, given die combination of large rural labour surplus, overall scarcity of rural
employment opportunities, widespread poverty, and culturally based attitudes and ideologies regarding
women's roles plus the growing industrialisation and stiff market competition, there is every
likelihood that the putting out system in Indonesia would continue in the future. This has been the
case during the past five years, a trend believed to persist over time barring major structural changes
in the global market.
Homeworking for the rural women is a ready alternative in the absence of better
alternatives but it means die lack of legal protection for die women as workers. For die putting out
firms, it is a means for surviving the stiff market competition; workers' welfare concerns are as yet
non-existent. For die women homeworkers, this is a struggle still to be initiated.
Industrial policy and employment creation could stand at cross purposes. The hope for
quick yielding revenues to catch up with other countries has formed the basis of die choice for a
capital-intensive investment policy rather dian a labour-intensive one.
Homework in Indonesia dierefore revolve around die mounting pressure to create
employment, die stiff competition among industries and dieir need to survive in the market, the acute
pressure due to low and/or unstable incomes at the household, die lack of legal protection of labour
in bodi die formal and informal sectors of die economy.
Labour protection for homeworkers receives less attention because of die priority for
employment related issues. Further, the paramount concern for now is to stabilise die industrial
climate so as to encourage investment growth and dience, employment creation.
Conclusions
1. The Present Situation of die Putting-out System
By location and type of product, two types of putting out work emerges. One involves
area-specific homeworker-made products and a second one diat is widespread in various places. The
former involves products specially made in only one area while the latter refers to products made in
many areas.
Representing the first type are hand embroidery in West Sumatera , the tapis cloth in
Lampung, batik clodi in die Special Region of Yogyakarta, weaving in Bali, and silk sarong weaving
in South Sulawesi. The second type consists of garments which are widespread in almost all the
research sites.
For area-specific products, involvement in homework and die skill itself occur as a
tradition. Tapis cloth in Lampung is really die revival of an old tradition. For sometime, tapis
production had stopped. For non-area-specific modern products, die skills are acquired by taking
courses, instead of learning from friends, neighbours or relatives.
98
The emergence and continuation of the putting out system , is related closely to the market
demand. The latter triggers the gradual shift of traditional activities into economic ones. Thus,
activities which used to be merely social, ceremonial, religious and leisure in function became moneyearning ones. Traditional products have been modified to attract consumers. For example,
embroidery designs in West Sumatera or the colour of tapis cloth which used to be dominated by dark
colours have been modified.
Market fluctuations dictate the continued pursuit of putting out activities. When there are
many orders, the putting out system grows, and naturally more homeworkers make the orders. When
there are not many orders, die number of homeworkers decrease. The capacity of die putting out
system in absorbing homeworkers is affected by the workers' willingness to work in the system and
their personal preferences to perform domestic chores and farm-based activities during the slack
seasons between planting and harvesting rice. Availability of materials is of course crucial in the
continuance of production activities where putting out is practiced.
The view that the putting out system develops because the factories want to cut down
production costs cannot be generalised for all of putting out activities in Indonesia. Putting out as a
way of decentralising factory-based production exists in the Special Region of Yogjakarta (batik), East
Java (match boxes), and Bali (garment). In the odier survey sites, die system is run by small-scale
enterprises and micro-businesses. In Lampung and Yogjakarta, die homeworkers themselves prefer
die home-based system and have insisted on its practice. The women seek homework employment
because diis allows tiiem to carry tiieir double burden. They could earn money widiout necessarily
leaving home.
For die putting out activities associated widi factories, die economic benefits to employers
is quite clear: homeworkers' wages are lower, mey do not have to provide for working space, housing
or food as diey would for inworkers; at die same time export production targets are conveniently met
such as die garments production in Bali).
Exploitation of homeworkers by big factories or multi-national enterprises are not
empirically well established in Indonesia. Homeworkers do not seem to fully recognise it yet. But
it is highly plausible that middlemen take advantage of die workers by deducting from die
homeworkers' wages and die practice of unwritten working contracts does not legally obligate diem
to provide for regular job orders.
2. Characteristics and Motivation of die Homeworkers
Most homeworkers are young and married. Formal education, skills and working
experiences are very limited. The putting out system in Indonesia is generally joined by housewives
of productive age who are limited in skills, formal education and working experience. For married
women, dieir double burden restricts dieir mobility and makes die putting out system a convenient
alternative. More significantly, it is the scarcity of employment opportunities which encourage die
women to be engaged in die putting out system.
Homeworkers' families are generally poor and could not afford even die minimum physical
needs. Understandably, diey would take putting out work, no matter diat diese involve sub-minimum
wages and working conditions.
99
Recommendations: Action Programme Proposal
1. Data Gathering and Legal Aid
Officials of the Regional Office of the Manpower Department and Department of Industry
in the provinces surveyed have known the existence and the development of the homeworking system.
The importance of the putting out system in generating income and promoting the employment of
women is recognised.
It is interesting to note that skills training for hand embroidery in West Sumatera and
weaving in Bali have been provided to women homeworkers. However, data collection on
homeworkers' distribution has not been done both at national or local levels. The lack of worker or
employee status of the homeworkers does not make it possible for them to enter into the official
registries of workers.
Without accurate and comprehensive data collection, it is difficult to assess the potential
of organising homeworkers, especially women workers. Furthermore, it is difficult to monitor the
development of the business and workers' welfare.
It is difficult to consider women homeworkers as workers who have the right to legal
protection though they may be known to suffer from low wages and irregular working hours. There
is no system by which their employers are regulated and supervised in the practice of the putting out
system.
Also, the involvement of unpaid family labour is known to exist and they cannot be
likewise protected although they may be legitimately contributing to the national economy. In this
sense fundamental reforms in the law may be needed so that the homeworkers get appropriate
protection.25 This, of course, needs political will from the government.
The ambiguity in their legal status is a disadvantage to the homeworkers because they do
not know who will protect them. For example, there is a feeling of antagonism between the
Department of Industry and the Department of Manpower in Yogyakarta. Informants of the Industry
Department see that the homeworkers need help, but they believe that this is properly the task of the
Department of Manpower. Hence, they limit their interventions to skill, management, and
achievement motivation training for the employers.
Since there is no protection and the homeworkers are only bound by verbal contracts, they
suffer risks of not having continuous job orders, arbitrary rejection of product and setting of piecerates. This is not appreciated and understood by most homeworkers. In this regard, some legal
orientation and education may be worthwhile.
Legal aid programmes (guidance and protection) might be accepted and understood by the
homeworkers because they are literate in Bahasa, Indonesia, though their education may be low. The
curriculum for legal literacy can be formulated by legal experts. Educational experts can assist in
applying the appropriate instructional methodology to ensure that the homeworkers understand the law
as it relates to them and their situation.
2. Follow-up Research
Fairness of wage deduction by middlemen/middlewomen.
100
Middlemen are found in the putting out system in almost all of the research areas, except
in Soreang, West Java. However, the homeworkers view the middlemen as an integral part of the
putting out system because they have always been there. The homeworkers do not consider
middlemen as a serious problem, even though they deduct about 25 per cent of their wages.
This reflects the dependence of the homeworkers on the middlemen whose loyalty lies in
the employers. Orders are distributed to the homeworkers through middlemen who collect the
products from the homeworkers to be submitted to the employers. This system has been in practice
for a long while now. Homeworkers cannot take the orders directly from the employers because the
employers may not trust diem or even do not recognise them.
One important thing to consider is die fairness of die deduction from the homeworkers'
wage by middlemen. Further research is necessary. In the Soreang case, the high wage per hour
(compared with the other areas) is probably because of the absence of middlemen in the area. The
present study did not adequately verify this.
Comparative Study
By ecosystem, culture, history etc., Indonesia can generally be divided into Java and the
Outer Islands. This applies to the poor workers in rural areas. With this in mind, the location of
an action project could be in any of the following areas: one in Java, maybe in Yogjakarta (Prenggan
and Girirejo), and another in West Sumatera (Koto Gadang/Bukittingi and Lubuk Begalung/Padang).
Specific target groups could be defined at a later stage.
considerations to be borne in mind are:
However the general
1.
The common assumption that the Javanese have less 'entrepreneurship' than the
people in West Sumatera ('Orang Padang/Minang');
2.
The matrilineal-based community system which is different from the bilateral
system in Java (patriarchal);
3.
The difference in religious beliefs of the Javanese and the Muslims in West
Sumatera.
The homeworkers in Java belong to the lowest social strata; in comparison, homeworkers
in West Sumatera, though not in the 'middle class', are generally better off than their counterparts
in Java.
Issues to be faced relate to opportunity differentials between these groups. Is it true that
opportunities between diese groups differ? If mere were such differentials, at what levels could this
be found?
From the bottom of the hierarchy, diese groups could be seen in die following order:
Girirejo at the bottom, dien Prenggan, Lubuk Begalung (Padang) and Koto Gadang (Bukittinggi).
Comparative studies could be done by comparing commodities produced by more
developed homeworkers (garments) to commodities which are less developed (batik tulis, tapis cloth).
3. Homeworkers' Family Welfare Development Programme
101
a. Considerations. There are several considerations in formulating an action programme.
(1) Target: The Women Homeworkers' Family Welfare.
The target of an action programme should not be limited or focussed only
on the women homeworker per se; rather, it should be aimed at the family of the
women homeworkers, especially in die case of homeworkers who are household
heads. Low-income families with women homeworkers should be given priority.
(2) Overall situation of homeworker in the labour force.
Labour surplus in Indonesia is found to be greatest in the agricultural
sector, particularly in die rural areas. Most of the rural women work in
agriculture as family workers or self-employed assisted by members of their
family. Wages, if paid at all, are very low in this sector. For this reason, it
makes sense to assist women workers to obtain jobs in the non-agricultural or nonfarm sector in order to reduce die pressure in die agricultural sector.
(3) Type of products or commodities involved
Low value goods may generate very little incomes as may be ascertained
from the wages of the homeworkers. The long term sustainability of an industry
based on any one commodity should be determined and this could be checked
against die volume of orders mat have been farmed out in previous years.
b. Characteristics of die Action Programme
Homeworkers cannot be regarded as employees and currently mere are no
legal provisions mat could prevent diem from being exploited. Government
interventions only apply to die organised sector and registered factories. Action
programmes should therefore aim at establishing a registry of factories and
establishments practicing die putting out system. Information on die number of
homeworkers employed, dieir wages and die volume of orders should be recorded
and monitored by government.
The action programmes should invite die participation of self-help
institutions who grasp and comprehend die disadvantageous position of die
homeworkers.
Homeworkers involved in factory-based putting out system such as die
cases of batik, match box and garments production could be assisted through die
Bapak Angkat system.
For homeworkers who are not connected directly to the factories, die
formation of cooperatives may be helpful in enabling them to have a collective
voice in dealing with die middlemen. In die present study, it was found mat
cooperatives exist in all die survey sites but diese are in the form of savings
cooperatives. In this case, die Department of Cooperatives may intervene and
function as die keeper and die orderer of die homeworkers' products.
The findings of the present study suggest die need for priority assistance in die Special
102
Region of Yogyakarta, West and East Java:
a. Special Region of Yogyakarta
More than half of the female labor force in Yogyakarta are in agriculture. In this
sector, family workers comprise 36.09 per cent and the self-employed workers assisted
by family members, comprise 2.64 per cent.
Girirejo is the area with the lowest income among the homeworkers in this study.
With an average income of Rupiah 37,611.00, the Girirejo homeworkers should be given
priority. Batik making does not prove to be an advantage because of the slow turnover
in the market. Apart from drawing batik, many women homeworkers work as loaders in
die markets.
Homeworkers in Prenggan could be put on second priority. Their family income
is placed at 71,828.00 rupiah. Their garments products are quite good even if these are
sold only in the local market.
Assistance to homeworkers in Girirejo may come in the form of motivation, credit
and marketing aid. Up till now, the marketing of their batik products is done through
some stores or they merely wait for the buyers to come to the village. Broadening of
market outlets could help the homeworkers in Girirejo.
Many batik workers want to become traders but they are constrained by the lack
of capital. Motivation to help themselves is meant to encourage the homeworkers.
However, the batik drawers/homeworkers prefer to work as loaders (buruh gendhong) in
the markets. Young girls are not motivated to learn batik drawing because of the low
earnings from it.
Action programmes could be implemented on a collaborative basis and these could
involve the Departments of Industry and Manpower as well as the PKK to which most
women homeworkers belong.
In Prenggan, homeworkers need equipment, i.e., sewing machines, market and
capital to further their garments production.
b. West Java
Women workers in farming comprise 49.22 per cent of the total number of women
workers. In this sector, 23.5 per cent are family workers and 13.82 per cent are
labourers. Some 11 per cent of women workers are in trade.
Soreang and Tasikmalaya homeworkers' family income are placed at 66, 154.00
and 62,618.00 Rupiahs or US$ 37.72 and US$ 35.70, respectively. Comparatively
speaking, they would have less need for immediate assistance.
Essential assistance, if at all, should consist of marketing, credit, equipment and
training aid. Homeworkers in Tasikmalaya who make machine embroidered products
would need market and capital assistance while those in Soreang would need market,
equipment and training in product design.
103
c. East Java
In East Java, 49.13 per cent of the female labour force are absorbed in agriculture:
family workers, 26.94 per cent; labourers, 12.56 per cent (BPS, 1987)
Homeworkers, match box makers, in Pasuruan have low family incomes at
66,412.00 or US$ 37.86 and would need priority assistance.
Needed assistance is capital and support in bargaining for improvement in their
wage rates which are utterly low.
Orderers of match boxes are factories and makes it possible for government to
directly intervene. The Department of Industry could assist in ensuring regularity and
stability of orders while die Department of Manpower could help in upgrading their
wages.
104
Endnotes
1.
Biro Pusat Statistik, 1989% p. 91.
2.
BPS, 1988% Vii.
3.
BPS, 1988d.
4.
BPS, 1987*.
5.
BPS, 1988d, tables 24.2 and 24.5.
6.
BPS, 1987a.
7.
BPS, 1987% p.91, table 22.2.
8.
BPS, 1989, table 31.3, p. 47.
9.
BPS, 1987% table 21.2, p. 88.
10.
BPS, 1988% tables 24.2 and 24.5.
11.
BPS, 1989.
12.
BPS, 1988%
13.
BPS 1988% tables 24.2 and 24.5.
14.
BPS, SUPAS Bali, 1985.
15.
Ibid.
16.
BPS, Indikator Tingkat Hidup Pekerja, 1986, p. 35, table 2.7.
17.
Verdi Jusuf, Pembentukan Angkata Kerja Industri Garmen Untuk Ekspor: Pengalaman.
West Java Rural Non-Farm Sector Research Project, 1988.
18.
Rebecca Joseph, "Worker, Middlewomen and Entrepreneur: Women in the Indonesian
Batik Industry," 1990, p. .
19.
AlexKorns, DSP, Research Paper No. 1, 1987.
20.
BPS, 1987, p. 540, table 57.2.
21.
BPS, 1988, pp. 607-609; BPS. 1989, pp. 577-579.
22.
BPS, 1987, p. 343, table 58.2.
23.
Chernichovsky and Meesok, Poverty in Indonesia: A Profile. 1984. p.3.
24.
Manning and Papayungan, BPS, 1984, pp. 19-25.
25.
Ihromi, 1989, p. 37.
105
Lalbomir Legnslattiioini in Imdomiesiia
audi
tine Legal ProtectSoE of Momeworkers
by Tapi Omas Ihromi
lEttroduicltnoini
The phenomenon of homework whereby workers are contracted by capital owners directly
or through middle persons to produce goods or to perform certain tasks within a chain of activities
leading towards the production of finished goods at their own home is not new in the world of work
in Indonesia.
An official of the Ministry of Labour Affairs in Indonesia stated in an interview that
oftentimes, labour inspectors received reports about those workers and it was suspected that they were
working in conditions which reflected their weak bargaining position vis-a-vis capital owners. In
general, it is questionable whether labour laws can be applied to homeworkers; hence, the latter are
usually not included in the supervision of workplaces operated by regular enterprises.
When we had the opportunity to discuss the question in what way the protection ensured by
existing labour laws could be extended to homeworkers, labour inspectors, labour lawyers as well as
attorneys were all concerned about the need to provide protection to homeworkers, but the reading
of the laws compelled them to answer mat the various stipulations in labour laws cannot be applied
to the homeworkers.
To understand the attitude of labour inspectors, we will first outline the general framework
of legislation pertaining to the workforce in Indonesia and then give attention to a few of the most
important regulations pertaining to labour. Afterwards, an attempt will be made to analyse these legal
products wkh an eye to the possibility of enlarging dieir applicability to homeworkers. Finally, a
draft on recommendations shall be formulated.
A close look at regulations governing labour relations, regulations concerning safety, die
welfare of workers, hygiene and fire safety at the workplace, reveals that many of legal rulings were
enacted during the Dutch colonial period.
Prior to 1925, the Dutch Colonial Government viewed labour relations entirely as private
matters and parties to a labour agreement were left free to negotiate their interests. Thus, labour
relations were regulated by the Civil Code and other related regulations. However, it soon became
apparent that the labourers were in much weaker position and due to the struggle of social leaders,
the Dutch colonial government issued the first ordinance reflecting the policy of providing protection
through government's interference.1 The ordinance of 192S no. 647 can therefore be considered
as the starting point of a policy of labour protection. In this ordinance measures were stipulated
limiting child labour and night work for women.
After Indonesia became independent in 1945, new laws were enacted but a great deal of the
pre-independent legal enactments are still in force.
Among the regulations which dated back to the colonial period and which are still in force
are the following: The Civil Code Book III, Title VII A (declared in State Gazette 1926, 1927); the
Code of Commerce Book II, Title 4: Regulation on Craft Enterprises; and Regulation on Occupational
108
Safety.
In independent Indonesia, manpower is considered as an important component in the struggle
to realise the ideals underlying die proclamation of die Republic of Indonesia, namely achieving die
spiritual and physical well-being of die people in general. To achieve such goals, beginning widi die
new order of 1966, a series of five year development plans were formulated jointly by die People's
Consultative Assembly and die government. These were enacted to serve as a guideline in carrying
out development programmes.
As was stated in die preamble of die Act on die Basic Provisions regarding manpower (or
workforce), Act No. 14, Year 1969, manpower (die workforce) constitutes die main capital and
executor of the development of what we call the Pancasila Society, tiiat is die society based on die
State philosophy of five (panca) principles (sila): belief in one Supreme God, a just and civilized
humanity, unity of the country, representative democracy and social justice for die entire population.
Furthermore, it is stated diat die rights of the workforce as die executor of development shall be
secured, its obligations be spelled out, its quality and efficiency improved and deemed necessary to
lay down diese matters in an Act stipulating the basic provisions regarding the workforce. The basic
provisions contained in this Act thus reflect die basic policy regarding die workforce in Indonesia.
All labour laws, provisions, including regulations, put out by various enterprises as well as
contracts, including collective contracts, shall comply widi stipulations specified in mis Act.
Article 3 of this Act stipulates, tiiat "all manpower shall be entitled to employment and
income consistent widi human dignity". In this article a reiteration is made of article 27 (2) of die
1945 Constitution stressing again the function of this Act, namely containing basic provisions.
Article 2 of this Act contains, that diere shall be no discrimination in die implementation of
labour laws.
In Article 1 a definition is given of manpower or workforce, namely: every person who is
able to perform work whether under a contract of employment or not, to render services or goods to
fulfil the needs of society. It is important to take notice of this definition, because as is more clearly
stated in the official elucidation to this article, this definition covers manpower which works widi or
widiout a labour relationship using physical and mental power as die principal means of production
in die production process. A special characteristic is furthermore added, diat is : carrying out work
in die service of another person for wages. Thus, this definition of worker also includes those who
provide services for others on an irregular basis, including work performed at the house of a worker.
As will be seen later, this definition differs from the definition of work as is used in Act
no. 12, Year 1948, die Act on Work. In Act no. 12 1948, work is meant to cover work performed
by a labourer widi an industrial relation to an employer. The definition in Act no. 14 Year 1969,
tiierefore, covers a wider spectrum of workers. Other provisions of this Act namely articles 6, 7 and
8, state that manpower shall be given opportunities for training to become skilled workers.
In die elucidation of diese articles, one can read die background of diese stipulations, namely,
that specialised and skilled manpower is required for the implementation of economic development.
A large portion of die workforce are still unskilled and dieir utilisation would result in inefficiency
and waste, dius die advancement of die quality of die workforce is of utmost importance. Another
matter related to die problem of the quality of the workforce is die uneven geographical distribution
of manpower. This unequal spread of die workforce results in a condition whereby surplus of
manpower is encountered in a particular region whereas shortages are faced in odier parts of die
country. Thus, article 5 stipulates diat the supply and distribution of manpower to promote efficiency
and effectiveness shall be regulated by the government.
109
Another matter which is put down in the Act on the Basic Provisions is related to labour
protection. In article 9 the following can be read: "All manpower shall be entitled to enjoy protection
in respect of safety, health and morality, the promotion of labour morale and treatment in accordance
with the dignity of mankind and religious morals". Furthermore, article 10 states, that the
government shall promote labour protection, including: a) safety standards; b) standards of health
and industrial hygiene; c) labour standards and d) compensation, medical care and rehabilitation
in the case of an industrial injury.
The background for the promulgation of these stipulations can be read in the elucidation to
these articles. It is said that various means of protection against environmental problems, events
which might harm or hinder the workers in carrying out their tasks, dangers which might derive from
machines, engines, work tools, raw materials and manufacturing processes, and mental work
characteristics, should be spelled out in order that manpower may feel secure in performing its daily
tasks. Thus die right to enjoy protection should be given to all manpower and various regulations
should be enacted so that labour protection can be secured.
Article 10 further states that safety standards should be established such as safety in relation
to machines, engines, work tools, standards regarding occupational health and industrial hygiene.
Labour standards covering manpower protection related to work time, wage systems, rest time, leave,
employment of women, children and young persons, workplaces, accommodations, cleanliness,
morality, die performance of religious duties, should also be determined by laws, and tiws work
morale can be promoted which in turn will result in high work efficiency. Laws also stipulate that
compensation for medical care and rehabilitation shall be guaranteed to manpower suffering injury
or disease resulting from an industrial accident. In cases of death of a worker as a result of industrial
injury or occupational disease, die heirs shall be entitled to receive compensation. Furthermore,
article 15 states that regulations regarding social insurance and social aid of all manpower and
dependents shall be promulgated. The Act of the Basic Provisions also contains principles to be taken
into account regarding the rights of the workforce to establish and become members of the workers'
union. This is put down in article 11, and in the elucidation it can be read that it is a reiteration of
article 28 of die 1945 Constitution, and in accordance with that article a regulation shall specify the
basic conditions of a workers' union. It should be ensured that democracy and good order be
maintained in the workers' union and that die union shall uphold the foundation of die State, die
Pancasila. Manpower union is established to protect and to strive for the interests of manpower. For
instance, the union shall have the right to conclude a labour agreement with any employer. (Article
12) The rights to strike, to demonstrate and to lock out shall be determined by legislative regulation.
Anodier important provision is on the termination of employment and die settlement of labour
disputes, whereby legal security for employees and employers are taken into account. Legal
stipulations as are required in this Act are meant to provide maximum protection to the workforce.
To ensure die implementation, a system of labour inspection shall be established (Article 16).
The Act on die Basic Provisions, therefore, dictates diat die protection of the workforce
should be regulated thoroughly and the achievement of the well-being of the workforce be aimed at
through the aid of regulations.
Laws Pertinent to Homeworkers
This section summarises the most important regulations and presents an analysis on how far these
regulations can be applicable to homeworkers.
The Labour Act No. 12. Year 1948
(Issued in Yogyakarta: declared for entire Indonesia by Act No. 1. Year 1951).
110
Article 1 of this Act specifies what is meant by work, adult, young person, child, employer,
enterprise but the discussion shall be limited to the set of work, employer and enterprise. According
to this Act work means work performed by an employee for an employer in a work relation for pay.
Furthermore, it is explained in the elucidation, that work as regulated by this Act is work performed
by workers for employers in a work relation for wages. What is important in this matter is, that there
should be a businesslike work condition as a requirement. The term employer also includes the head,
director or manager of an enterprise. Enterprise or undertaking means the workplace, private or
public.
As was mentioned earlier the term worker used in this Act differs from the term manpower
(workforce) as is used in the Act on Basic Provisions regarding Manpower. (Act No. 14, Year
1969).
This Labour Act contains the following stipulations pertaining to the protection of labourers,
among others:
1.
It is not permitted, that women perform work during the night unless this work
according to its nature, place and condition is suitable for women. However,
dispensations can be obtained from the Department of Labour Affairs or from its
regional offices.
2.
Women shall also not be permitted to perform work dangerous to their health or
safety.
3.
Working hours shall not exceed 7 hours a day or 40 hours a week. When the work
is performed during night time or is dangerous to the health or safety, the work time
shall not exceed 6 hours a day or 35 hours a week.
4.
After 4 hours of work, a break of at least half an hour shall be granted which shall
not be included in the working hours.
At least one day of rest every week shall be granted, and employees shall also be granted two
weeks rest a year. On public holidays employees shall not be permitted to work except when the
work according to its nature must continue on such holidays. A later regulation (Government
Regulation No.21, Year 1954) would stipulate these in more detail. There is no problem in enforcing
this rule to large enterprises, but for small enterprises, full payment of wages during leaves remains
a heavy burden, and such matter is recognised in this regulation.
Female employees shall not be obliged to work on the first and second day of the menstrual
period. Women shall also be granted a rest of one and a half months before the expected date of the
birth of a child and one and a half months after confinement or miscarriage.
Act No. 12. Year 1964 (regulating the determination of employment in private enterprises)
Stipulations regarding termination of employment affecting workers, including workers for
contractors, daily workers, monthly workers or those on placework are put in this Act. Termination
of employment should be avoided, if possible, and is prohibited in cases where a worker is not able
to perform work (due to sickness) over a period not exceeding 12 consecutive months or when the
worker is fulfilling duties for the State or performing religious obligations. If, however, termination
is unavoidable, the employer should then discuss the intention with the workers' union or with the
worker himself or herself in cases where he or she is not affiliated with a union. When such
discussion fails in bringing about an agreement, dismissal may only take place after having obtained
a permit from the regional committee on the settlement of labour disputes (regarding the dismissal
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of an individual worker) and in cases of mass dismissal (understood as 10 persons and more) a permit
is needed from the central committee for settling labour disputes.
Act No. 21. Year 1954 (Act on Collective Labour Agreements Between Trade Unions and
Employers') Related to Government Regulation No. 49. Year 1954: to Ministerial Regulation
No. Per-01/MEN/1985. specifying the detailed procedures of the conclusion of collective
agreement.
The Act regulates collective labour agreements concluded between one or more trade unions
registered with the Ministry of Labour and one or more employers or one or more incorporated
associations of employers, which in general or exclusively contains conditions to be observed in
individual employment contracts. In the elucidation of this Act it is made clear among others, that
the Act is promulgated in recognition of the existence of the freedom on both sides to reach an
agreement on matters of their choice; it should, however, be taken into consideration that the
government upholds the principle of protecting the weak in order to achieve a balance which will
bring the Indonesian society closer to achieving living conditions in accordance with human dignity
for the people in general.
It is made clear in this Act that a collective labour agreement can also be concluded with
respect to contracted works or of agreements to perform any specific work in which case the
provision of this Act concerning individual employment contracts employees and employers shall also
apply. In such cases (contracted work whereby a contractor agrees to carry out a certain work for
a stated price, for example, to make a chair, or agreement to perform a specified work for a fee), the
two types of work are not performed under the direction of an employer, so that it is necessary to
make clear that a collective labour agreement can also be concluded with respect to such work.
Article 11 of this Act points toward the following:
1.
The Minister of Labour Affairs having heard the views of the parties concerned may
decide that an employer who is bound by a collective labour agreement shall comply
with some or all of its provisions, even though he has entered into an individual
employment contract with an employee who is not bound by such collective labour
agreement.
2.
The Minister having heard the views of the parties concerned may also decide that
a part or a whole of a collective agreement covering a particular field of activity shall
also be complied with by employees and employers in the same field of activity who
are not bound by such agreement.
The Minister of Labour Affairs may require the employer as the stronger party to apply the
provisions of a collective labour agreement to employees who are not bound by such collective
agreement. It is deemed necessary to take this action so that employers cannot engage employees on,
for instance, low wages. The agreement can be put forward that a third party is not a party in the
agreement, but this instruction has the purpose of protecting non-member employees so that they can
also benefit from the achievement of a trade union.
Regarding the procedure to be followed in order that collective labour agreement shall be
recognised, detailed compulsory guidelines are to be found in the regulations regarding the
implementation of this Act. Models of collective agreement are also included as appendices of these
legal products. A recent circular letter of the Minister for Labour Affairs (No. SE-04/Men/88)
prohibits discrimination regarding women workers. It is stated that collective labour agreements still
stipulate clauses which are discriminative, such as the difference of pension age between female and
male workers. In view of such matters, which definitely are against the spirit of Act No.7, Year
1984 (Law regarding the ratification of the international convention against all forms of discrimination
112
against women), the circular letter states that in drawing up collective labour agreements no
differentiation should be made between age of pension of men and women.
Act No. 22. Year 1957 (Act on the Settlement of Labour Disputes')
This Act covers the settlement of disputes between an employer and a trade union. Disputes
between an employer and an individual worker or a group of workers are not covered by this Act.
The basic idea of mis Act is, that in the first instance the disputing parties should make an attempt
to solve their own problems through negotiations. If an agreement is reached, such agreement should
be formulated into a collective labour agreement. If negotiations end in deadlock, the disputing
parties may then resort to the procedure of arbitration as is spelled out in this Act. If parties do not
want to make use of arbitration, they may request conciliation by an official of the Department of
Labour Affairs assigned for such purpose. If efforts for conciliation fail the dispute should be
referred to die Regional Committee for Conciliation in Indonesia (abbreviated as P4D, a committee
consisting of representatives of the government, employers and the trade union.
Act. No.33. Year 1947 (The Injuries Act) Related to Act No.3. Year 1951
This Act stipulates that any worker who suffers an injury in relation to his or her employment
in a benefit-liable enterprise has the right to receive compensation. In case of his or her death the
surviving relatives are entitled to payment. Here the principle of 'risque professional', meaning the
risk of an injury in connection with work should be borne by the employer, is applied. (See General
Elucidation of this Act.) This departs from the principle applied in die pre-war Act on injury issued
by the colonial government (Act of 1897). In tiiat earlier Act, workers suffering an injury could only
receive compensation when they could prove that the injury occurred due to the fault of die employer
responsible for paying compensation. Thus in mat Act compensation was based upon the question
of fault.
Now it is recognised mat every injury occurring in a benefit-liable undertaking is a
responsibility of die employer. A disease contracted by a worker in relation to his/her employment
shall also be considered as an injury since there is always a possibility of contracting such disease in
performing work in certain benefit-liable and dangerous enterprises. Enterprises regarded as benefitliable are specified in this Act, such as enterprises using one or more power tools (machines),
enterprises employing liquified or compressed gas or gas dissolved under pressure, undertakings
making use of solid liquids or gas at very high temperature or which are inflammable, undertakings
for loading and unloading goods, undertakings connected witii radio transmission, fishery
undertakings. (Read article 2 (1)). In addition to this article die next one (article 2 (2)) mentions,
mat If any kind of enterprise not covered yet by article 2(1) above turns out to be dangerous, such
enterprise may be designated by law as benefit-liable.
Important definitions used in this Act are die following:
Enterprise/ undertaking: means public or private undertaking as well as government service
employing one or more workers (article 3). The meaning of undertaking in this Act is based on die
requirements mat work is regularly performed and mat work is performed for economic purposes in
the sense of production for profit as well as for public interest. The number of workers is of no
concern.
Employer means any person or corporation employing one or more workers in a benefitliable undertaking.
Worker means any person working for an employer in a benefit-liable undertaking for wages,
except (among omers) persons performing work in dieir own home for a benefit-liable undertaking,
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and in performing such work does not use liquified or compressed gas etc. or otherwise dangerous
or injurious to health. It is clarified in the elucidation that an employer is unable to supervise workers
who perform work at their own home, and, therefore, he cannot be made responsible for injuries
outside his undertaking.
In relation to this definition of worker, there are stipulations regarding certain types of
persons who do not fulfil the requirements for workers in the sense used in this Act. If they are
working in benefit-liable undertakings they need to be insured against injury, and for that reason be
considered as workers under this Act, namely: contractors working in benefit-liable undertakings.
Since they are not insured unless they themselves operate a benefit-liable enterprise, persons also
working for contractors must also be considered as workers and are thus insured against injury.
Furthermore, in this Act and other regulations issued to implement this Act, detailed procedure to be
followed in cases of injury, death occurring due to injuries, the way of calculating compensation, the
supervision, the sanctions against violation are stipulated in a detailed way.
Act No.23. Year 1948 (Act on Labour Inspection) Brought into operation for entire Indonesia
through Act No. 4. Year 1951
Labour inspection is a very important institution for the implementation of labour acts and
regulation. Besides supervision of implementation by giving information to workers, trade unions
and employers, inspection officials should also make attempts to get to know the needs of society,
gather information so that recommendations can be made regarding drawing up suitable acts and
regulations. In order to have access and first-hand knowledge of labour conditions, governmentappointed labour inspectors must have the right to enter all workplaces where work is performed or
usually performed or where work is assumed to be performed. The employer or his representatives
as well as employees in his service shall be obliged to provide, at the request of labour officials, the
clearest possible information, either orally or in writing, considered necessary to form a definite
opinion of the general work relations and labour conditions prevailing in the undertaking.
Act No. 7. Year 1981 (The Obligatory Report of the Employees in an Undertaking)
According to this Act, employers, managers and corporations operating undertakings are
obliged to report in writing to the Head of the Labour Inspection Service of the Department of Labour
Affairs every establishment, reestablishment, removal, discontinuation and liquidation of their
undertakings as well as the number of workers. When the undertaking comprises several independent
parts, die obligations also apply to all these parts. Information to be reported are types of undertaking
or parts thereof, number of employees, whether or not a power tool is used in the undertaking or any
part thereof, and if so, information as to its capacity.
Reports shall be submitted every year as to the number of workers.
Government Regulation No. 8, Year 1981 (Protection of Wages)
This relatively new regulation on wages puts aside stipulations of the Civil Code regarding
wages, namely those written in Book III, Title Ik. It contains among others the following:
1.
In deciding wages, employers are prohibited to discriminate between men and women
for the same kind of work.
2.
During sickness of workers, or when they are prevented to perform work based on
reasons specified in this regulation, employers are obliged to pay wages according to
calculations laid down in this regulation.
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3.
When the regulations in force at a particular enterprise lay down more favorable
calculations in comparison to those of this regulation, or when agreements hold better
protection, those more favorable stipulations or agreements shall prevail.
4.
In principle wages shall be paid in money. However, part of the wages can be paid
in other forms except alcoholic beverages or medicine, and that part should not
exceed 25 per cent.
5.
When wages are not specified according to a certain period of time, the amount shall
then be calculated based on the average monthly wage during the previous three
months.
6.
When wages are overdue, starting from the fourth day after payment is due, the
amount to be paid shall be added with 5 per cent for each overdue date. After the
8th day, the addition shall be 10 per cent for each overdue date, and for a one month
period this addition shall not exceed the amount of 50 per cent.
7.
Fines for violations by the worker may be charged, when such matter is laid down
explicitly in the work-relation agreement or in the regulation of the relevant
enterprise.
8.
All claims regarding wages and payments resulting from a labour relationship become
superannuated after two years. Employers violating obligations specified in this
regulation can be put in detention for a maximum period of three months or be fined
maximally Rp. 100,000 (one hundred thousands rupiah).1
Regulation of the Minister for Labour Affairs No. PER. 06/MEN/1985 (Protection of
Labourers Employed Temporarily')
Some definitions used in this regulation will be cited first:
1.
Non-permanent workers or temporary workers are labourers, who work for an
employer in order to perform a particular work and such work is subject to change
with respect to duration of time as well as regarding the volume of work, and who
receive wages based on the work attendance.
2.
An employer is a person or a corporation who/which operates an enterprise by such
person or corporation; a person or corporation who/which independently operates an
enterprise owned by someone else; a person or corporation residing in Indonesia
representing someone or a corporation as formulated in the two previous possibilities.
3.
A worker (labourer) is a person who works for an enterprise or undertaking and
receives wages.
4.
An enterprise or undertaking is any form of undertaking operated with the purpose
of seeking or not seeking profit owned by private persons or corporation as well as
state owned undertakings.
This regulation prohibits the employment of workers with the status of non-permanent
'At 1800 rupiah per US dollar, this is roughly equivalent to US$ 56.
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labourers for performing regular, routine and continuous tasks except when the nature of such work
is that it should be carried out by non-permanent workers (article 2), and is finished in a short
duration of time or has a seasonal character, or loading and unloading of work which is not
performed regularly.
In article 3 it is stipulated that in essence all legal stipulations regarding matters of labour are
also applicable to workers without reference to their status.
Article 4: Employees, who are employed as temporary workers longer than 3 months
consecutively or during more than 20 days in a month have the same rights as permanent labourers.
Article 5: Employers are obliged to make and maintain a register of temporary workers
according to forms required by the Labour Affairs office. A copy of such register should be filed
with the Labour Affairs office within 7 days since the employment of these workers, including the
addition or the reduction of such workers.
Article 6: Employers, contractors or subcontractors who employ temporary workers must
have the status of a corporate body. A subcontractor is fully responsible for non-permanent workers
within the confines of his enterprise irrespective of whether or not those workers are performing
activities directly for his enterprise or through a foreman. If such a subcontractor does not have the
status of a corporate body, the contractor (possessing the status of a corporation) is fully responsible
for those temporary workers.
Article 7: The wage of temporary workers shall be based on daily wages not less than the
minimum daily wage fixed by the government.
Article 8: The undertaking which employs temporary workers shall register them in the
Labour Social Insurance Program (Government Regulation No.33, Year 1977).
Government Regulation No.33. Year 1977 (Social Insurance for the Workforce')
Starting with this government regulation a system of social insurance is introduced for the
workforce in general. This regulation was issued as an implementation of what was laid down in
article 10 and article 15 of the Act on the Basic Provisions for the Workforce. These articles put
forward among others, that labour protection should be promoted through die regulation of
compensation, medical care, rehabilitation in the case of an industrial injury, and the arrangement for
social insurance and aid.
The regulation covers the arrangement of programmes of the insurance for occupational injury
(or industrial accident) and for old age and survivors' benefit on the part of workers. A special stateowned enterprise Asuransi Tenaga Kerja (ASTEK), insurance for the workforce, administers the funds
and programmes connected with this insurance scheme. Prior to the formation of the ASTEK, the
payment of the compensation for industrial accidents or occupational injuries was the individual
responsibility of employers. No regulation requiring compulsory contributions had been promulgated.
Employers were free to initiate insurance programmes either by contracting with insurance companies
or by initiating individual programmes. In 1974 the programme handled by Dana Jaminan Sosial
(DJS, social security fund), a foundation set up by die Department for Social Affairs in 1964 to
handle on a voluntary basis health-related schemes, was expanded to include matters related to
worker's compensation.2
Starting with this regulation, it is an obligation of enterprises employing more than 25
workers to participate in the stipulated social security schemes.
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The contribution for insurance against industrial accidents has to be paid by the employer.
It ranges from 0.24 to 3.6 per cent of total wages. The contribution for old age security fund is paid
jointly by the employer and the worker.
Regulation of the Minister for Labour Affairs and Transmigration No. PEP-02/MEN/1980
(Medical Examination of Workers within the Framework of Safety)
Prior to the employment of a worker and periodically during the employment, workers have
to undergo medical examination financed by the enterprise. For certain types of work, which
according to their nature may cause certain consequences, a specific kind of investigation shall be
conducted to prevent those possible consequences. Costs involved in those examinations shall be paid
by the concerned enterprise.
The Office of Labour Inspection shall see to it, that these matters are carried out, and fines
or a maximum of detention of three months are the punishment spelled out for violators. Tlie
enterprises which are obliged to order for such medical examinations to be performed for their
employees are specified in Act No.l, Year 1970 (Act of Labour Safety), article 2(2). That article
specifies about 18 kinds of workplaces where workers are exposed to all kinds of risks. Furthermore,
a definition of what is meant by workplace is specified, i.e., any room or space, closed or open,
moving or stationary, where an employee is employed, or which is often entered by an employee on
behalf of an undertaking as specified in article 2(2). It includes any room, space or yard and its
surroundings which are part of with the workplace.
Implications of the Laws on Homeworkers
From the summary which was presented in the previous section, one can conclude that
regulations regarding labour interests provide substantial protection for the workforce. In reality,
however, many factors come into play and determine whether or not labourers could enjoy their rights
as stipulated by the laws.
Labour inspectors are making efforts to exert pressures on employers so that the regulations
will not be violated. Most of the time, however, they face the fact that employers look for ways to
circumvent regulations, such as the unwillingness to change the status of workers into permanently
employed workers. In many large establishments participation in insurance schemes is applied only
to a small percentage of the employees.
According to existing rules the workplace should be set up so that workers can stay healthy,
but there are instances where workers do not have access to good toilets. In this situation, female
workers do not drink much in order not to urinate frequently. Pregnant women workers are often
'pressured' subtly to withdraw from work.
In most cases workers, specifically those with low educational background, do not make
claims simply because they are not aware of their rights. If they do, workers find it too complicated
for them to start the process of litigation.
Thus, although the legal protection of workers is quite substantial and regulations are mostly
promulgated because of a strong orientation towards the need for strengthening the bargaining position
of the weaker party, i.e., the workers, efforts should be made so that law enforcement in the field
of labour laws will take place at the maximum level possible. Case studies should be made of
establishments where various degrees of labour protection and adherence to labour law stipulations
exist. These case studies should also cover those enterprises where labour laws are taken into
maximum consideration and those where labour laws are bypassed a great deal so that factors
117
influencing labour law enforcement can be better understood.
For many workers the overriding concern is to secure for themselves-some kind of earning
opportunity no matter how small the earnings might be. The survival of a household is very much
dependent upon such earnings. Thus, care should be taken so that existing earning opportunities are
not jeopardised. In certain instances, marginal employers providing work for women in their homes
are affected by well-intentioned development programmes which result in the closure of employers'
operations.
Provisions are made for manpower/workforce in general in the Act on the Basic Provisions.
The term worker in this Act covers every person who is able to perform work whether under a
contract of employment or not, thus, covering the homeworker. The provisions in this Act are then
applicable to homeworkers. In the Labour Act of 1948 the term work is used and related to work
performed by a labourer for an employer within a labour agreement with the payment of wages.
Another basic characteristic is performing work bound to a certain time. Here we can cite the article
1601a Civil Code which says: "The labour contract is the agreement by which one party, the worker,
binds himself to perform work for another party, the employer, for a certain period in return for
wages".
The sense of the term worker as used in the Labour Act however, makes it appear that
homeworkers are not covered. Thus, one can not claim that provisions put down in this law, such
as the stipulation that female labourers may not be obliged to work on the first and second day of her
menstruation, that a labourer may not perform work longer than seven hours a day or more than 40
hours a week and that a female labourer is entitled to three months maternity leave with paid wages
are applicable to homeworkers.
In Act No. 12 Year 1969, it is made explicit (article 12) that the rules regarding the procedure
to be taken into account when employers intend to dismiss workers, cover all workers, irrespective
of their status as long as they have served for more than 3 consecutive months. All types of workers,
i.e., workers for contractors, daily workers, monthly workers or those on piece-work, are all covered
by this Act. These workers, however, are factory-based or based at the establishment.
The question then has to be answered whether home-based workers are also covered in this
Act. A strict reading of what constitutes a labour agreement indicates that homeworkers do not fall
in this category. When workers, however, are continuously receiving orders to perform work for the
same 'employer' should this not be enough reason to allow an interpretation of an intent, that such
relationship is in essence similar to a labour agreement, even when work is performed in a different
place than the workplace of the establishment and working hours are flexible? Only a court case can
test this proposal, and it probably will not happen in view of the weak position of the homeworker
and also because of the 'patron-client' relationship existing between the 'employer' and the
homeworker.
In the Act regulating the collective labour agreement it is made clear that a collective labour
agreement can also be concluded with respect to contracted work, even though this type of work is
not performed under the direction of an employer. Does this imply, that homeworkers can be party
in designing a collective labour agreement when they are part of a workers' union?
According to a leader of the Indonesian Workers' Union when 25 homeworkers of the same
profession agree to form a workers' unit they then can apply to become part of the Indonesian
Workers' Union. Thus, through such procedure, the homeworkers may be organised and can
improve their conditions more effectively. Efforts to make them aware of such opportunities should
then be initiated, if this is considered a good method for the improvement of the condition of
homeworkers.
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In previously mentioned Acts and regulations homeworkers are never mentioned in an explicit
way. That is not the case with the Injury Act where it is made clear that worker means any person
working for an employer in a benefit-liable undertaking for wages, except persons performing work
in their own home for a benefit-liable undertaking and for wages. As a reason for excluding the
homeworker, it is stated that "an employer is not able to supervise workers who perform work at
their own home and therefore cannot be made responsible for injuries outside his undertaking".
Thus, based on this stipulation, it will not be possible, for example, to put a claim to an
employer when a homeworker suffers a disease related to her work such as a weakening of the
eyesight due to needlework. The lawmakers have made such a matter very explicit. Actually, it is
the intention of the lawmakers that all types of workers, and in our interpretation including
homeworkers, ideally be covered in stipulations providing for protection. That could be read in the
Act on the Basic Provisions and other laws. However, there is apparently the realisation that the
development in the economic sector is such that not all workers especially the casual ones are
reachable in terms of benefits contained in labour laws.
In the Act on Labour Inspection, it is made explicit that one important function of labour
inspection officials is to observe die existing conditions of labourers. Their findings can help the
government in identifying what conditions to be paid attention to and what regulations are necessary
to bring about improvements. Thus, there should be some room for recommending actions or
regulations pertaining to the improvement of the working condition of homeworkers whenever
appropriate, especially when existing conditions are observed to be contrary to the provisions of law.
The Act on the obligatory report of undertakings made explicit that among the matters which
should be reported regularly by undertakings are the number of workers being employed. When the
undertaking is operating several parts, detailed reports regarding those parts should be handed in also.
No explicit mention is made about workers to whom part of me work which is usually performed at
the establishment have been 'put out'. It is in accordance with the spirit of this Act that when an
establishment has decided to 'farm out' the production of its commodities to home-based workers,
such matter should be reported, especially when this kind of production is followed by large
enterprises. When such report is made obligatory, attention can be given to the fate of the
homeworkers involved.
Regulation No. 8, 1981 provides for the protection regarding wages of workers but does not
apply to homeworkers. It is explicitly stated in this regulation then that a worker means manpower
who works for an employer and receives wages.
The regulation concerning the protection of labourers employed temporarily
(PER-06/MEN/1985) (see section II, number 9) stipulated in a detailed way that workers although
given the status as temporary workers must be given protection similar to those who have permanent
status. This is an example of a regulation which aims at ameliorating the assumptions commonly
adhered to, that 'loose' labourers or labourers who are not registered as permanent workers on the
payroll of a particular company may be dismissed at any moment when their services are not needed.
The intention of giving more protection to this category of labourers is further seen in the
prohibition of giving the status of non-permanent labourers to those performing routine tasks
continuously. Enforcing these stipulations, however, poses many problems. Collective labour
agreement and labour inspection are means through which improvements can hopefully be achieved.
The stipulations in this regulation do not directly apply to homeworkers. Nonetheless the 'spirit'
of this regulation presents an analogous situation which could be pointed to in the future when
attempts are made to motivate the government to extend legal protection to homeworkers.
The obligations of employers to see to it that their workers are registered as participants in
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the social security scheme administered by the state-owned enterprise ASTEK is stipulated in
Regulation No.33, 1977. The regulation also applies only to employees with whom companies are
related through a labour contract instead of aiming it at all types of workers including homeworkers.
In the future funds must be made available for workers' use during sickness and calamities
and employers should participate in providing funds for such purposes. At present, homeworkers and
many other types of casual workers do not have access to such opportunities. At the community level
people can turn to their neighbours and relatives for help. There is also the chance that homeworkers
can turn to money lenders who charge high interest rates. Thus, various kinds of social programmes
can be thought of to be able to give assistance to people facing such needs.
Views And Opinions On Homework
Labour experts point out that homeworkers cannot be regarded as workers to whom labour
laws can be applied because such workers are not engaged in an industrial relation with a certain
employer. For such a relationship the elements of an order to perform a certain work with payment
for an employer according to a fixed time schedule are not fulfilled.
They stressed that a homeworker performs the work in her own time and may even be
regarded as self-employed. There is, however, a change in the interpretation regarding the working
hours. New developments, i.e., the recognition of flexible working hours, and a person performing
certain tasks at home can now be regarded as a person to whom certain stipulations of the labour laws
can be extended. This case is a relevant example: the services of a bookkeeper was engaged by an
establishment to perform such tasks related to bookkeeping in her own home. For such purpose she
transported the books to her house and during one of these trips, an accident occurred to her. She
claimed that the establishment was liable based on the Act of injury. The decision was in favor of
the bookkeeper, for indeed, there was a liability on the employer.
At present homeworkers are becoming a special concern of the Labour Affairs Office.
Reports have been made about homeworkers and their conditions and their weak position was noted.
There are fears though that intervention and other measures might lead to conditions which jeopardise
meager employment opportunities of poor unskilled labour because most women homeworkers are
engaged in minor work. At present, the Labour Affairs Office is building up the information base
on homeworkers to be able to get a comprehensive picture about their situation, the types of work
they do, the terms of their employment and other relevant data. Such information can serve as the
basis for planning programmes to improve the condition of homeworkers. The implications of the
putting out system being by large and well-financed companies on the labour force in the formal
sector should therefore be addressed.
Policies should also be formulated prohibiting the use of the informal sector as a cheap source
of labour while protecting the interests of weaker small entrepreneurs so that their earning
opportunities are not jeopardised. Another intervention that may be made by government is by way
of information dissemination to homeworkers regarding health, physical position while at work,
lighting and nutrition. Their awareness of the consequences of a poor work environment, for
instance, could help prevent illnesses acquired at work. Furthermore, care should be taken when
asking them to fulfil all kinds of requirements that may prove too burdensome, constraining small
entrepreneurs efforts to be economically productive.
There is hope, however when at least twenty-five homeworkers of the same economic
undertaking are in agreement they can apply to the Workers' Union in Indonesia to be regarded as
a workers' unit. If this is done, they then have a committee. Through the union they can organise
themselves and collectively they will have a better bargaining position vis-a-vis the capital owner or
employer.
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Conclusions and Recommendations
There is no comprehensive picture yet about the population, the types, the whereabouts of
homeworkers in Indonesia. Knowledge about their earnings, their work and other matters are not yet
sufficient to give a high degree of confidence to enable the formulation of detailed recommendations
in the legal sphere.
A reading of the existing laws compel us to conclude that explicitly the existing legal
stipulations regarding labour protection and related matters do not apply to homeworkers.
Implicitly speaking, however, in the Act on the Basic Provisions regarding manpower, it is meant to
be included since homeworkers belong to the work force. This Basic Act holds stipulations which
should be regarded as an agenda for lawmakers. In the long run, as socio-economic developments
improve we presume that the legal protection shall be extended to all categories of workers. A
recommendation can be directed to the government to gradually extend the applicability of various
regulations to include homeworkers.
The following matters can be suggested:
1.
That the Injury Act be extended to include the protection of homeworkers.
2.
That labour inspectors be sensitised towards die condition of homeworkers and be
tasked with monitoring homeworkers' working conditions. That their reports should
be submitted, so that the needed regulations can be formulated.
3.
That the regulation on wages be also extended to homeworkers.
4.
That some additions be made to Act No.7, Year 1981, so that enterprises shall submit
reports about homeworkers, especially the enterprises which are stable.
A mechanism should be set up so that when relatively large well-established enterprises are
making use of homeworkers, care should be taken that labour protection shall not be sacrificed.
The opportunity of being included as a unit within the Workers Union in Indonesia should
be communicated to homeworkers. They have to be motivated to participate in such units.
Various government units as well as non-governmental organisations and other voluntary
movements should be motivated to set up social guidance programmes through which all kinds of
information can be disseminated to homeworkers. Legal literacy programmes, the dissemination of
information regarding the requirements for a healthy life can be organised in order to raise die
awareness of homeworkers regarding such matters so that they may be stimulated to organise their
lives towards the improvement of their condition.
Assistance programmes such as the provision of small credit facilities with the requirements
of collateral should be set up to help homeworkers in meeting some of their needs.
In the organisation of various assistance programmes, full attention should be paid to existing
sources of strength in the community where women workers live. It should be ensured that there is
no weakening of such networks due to interventions from outside.
121
Endnotes
1.
L.M. Gandhi. Pengkajian Mengenai Ketentuan.2 Tentang Gajih/Upah Dalam Berbagai
Peraturan Perundangan di Indonesia (Suatu Analisa Yuridis Normatip Dihubungkan Dengan Tenaga
Kerja Pria dan Wanita). (A Study Concerning Salaries as regulated in various Legal Regulations in
Indonesia (A Normative Legal Analysis Related to Male and Female Labourers). Yayasan Srikandi,
Kerja Sama Dengan Biro Pusat Statistik R.I. dan Yayasan Ford. Jakarta, 6 Juni 1988,p. 16.
2.
T. O. Ihromi. The Social Security System for the Aged. Paper presented to the Converence
of die International Family Law Associaiton, Tokyo, 1988, p. 6.
122
References
Soepomo, Iman, S.H., Poerwanto, Helena, S. H., and Rachmat, Suliati, S.H., ed. Hukum
Perburuhan Undang-Undang Dan Peraturan2 (Labour Legislations and Implementing
Regulations), 1987.
123
Homeworkers of Indonesia
Who Cares?
by Lucita Lazo and
Yasmine d'Silva
Background
A systematic search for a cooperating agency in Indonesia was launched in 1988-89 at the
beginning of the ILO-DANIDA Rural Women Homeworkers Project. This review of both
government and non-government organisations, their programmes and whether or not these pertain
to rural women homeworkers was undertaken. The plethora of organisations dealing with community
and rural development made the review complicated.
Both government (GO) and non-government (NGO) organisations were considered as
prospective partners in the endeavour to promote homeworkers' welfare. Relevant agencies were
initially identified with the assistance of an Indonesian researcher and were then surveyed.
Methodology
The review proceeded in two stages: first, questionnaires were distributed; second,interviews
were conducted in Bahasa at a later stage. Organisations were assessed in terms of their institutional
capability, i.e., manpower, resources and facilities; competence, i.e., leadership, educational
background and development expertise; apparent willingness and interest in promoting rural women's
welfare, especially homeworkers and commitment to women-in-development.
Because of the number of organisations involved in rural, community and women development
and the lack of time to cover all, only a selection of respondent organisations were included in the
study. An Indonesian research associate was hired and based on her familiarity with the local
situation and popular knowledge, respondent organisations were chosen from the available directories
of organisations. Government and non-government organisations popularly known to have pertinent
programmes were covered in the study.
Data on NGOs in Indonesia usually mention the name, address and activities but these were
insufficient in determining whether or not such organisations were seriously undertaking programmes
for rural women, particularly homeworkers (RWH).
The GO and NGO respondents were those with community development activities including
those on income-generation, health, public housing and the like, and those whose target groups
whether directly or indirectly were women or women's groups.
The NGO respondents in the study are listed in the annexure.
In the case of GOs, various activities on women workers have been implemented. These are
registered with the Office of the Associate Minister for the Role of Women whose function is to
monitor and coordinate the programmes on women as implemented by various line agencies of
government.
Government organisations approached were: the Ministry for the Role of Women, Ministry
of Home Affairs, the Departments of Manpower, Industry, Transmigration, Cooperatives, Social
Affairs, Agriculture and the National Family Planning Coordination Board (BKKBN).
124
Analyzing the Data
Primary data were supplemented with desk studies and reviews of available literature. The
data from the government sector were reviewed with a special eye on its women-in-development
(WID) activities. For the NGO sector, efforts were made to appreciate and understand the range of
their activities and how they bear upon the ILO-DANIDA subregional project's interest in promoting
the welfare of RWH
Findings
The NGO Sector
NGOs existed in Indonesia long before its independence in 1943. For example, there was
the Subak irrigation system in Bali, the arisan (compulsory savings) in Java and the gotong royong
system for village development. Though these were not labelled as NGOs then, these people
organisations demonstrated the cooperative spirit for community development in Indonesia, thus
exemplifying 'NGOism' even during the pre-modern times.
Examples of the early NGOs can be cited. Founded in 1958 was the NGO called PKBI
which pioneered in family planning, an idea that was not officially accepted during the Sukarno years.
The YSTM was the forerunner of what is now known as the BINA SWADAYA, currently the largest
NGO in the country. It began its work in the field of pre-cooperatives development later branching
out to training other NGO staff and government officials. BINA SWADAYA publishes a widely
circulated agricultural magazine.
More development oriented organisations were born in the 1970s, such as the YIA, LP3S
AND YDD, all of which started as community development organisations. They addressed such
matters as small-scale industries, health, appropriate technology for poor rural communities. They
also emphasized innovations in their activities. These organisations made their names by training field
workers and conducting action research in cooperation with government agencies. At about the same
time, advocate NGOs like LBH and YLKI were founded and pursued action programmes on legal,
human rights, consumer protection and environmental issues.1
Throughout the period, a growing number of large NGOs emerged, many of which were
based in Jakarta. Noteworthy are the BK3 which emphasizes credit unions; LSP which uses
development studies as a tool for influencing decision makers; PEKERTI which helps groups develop
and market handicrafts; PPMAA which develops agri-business in rural areas and YKB which tackles
health problems in densely populated urban areas.2
Billah and Hakim3 corroborate this finding and states: "Non-government organisations
occupied an important position in Indonesia in the first part of this century". Some of the NGOs that
were established at that time eventually transformed into political parties and spearheaded the
nationalist movement. The majority however, remained within the sphere of welfare and education.
By 1980, three kinds of NGOs had emerged: the pioneering NGOS which by now had grown
bigger and were referred to as the Bingos, the region-based NGOS, usually medium-sized and were
referred to as the Mingos and the local or grassroots NGOS referred to as the Lingos. In addition,
there were networks of NGOs some of which held regular dialogues to exchange information and
were thus referred to asfora*
To a large extent, Indonesian NGOs today are a middle class phenomenon, a sign of rising
concern among members of the middle class about the problems of poverty, social injustice and
human rights. The NGOs also manifest public awareness of the consequences of development
125
strategies adopted by the government and the actions taken to implement them.
Today, the term NGO in Indonesia refers to practically almost all kinds of non-government,
non-private and non-profit oriented groups or associations. It encompasses charity organisations,
religious associations, hobby clubs, healdi groups, and development organisations. Some NGOs were
formed to overcome specific and immediate problems; diey self-destruct upon the solution and/or
disappearance of the said problems. Other such groups continued and moved on to address other
social problems.
NGOs are indigenously called lembaga or community organisations. El ridge5 notes that there
was a tactical decision to abandon the term NGO as a generic name; instead the phrases lembaga
swadaya masyarakat or lembaga pengembangaan swadaya masyarakat, literally translated as selfreliant community development institutions were adopted.
There is a proliferation of NGOs in Indonesia nowadays and their number cannot be stated
precisely; various directories list different numbers of such NGOs. The latest study on Indonesian
NGOs (1987) estimated about more than 1,000 organisations of various sizes operating in the
country.6
There are 13 big NGOs in Indonesia, also known as die Bingos or K-13, Kelompok 13 or
group of 13, namely:
1.
BINA DESA (INDHRRA)
Indonesian Development for Human Resources in the Rural Areas
2.
BINA SWADAYA
Community Self-reliance Development Agency
3.
BK31
Credit Union Cooperative Organisation of Indonesia
4.
YDD
Yayasan Dion Desa or Light of the Village Foundation
5.
YIS
Prosperous Indonesia Foundation
6.
YLKI
Yayasan Lembaga Konsumen Indonesia
7.
YPMD
Yayasan Pengembangan Masyarakat Desa
or Rural Society Development Foundation
8.
LBH
Lembaga Bantuan Hukum
9.
LP3ES
Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan
10.
LSP
Lembaga Studi Pembangunan or Development Studies Foundation
126
11.
P3M
Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat
12.
PKBI
Persatuan Keluarga Berencana Indonesia or Indonesian Family Planning Union
13.
WALHI
Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia
or Indonesian Environmental Forum
The group of 13 is not an official organisation but it is a forum for exchange of
information and a vehicle for coordination among member NGOs. On the belief that NGO actions
would be most effective if they were linked with the relevant agencies of government,
KELOMPOK-13 seeks to establish rapport with and generate support from the key officials and
decision makers of government.
There had been recent efforts to unite NGOS under one umbrella organisation but these
have not succeeded yet. Meetings among die NGOs have been called but this has not led to any real
formal unification. This could be due to die NGOs' desire to maintain maximum autonomy.
Types of NGOS
The NGOs in Indonesia have been classified in various ways. One common typology is
based on the thrust of the activities and overall purpose and orientation of the organisation. The
World Bank identifies four types as follows:7
1.
LSM (Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat) are community self-help organisations such
as village-level cooperatives. There are many such traditional groups at the
village level: mosque committees, rudimentary cooperative savings groups (such
as arisan), and reciprocal work arrangements and traditions (such as gotong
royong). There are also a scattering of formal organisations that are not
subsidiary to the official village structures: some water users' associations, for
example, or LPSM-organised cooperatives. Finally, there are a growing number
of government sponsored village-level groups. These are often promoted by local
volunteers {cadres). Local family planning groups and non-formal education
groups have both proven effective in reaching die poor widi social services and
income-generating programs. The number of officially promoted groups is
difficult to judge, as one group may draw resources from and be counted by
various sectoral ministries.
2.
LPSM (Lembaga Pembina Swadaya Masyarakat) refer to agencies that promote
self-help groups. There are over two hundred private Indonesian LPSMs
including networks. Most Indonesian LPSMs started in the 1970s or 1980s. The
biggest has only about 250 staff members, which is small in comparison to local
NGOs in some other Asian countries. The LPSMs are diverse in orientation:
some are religious groups and some are technically oriented. They have also
focused on diverse aspects of development: cooperatives, grassroots institutions,
appropriate technology, environment, and poverty. However, die majority of their
activities are to stimulate greater community participation in Indonesian
development.
3.
Other community service and social organisations. These include religious
institutions, university-related institutions, local foundations and associations. The
127
most extensive of these are religious institutions. There are myriad Moslem
institutions many of which are actively involved in development activities.
The evolution of Indonesia's estimated 6,000 pesantren seems to be a development
success story. In the 1960s, an LPSM called LP3ES (with funding from the
Friedrich Neuman Foundation) began to help pesantren engage in community
development activities. LP3ES and others succeeded in introducing new elements
into the curricula of some pesantren (instructions in agricultural methods, for
example). Some 300 to 400 pesantren now have community development outreach
activities, especially for the rural poor. Christian churches also provide social
services on a significant scale; church-related development activities are especially
important in several of the Outer Islands.
Universities also contribute. All university students must spend two months in a
village doing community development work, and this programme (called KKN)
is administered by the universities. Many private universities often establish
yayasans (institutes of social research, for example). Finally, various professional
and interest groups maintain associations. The Tuberculosis Association used to
concentrate on public information, but cutbacks in the official health budget have
led the Association to get involved in service delivery too. Youth and hiking
groups have added strength to Indonesia's environmental movement.
4.
Semi-governmental organisations. At the end of the 1970s, the government
recognised the need for greater community participation in development and
activated two semi-governmental organisations, the LKMD and PKK. The LKMD
(Village Community Resilience Institution) is an official community development
forum. The PKK (Family Welfare Movement) is a nationwide women's
organisation, which serves at the local level as the women's auxiliary to the
LKMD. The LKMD and the PKK are intended to help village leaders mobilise
the population to take part in government programmes and are chaired by the
village headman and includes other village leaders. The PKK is chaired by the
headman's wife. At the district, provincial, and national level, the PKK is chaired
by the wife of the highest-ranking officer in the Ministry of Home Affairs.
It is a substantia] achievement that the LKMD and PKK can be found in at least
rudimentary form in virtually every Indonesian village. The PKK estimates its membership at two
million nationwide. In many villages, the LKMD and PKK do significant work.
During the 1980s, numerous government programmes have been launched which depended
on village kaders, normally members of the PKK. An anthropological study of kaders infivevillages
found that many of them spend as much as 20 hours a week in community activities, at considerable
cost in terms of lost income and time away from household work. The quality of the services
performed by the LKMD and PKK varies considerably from area to area. Similar to some official
programmes, the LKMD and PKK are weakest in relatively remote and poor areas where they are
needed most. Thus, any efforts to strengthen government programmes in poor areas would need to
include a component to also strengthen the LKMD and PKK, if they are involved in service delivery.
Among these semi-governmental organisations are women's associations such as the PKK,
Dharma Pertiwi (military wives) and Dharma Wanita (wives of civil servants). The national council
of women's associations (KOWANI) includes 64 women's associations and these serve a number of
functions, including development work.
Another semi-governmental organisation is the village cooperative(s) which are aggregated
128
together into one KUD (Koperasi Unit Desa). These KUDs serve as middlemen in the marketing of
agricultural inputs and rural credit provision. However, only a small proportion of KUDs are selfsufficient and financially sound. In addition, there is some question about the extent to which KUDs
benefit lower-income groups. REPELITA V envisions a growing role and increasing independence
among cooperatives mainly through additional training of cooperative managers. The subsidies and
special treatments accorded the KUDs however need to be reviewed in the long run.
An interesting two-dimensional classification of NGOs is made by Elridge8 on the basis
of the 'degree of independence or closeness' to or cooption by government as well as the strategy
used by the NGO. He arrives at four types as follows:
Model 1: High Level Partnership:Grassroots Development
This type cooperates in official development while seeking to influence project
design and implementation in more participatory directions. It entails linking programmes
to existing community organisations for the purpose. NGOs in this group show no interest
in changing or intervening in the political process as such, confining efforts to influence
policy to working through the government agencies directly concerned. NGOs in this
group originated as small, locally-oriented groups who have been pitch forked into largescale programmes as much by accident as design. They remain well aware of the need
to maintain effective 'grassroots' links and can in no sense be classified as GONGOs
(Government organised NGOs). Examples of NGOs in this group are the Bina Swadaya
and Yayasan Indonesia Sejahtera.
Model 2: High level Politics: Grassroots Mobilisation
This type promotes consciousness raising and capacity for self-management among
specific target groups. It seeks legal status and protection for them against lower level
officials and other vested interests through contacts forged at higher levels of government.
They play strong advocacy roles bom in seeking protection and space for local
mobilisation and on specific policy issues— these NGOs monitor political developments
in Jakarta closely as they have contacts with me military and the bureaucracy. As they
also tend to be linked through strong social networks based on Islam, die various small
group formations which they sponsor can be seen providing a supportive formal
infrastructure for more high level, politically oriented activity.
Examples of this are the Lembaga Studi Pembangunan, Yayasan Lembaga
Konsumen Indonesia, LP3S or the Institute for Economic, Social Research, Education and
Information, the Indonesian Environmental Forum, and die Legal Aid Foundation.
Model 3: Empowerment at the Grassroots
Actions are focused at local radier than national level. Their concept of
mobilisation emphasises consciousness raising and awareness of rights radier than
campaigns to change policy while pursuing goals of autonomous group formation more
single-mindedly— only minimum contact is sought wiUi government agencies. Social and
political change is seen as ultimately less dependent on policy changes by the government
as on self-reliant group formation, in die belief diat eventually a strong, informally
structured popular movement will emerge— diey emphasise face-to-face dealings radier
dian formal organisations, diey also tend to minimise involvement in large-scale
networking arrangements.
129
Groups in this stream are by definition, smaller, more diffused and less associated
with big name NGOs. As previously noted, they are to be found in many fields of activity
pursued by Model 2 groups, particularly those relating to ecology, legal and human rights
and women's issues. Networking among such groups is assisted by research and
documentation centers such as Kalyanamitra, in the case of women's groups and the
Human Rights Study and Information Group (INSHAM) which is developing a data base
on human rights issues and struggles in Indonesia in cooperation with parallel groups in
other Southeast Asian countries.
Examples of this are the Legal Aid Study Group (KSBH) and the Gondolayu
'riverflat' community.
Linkages Among NGOs
Relations among the NGOS are generally harmonious. Seminars and workshops are often
used as a means of exchanging information among themselves. The bigger NGOs assist the smaller
ones to develop. For example, the BINA DESA, YIS and WALHI help develop the small NGOS in
their respective areas of operation. These three groups do not directly work with the grassroots but
by developing the local NGOs engaged in community development, they are able to reach the
grassroots. Hence, the village-based NGOs become the effective extensions of the urban, city-based
NGOs. The cooperation usually ends however when a given project is completed.
Aside from the project-based linkages, there are special fora on specific issues. For
example, there are fora on forestry, SKEPHY; on breast feeding, BKPPASI; on pesticides, KRAP;
on action research, FISKA; children's welfare, FKKPAI; and the like. There are also some fora
established in specific areas or regions such Warung Kopi in Bandung; Kelompok Sepuluh in Jakarta,
Forum LSM of DIY in Yogyakarta and WIM in Medan and similar such fora.
The need for networking among NGOs with common goals is well perceived and
recognised. In most provinces of Indonesia today, there are NGO fora. Networking among NGOs
is viewed as essential in arriving at broad-based consultations, consolidation of resources and
maximisation of development efforts so as to make an impact on structural changes.9
Objectives and target groups
In general, the socio-economic objectives of Indonesian NGOS is wide ranging but some
of them specialise on issues and development activities in specific sectors like environment or human
rights. The larger NGOs may cover a variety of sectors.
In the early years of NGOs, the work tended to concentrate on community health but
lately, there has been a shift towards the promotion of income-earning activities especially among the
low-income groups leading to the proliferation of joint business groups or KUBs which were mostly
formed by the LSMs. Bina Desa alone claims to have established some 17,000 KUBs all over the
country.
The target groups are also varied such as farmers' groups, craftsmen, family planning
acceptors, women groups and the like. Although NGOs gravitate towards helping the poor, low and
disadvantaged groups, a few of the NGOs in this study are keen to address the women as their target
group. Though they do not categorically mention rural women homeworkers, it is presumed that they
would in fact cover the RWH. For example, PEKERTI is aimed at promoting handicrafts and it
works closely with the grassroots groups in the poor rural areas. They include both men and women
in their programme. Since the focus of PEKERTI is handicraft promotion, their programmes
effectively address the women engaged in putting out work by incidence rather than by design. The
130
same case is true in the production of puppets called wayang. The dresses of the puppets are made
by the women's groups. Also, in weaving fabrics, the fine weaving is done by the women.
Women as Target Group
There are only a limited number of national NGOs centered around or extensively dealing
with women.10 However, there are numerous local or grassroots NGOs dealing with women's issues
but do not necessarily focus on rural women homeworkers. If they do, they do not label their target
group as such; the trend is to target women in general. Further, the tendency is to focus on specific
issues or activities like handicraft promotion, land reform, urban resettlement and the like.
In a limited study of Women-in-Development (WID) activities of NGOs in Indonesia in
1987, Wullur11 states that the NGOs which she surveyed only "incidentally undertake WID activities.
None of them mentioned the need to integrate WID activities in their projects". However, the socalled 'organisasi wanita' or women's associations focus their activities on women's well-being and
enhancement of women's role and status in Indonesian society. Most such WID activities are in the
field of non-formal education, vocational training and organisation of seminars and workshops.
In view of the above, it is easily understood why no single organisation was found to
be specifically targeting the rural women homeworkers in the current survey.
But by virtue of the breadth of the targets of many NGOs, they 'come' upon the rural
homeworkers in the course of implementing their development projects.
In the last six years, die Indonesian government has expressed a new interest in women
as an essential participant and object of development. Using elements of older women's associations,
the GOI has established what it calls a non-political women's movement including the P2W-KSS,
PKK, IWAPI, KELOMPOK ASEPTOR, and similar organisations.12
Development Projects, Approaches and Strategies
The NGOs' main activities consist of community development projects which directly
involve them with the grassroots. Their programmes vary from sector to sector and includes a wide
array of development projects such as those on land and water management, community health, family
planning, small industry, appropriate technology, cooperatives, vocational and technical training,
public housing and die like. Almost all income-generating activities have been undertaken by
community groups. The big NGOs cover a variety of activities such as field research, training,
consultancy and extension services to grassroots communities.
The approach to grassroots projects follow a common pattern akin to that introduced by
LP3S. Usually, mere is a motivator/activator/ animator who starts the programme and follows it
through until the project is successfully completed. To ensure success much emphasis is given to
training, especially project management skills for the NGO staff.
Following a participatory approach, the motivators' role is to cultivate the interest of the
target group in overcoming their problems which is crucial in project success and sustainability. The
level of motivation must be maintained by the motivator even after the completion of NGO
involvement. Motivators may include hired NGO staff and/or public figures who are usually
community leaders or persons witii stature in the community.
After me motivational phase, the NGO and the motivator proceed with group formation
and introduction of interventions such as technical training for product development, capital
formation, marketing assistance and the like. Especially for technical training, NGOs usually seek
131
assistance from bigger organisations who are paid to deliver such within a specified period.
Productive groups are formed and groomed to become cooperatives. At this point, the motivator
continues with his role, monitors group progress and provides the necessary back stopping.
Elridge observes that Indonesian NGOs employ different types of strategies: empowerment,
mobilisation and development. These different strategies imply different degrees and quality of
dependence or autonomy from the State. Compared to India where the distinction between
developmental and mobilisation modes of action are more sharply articulated, Indonesian voluntary
action groups have shown considerable skills in integrating these two approaches. In view of the
general tendency for governments to control any form of protest, NGOS have chosen to operate under
the umbrella of official development slogans but to redefine them in terms of paradigms more oriented
towards participatory structures and democratic forms of community building.13
Modes of NGO involvement
Indonesian NGOs may act as subcontractors, bidders or proponents of development
projects. The Government of Indonesia has community development programmes which are
contracted out for implementation by an NGO. Such could entail conducting training or monitoring
and evaluating projects. Components of a big bilateral or multilateral project could be farmed out
to various NGOs and/or other government departments.
In other instances, projects are bidded out to the NGOs. The winner of the bidding
becomes the primary contractor which can in turn subcontract to other smaller NGOs. The big
NGOs, often known to the donors, participate in such bidding. Where there is need for technical
expertise, they then subcontract. For example, Yayasan Mandiri subcontracted PEKERTI to carry
out the technical training for making wooden ovens, special handicrafts and the like due to either the
lack of in-house expertise for the project or closeness of the NGO to the locale of the target groups.
Small NGOs, usually unknown to donors, submit proposals to the donor institutions like
the UNDP or Ford Foundation. Through this arrangement, these small NGOs are able to establish
their track record until they become regular bona fide clients of the donor agencies.
The Impact of NGOs
"In aggregate, there is a significant involvement of community groups in Indonesia. A
joint study by the Ministry of Home Affairs and an NGO of community participation in 12 villages
of Java found that about half of those interviewed actively participated in LKMD, PICK, or other
semi-government activities. About a third were involved in more strictly governmental programs
(KUD, an official development project, family planning, agricultural extension, etc.). About a third
also said they were involved in an NGO activity (a self-help group, voluntary social organisation,
irrigation association, etc.). There was probably much overlap, with less participation among lowerincome families''.14
The exact impact of NGOs is difficult to establish due to the lack of precise data.
However some impressions could be made and trends established. For instance, a recent USAID
study lists 20 lines of development activity in which community groups in Indonesia have helped to
develop innovations.15
Government Attitude Toward NGOs
In Indonesia, NGOs have long worked closely with government agencies than do NGOs
in many developing countries. Community groups have been actively participating with the
government in a number of development programmes. Government officials have realised that many
132
projects can be wasteful and ineffectual without the involvement of the community, and die fiscal
constraints of the 1980s have provided an additional impetus in seeking greater community
participation.16
Government attitude towards NGOs range from an open welcome to outright suspicion
and a want to control. Official policy toward community groups was very cautious.17
In 1982, the government issued an environmental law which among others gave
recognition to the NGOs' role in national development. "The development of the LKMD and the
PKK in the 1980s has been intended to elicit broader and more active social participation in
development. Meetings and consultative mechanisms between officials and LPSMs have become
increasingly frequent".18
Then in 198S, the Indonesian parliament passed the Law on Social Organisations or the
Undang-undang Organisasi Kemasyarakatan. This law has seriously and perhaps, fatally undermined
the autonomy of the NGOs. Also known as the ORMAS law, it gives the government powers to
disband organisations whose activities are considered detrimental to values of harmony and national
unity in Pancasila. How the latter would be implemented remains vague however.
The Guidelines for State Policy and (GBHN) and REPELITA V both stress die need for
greater community participation in development.
NGOs are emerging as a fourth force in Indonesian national development. Government
agencies are known to request die involvement of NGOs in conducting training for government
workers. This has increased since the eighties when NGO personnel were consulted for tiieir opinions
of high ranking government officials.
Many NGOs are involved in obtaining development funds from abroad, especially for
village development. Most NGO programmes, especially those of small ones, depend on external and
foreign funding.
Indonesian NGOs are recognised and given serious attention in international circles. For
instance, in Brussels an NGO denounced the evacuation by the Indonesian government of the people
in a Central Javanese village called Kedung Ombo in order to build a dam. The NGOs requested the
World Bank to monitor the implementation of die project since it is die source of funds. This
situation caused serious problems between the Government of Indonesia and the World Bank. It has
also aroused some wariness of NGOs in certain sectors in government.
In another instance, an NGO called WALHI, which cooperates with NGOs from the
United States, has led die campaign for environmental protection and has caused die cancellation of
a paper factory in Irian Jaya. This move was to protect die tropical forests in die island.
NGO involvement in poverty programmes is favored because in many instances they reach
die poor more effectively dian large government programmes. Moreover, dieir active involvement
in government programmes tends to increase village acceptance of government and dius, increase
participation. Involvement of community groups can also ease die financial and staff costs of
implementing labour-intensive poverty programs.19
Impact on Communities
NGOs are flourishing well in Java. Most of die NGOs choose Jakarta as dieir base
because die resources are mostly available in die city. Because die majority of die population and die
poor are located in die island of Java, programmes for die upliftment of low-income groups are
133
concentrated in the area. Programmes typically begin with sanitation and health such as potable water
programmes, farm irrigation, immunization for mothers and infants. There are also programmes for
environmental improvement, i.e., making wells, housing, hygiene and nutrition, birth control. As
sanitation and health are improved, NGOs turn their sights into improving incomes of low-income
groups. Thus, self-reliant groups are developed such as those formed by Bina Desa, 116,00 groups;
PPMA, 400 groups; LP3S, 100 groups, etc. Exact figures cannot be given because of the sheer
number. The success of these groups are reported to the government and they become model
programmes to encourage other areas to form new groups. Some groups have been successful, some
continue to need assistance from GOs and others have simply dissolved.
The private sector also recognises the competence of NGOs by utilising them as
consultants. This shows their confidence in the professionalism and capability of NGO personnel
especially in group formation and organisation.
The GO Sector
The central body of government concerned with women-in-development is the Ministry
for the Role of Women, also known as the UPW. Through Presidential Decree No. 12/1984, it was
established during Repelita III.
Purpose, Objectives and WID Programmes
The UPW is mandated:
1.
To promote and develop the women's role as housewives and homemakers for a
healthy family, women's participation in the labour force through increased
employment opportunities in all sectors, women's role in education and training
and women's role in national development by increasing their capabilities in
pursuing the goals of social justice and economic prosperity as embodied in
Pancasila.
2.
To create a socio-cultural climate conducive to the enhancement of women's role
in society.
The UPW primarily coordinates government activities for women development. It does
not implement projects by itself and it does not have offices at the local level. WID projects are
implemented by the various line agencies of government.
Each government department has a division, the P2W, that implements programmes and
specific projects for the enhancement of women's role. The UPW orchestrates these activities which
fall along four integrated programmes:
1.
Programmes for the enhancement of women's roles as housewives and
homemakers in order to ensure a healthy and wholesome family (P2W-KSS).
2.
Programmes for the expansion of women's employment opportunities.
3.
Programmes for women's information on the law.
4.
Programmes for general public information on the need for enhancement of the
women's role.
The programmes pertaining to women's legal literacy and improvements on employment
134
and income opportunities have been developed only at a small scale as they are not yet considered
high priority. It is also noted that the priority programmes have not been fully implemented.
The employment and income programme for women mainly concerns ten GOs, namely
the Departments of Industry, Manpower, Agriculture, Education and Culture, Trade, Cooperatives,
Social Affairs and the BKKBN and the PKK. Special note is made of this in view of the interest on
rural women homeworkers' welfare promotion.
Other WID programmes are: the productivity improvement of women in the formal sector,
family life programmes and intensification of P4.
Mode of Implementation
UPW coordinates projects through the LKMD and the PKK team motivator at the
provincial level. Local officials of the concerned departments coordinate with the UPW.
Coordination is often limited by the lack of overseers or monitors/supervisors of the target
groups at the local or grassroots level. Progress reports on the grassroots projects are submitted by
the bupati or head of the region and management decisions are normally based on the written reports
of die implementing agencies. With the limited monitoring staff at the grassroots, information on the
projects are often insufficient. Consequently, management decisions and programme adjustments and
improvements can only be as good or inadequate as the data inputs that come.
Programmes are evaluated every year in terms of how much it has created self-reliance,
cooperative or group formation, income improvement and employment creation among the target
groups.
Each government department pursues its own mission vis-a-vis the goal of women
development. This means WID activities are incorporated in the main mandate and mission of each
government agency. For example, spiritual development is the task of the Department for Religious
Affairs; small industry, the Department of Industry; improvement of migrant women, the Department
of Transmigration; women's health improvement, the Department of Health; women's formal
education, the Department of Education and improvement of women's role in the family, the
Department of Social Affairs.
Each department organises its own work plan according to a set of priorities established
by government. To date, priority is accorded to implementing the P2W-KSS started in 1979 - 1980.
Activities along this line are: basic data collection, P4 mass education, literacy programmes,
agricultural information, nutrition, family health services including maternal and child care, family
planning, housing, environmental sanitation, family welfare, cooperatives, health education for village
women, dissemination of 10 PKK programmes and legal information for women.
The employment programme for women seeks to upgrade their knowledge, skills and
attitudes which are essential in building independent livelihood and business groups (KUBs). In die
long run, the KUBs are expected to evolve into cooperative undertakings. Production cooperatives
are encouraged because it allows die women to carry the double burdens of child care and housework
even as they earn money.
Target Groups
In general, the target group is the entire women populace especially the disadvantaged ones
and die female heads of households, bodi rural and urban. But each agency has a specialised
clientele. In practice, each agency defines its target which is usually dependent on dieir specific
135
project objectives and their budget. For example, the Manpower Department is concerned with
unskilled women's groups; die Department of Trade with female traders; the Department of
Cooperatives with women cooperatives and so on.
The selection of project sites is based on the following criteria:
1.
The provinces selected should be within the department's regional or area
priorities.
2.
The district selected should be decided by the governor together with the LKMD.
3
The subdistrict should be based on the bupati's recommendation, after consultation
with the LKMD and the PKK team at the subdistrict level.
4.
The villages and the subdistrict to be chosen by the bupati should be based on
camat's recommendations who in turn should have consulted the rural
development team, the LKMD and the PKK.
5.
The village is ultimately chosen by the governor with technical advice from the
Ministry of Home Affairs.
A new project location is named every year subject to die availability of funds. Projects
are generally programmed for completion within one year, a policy that has been difficult to meet.
As a result, a number of projects have had to be abandoned as diey could not be completed within
a year.
Impact of WID programmes
The UPW coordinated programmes have so far been well received by various groups. In
terms of area coverage, die programmes have not reached the intended goals. In Indonesia, there are
more man 16,000 villages which obviously require a significant amount of resources for adequate
coverage. For example, in die P2WKSS 1982-85 programme report, 100 families were targeted for
the first two years in the provinces of Jakarta, West Java, Yogjakarta, East Java and Bali while for
the other provinces only 50 families were programmed. Almough government projects obtain foreign
funding such as those from die Nedierlands government, budgetary constraints continue to hamper
full coverage of all provinces.
Conclusions
1. Rural women homeworkers are targets of GO and NGO programmes by incidence
rather man by design. They benefit from development projects becausetiieyhappen to belong to die
hordes of disadvantaged including women. Thus, it is not surprising mat mere is neimer a GO nor
NGO specialising in die problems and issues pertaining to homeworkers.
As earlier stated, not many NGOs specialise on women. Many NGOs are referred to as
organisasi social, literally translated as social organisations, which are not specifically women
oriented but may have women's activities as opposed to organisasi wanita which specialise on
women-in-development activities.20
2. The problems and needs of rural women homeworkers as a disadvantaged sector are
not yet well appreciated by bodi die GO and NGO sectors. The two-pronged need to promote
employment and social protection and die dilemma mis poses, is, as yet, not too well known and
understood.
136
3. Programmes of both GOs and NGOs strongly stress group and cooperative formation
and employment and income-generation. They tend to leave out, however, the matter of social
protection for most, if not all target groups, and particularly for rural women homeworkers.
By implication, this indicates the urgent need to raise overall public awareness of
homework-related issues, especially the need for social protection of the rural women.
It is noted however that some NGOs which offer social and medical services and legal aid
for women, but these are still a handful. The SPSI, for example, has both training, extension
services, advocacy and other forms of assistance for urban and rural women in selected sites under
a project funded by the Ford Foundation.
4. Both GOs and NGOs have significant roles to play in the RWH welfare campaign in
Indonesia. But in both sectors, there is a need to raise consciousness among their officials about
homeworking issues. Male domination in the hierarchies of the GOs and NGOs pervades and where
WID concerns are at issue, the tendency to preserve the established order is likely to hold. Gender
orientation/sensitisation would be essential in both sectors.
By mandate, it is the GOs' responsibility to ensure employment and social protection for
all, though this is in fact, a practical impossibility due to the enormity of the population and the
vastness of geographical area to be covered. Lately, the GOs have awakened to the women's cause
and have, in fact, introduced a lot of initiatives to set in motion the much needed social reforms.
One major advantage of GOs is the existence of an established delivery system, no matter
how inefficient or inadequate, for social services. For the purpose of the campaign of social
protection of RWH, the system would have to be infused with the appropriate orientation and
adaptation in policies and programmes to ensure the coverage of homeworkers' welfare in its regular
activities.
GOs remain hampered by their limited budgets. But through the assistance of donor
agencies, GOs have been able to initiate and launch substantial WID projects such as for example the
one supported by the UNDP and the Netherlands government. The homeworkers' cause could be
incorporated into these ongoing programmes.
The GO approach to development projects has tended to be 'top down' as opposed to being
participatory. Towards the nineties, the GOs have began to practice a participatory approach through
the involvement of NGOs in the delivery of development projects. For example, the Indonesian
government will delegate the responsibility of implementing a water supply project under a World
Bank loan to a leading NGO. This would represent a major step in allowing these groups more
participation in development.21
NGOs have demonstrated their potential in introducing and carrying the burden of social
change. The high level of motivation of many NGOs to improve the welfare of the low-income
groups is a major strength. Smaller NGOs, usually operating at the local or grassroots level, do not
have many groups to monitor but they could be comparatively more motivated than the big NGOs.
Even the big NGOs admit that grassroots or local NGOs have a great sense of duty to the
communities and the people they serve.
NGO staff are directly involved with the target groups through their cadre of field workers
who develop close relations with the communities concerned. They possess a wealth of field
experience although their professional or educational backgrounds may not be in the field of
community development.
137
The programmes of the NGOs are mostly financed by international organisations and, in
some small part, by the government. This dependence on foreign funding makes it difficult for them
to pursue programmes on a sustained basis and has caused them to withdraw as soon as the funds
have been exhausted. Many big NGOs have tried to finance their own programmes by rendering
consultancy services and engaging in research and publication. Generation of funds is undertaken
professionally and seriously but this undermines priority for programmes and projects. This puts the
matter of project sustainability and its being institutionalised at issue.
Compared to other executing agencies, NGOs are very efficient in their use of funds for
community programmes. Maximum use of manpower is practiced by involving the target groups as
well as officials from their head and field offices, in project implementation thus minimising
expenditures and at the same time benefitting the organisation. With the involvement of regional
officials, collection of information on the target groups is also facilitated.
Because of the NGOs' limitation in human and financial resources, they tend to restrict
their area coverage and choose to deal with target groups within closer physical reach for easier
monitoring. Also, they choose to enter areas in which they have been previously involved because
support from the local officials help in the smoodi implementation of programmes. If they enter new
areas, they would have to establish rapport with the local officials. In the case of bigger NGOs such
as the Bina Desa and Dian Desa, their area coverage is nationwide. By doing so, they hope they
would be able to obtain support from big donor agencies whose preference is to develop the more
remote areas.
Indonesian NGOs have attracted the attention of international NGOS like the Foster Parent
Plan, Friedrich Neuman Stiftung, and the like. Except for Bina Swadaya, all NGOs covered in the
present study are dependent on donor funding. They all express the desire to be self-sustaining but
this means that they would have to be commercialised as is the case of Bina Swadaya which succeeded
to finance 70 per cent of its programmes through consultancies.
5. Though there are a number of committed and capable GOs and NGOs involved in WID
and rural development, gender sensitivity is not yet one of their main strong points. Also, there is
much to be done to make them realise and understand the homeworkers' cause and what could be
done to alleviate their plight in practical terms.
These imply the need for workshops and seminars to orient GO and NGO staff on gender,
WID, and homeworking issues and their interrelationships. There is also the need to strengthen
advocacy and policy reform skills of the GOs and NGOs who could help in championing the
homeworkers' campaign for social protection.
6. The case for partnership with an NGO is well supported by past experiences in project
implementation in Indonesia. The World Bank22 argues well for their potential role in poverty
alleviation programmes:
LPSMs and other community groups can neareasc the poor's partndpatiioini in poverty
programmes. Many of the poor are illiterate or live in isolated areas, so the job of reaching the poor
and educating them about existing government programmes is a difficult task. Community groups
can be encouraged to mobilise the poor and thereby help diem to benefit more from poverty
programmes;
NGOS can be nimvollvedl inn tlhe planmninig aumd delivery off poverty programmes. Examples
of this are PKK involvement in POSYANDUs and the community participation component of the KIP
currently envisioned during the REPELITA V period.
138
Community groups can monitor the implementation and effectiveness of government
development programmes. Recently, a leading NGO has been assisting the government in
monitoring the results of the expanded standpipe programme.
The Government can draw upon the initiatives of community groups to develop a national
programme. Frequently, LPSMs will develop an effective approach for assisting the poor and test
it on a small scale. The government can learn from die experience and support replication of me
program on a wider scale.
7. The choice of a partner or collaborating institution in Indonesia took into account certain
considerations:
•
A women's grassroots organisation was preferred because die target group consists
of rural women homeworkers.
•
Organisations already involved or which have been previously involved in projects
and activities that directly or indirectly further die welfare of RWH.
•
Apparent commitment to development work, especially as manifested by die
leadership, die performance record and their reputation.
•
Overall institutional capability to deliver social services.
In Indonesia, it was found that die circle of women experts especially for grassroots actions
is limited. There are WID researchers but mere are few who really are into grassroots action projects
of die type envisaged. Also, many qualified women, to whom die audiors were referred, were
already engaged in other projects or were unavailable for some reason. Hence, die search for a
women NGO did not prove easy. In East Java, particularly in Malang, die Yayasan Pengembangan
Pedesaan (YPP) or die Rural Development Foundation was asked to be a cooperator dirough its
current executive director whom die author met during a conference on RWH in Ahmedabad, India
in 1989. Though mere have been no previous RWH projects in die YPP, diey were considered
favorably because it was felt mat die director had been oriented to RWH issues and is very much into
WID research.
Odier organisations found to be worthwhile engaging as partners were die PEKERTI,
PPSW and ANISA SWASTI.
PEKERTI focuses its work on development of productive activities at die community level.
It specialises in home-based industries and traditional handicrafts such as batik, puppet making, wood
carving, bamboo production, basket weaving, sweets and snacks preparation and die like. They have
even recruited a British consultant to help in product design for export markets. PEKERTI is
committed to promoting village products, especially in die international markets.
PEKERTI has die experience in developing production groups, whedier at die local,
regional or national level. Their network of cooperators is radier extensive. They also cooperate well
with government agencies particularly in skills training and management of traditional handicrafts.
This speaks of die confidence laid upon die organisation by various agencies in die country. It is
highly market oriented and in mat sense, it has a well developed business orientation which would
be extremely useful in promoting employment and income projects for women.
PPSW and ANISA SWASTI are small NGOs. Bodi are women NGOs which could be
involved in helping target groups in such tilings as informing die housewives and workers of their
rights as sellers and producers.
139
PPSW is seriously developing itself as the Jakarta-based information center for women's
issues while the ANISA SWASTI is more oriented towards developing women's conscientisation.
They therefore would complement each otiier's work.
Due to manpower limitations, the PPSW could be made to handle the West Java area and
the ANISA SWASTI, the Central Java region.
In the government sector, the departments of trade and industry would be 'natural'
cooperators.
The Department of Industry has a division specialising in women enterprises. They have
professional employees dealing with home-based and cottage industries and the promotion of small
industry. In-house, there are competent personnel who could assist the RWH but their major
limitation is their work overload. Because of the currently strong emphasis on small enterprise
promotion, the staff are thinly spread into many projects.
The Department of Trade could be requested to help in marketing home-based products
as they are already doing to some extent. They could also provide information regarding product
demand, quotas and similar such information.
The Department of Manpower would be most suited in pursuing measures for social
protection of the RWH including the propagation of legal information for women.
8. Although NGOs have demonstrated their value in development work, the government,
donors and other concerned development oriented would be well advised to be "realistic about the
role that community groups (NGOs) can play"23 in poverty reduction programmes and development
projects.
In the case of women's organisations, they rely heavily on female volunteers, even for the
senior positions and most of the clerical tasks. Wullur24 reports mat in her study, the women NGOs
complain of the need to professionalise their organisations but that they have difficulty in recruiting
skilled and dedicated volunteers.
In contrast, other NGOS have a formal organisation, properly structured and managed by
a full-time professional.
"LPSMs are very small in Indonesia. Their geographical coverage is uneven, and they
are weak in some of the areas characterised by a high incidence of poverty. Some LPSMs
particularly local groups, suffer from the same problems as many local governments: a lack of
management skills, qualified staff, and equipment and facilities. LPSMs and semi-governmental
organisations cannot substitute for key government services; for example, the POSYANDU
programme has clearly suffered in some areas from too little logistical support from the government's
own health staff. But at the margin, community groups can have a positive effect on reaching the
poor and improving the efficiency of government programmes".25
9. The homeworkers' campaign for social protection may not be very easy in view of the
prevailing socio-cultural climate. Women in Indonesia are reported to lack awareness of their rights
and responsibilities; in addition, they themselves tend to perpetuate the traditional stereotypes about
male and female roles.26
140
Postscript
This study was done in 1989 and was finalised in 1991 for publication. Within the ensuing
period since 1989, much has happened in the WID and national development scene. Some
observations may have been overtaken by current events. Notwithstanding social and political
obstacles, ferment in women and national development in Indonesia is obviously happening,
hopefully, for the betterment of the poor and the women.
141
Endnotes
"Indonesia," Report of the Country Review, PACT, New York, 1989,p.78.
Ibid., p. 79.
M.M, Billah & Abdul Hakim G.N. "State Constraints on NGOs in Indonesia:
Recent Developments." Prisma, no. 47, Jakarta, 1989, p. 58.
PACT Country Report, op. cit.. p. 82.
Philip Elridge. "NGO's and the State in Indonesia," Prisma, no, 47, Jakarta, 1989, p. 36.
Anton Soedjarwo. "Possibility of NGO's Involvement in ADB financed Projects,
Indonesian Case." Yayasan Dian Desa & International Development Support Services,*
Australia, p.
"Indonesia, Poverty Assessment & Strategy Report," Document of the World Bank,
May 11, 1990, pp. 133-135.
Elridge, op. cit.. pp. 44 - 52.
Untitled Notes on NGOs, photocopy, p.2.
Vera Wullur. " A Glimpse of WID Activities of NGOs in Indonesia." (First Draft).
Embassy of Netherlands, Jakarta, April 1987, p.4.
Ibid., p. 4.
Mayling Oey-Gardiner. "Women In Development: Indonesia." Report prepared for
the ADB, Jakarta, November, 1986, pp. 3-6.
Elridge, loc. cit.. p. 58.
"Indonesia, Poverty Assessment & Strategy," Loc. cit.. p. 136.
Ibid..p. 139.
Ibid., p. 136.
Ibid., p. 138.
In the ADB report on Indonesia (p.2), it is stated that the "government of Indonesia's past
experiences have alerted tern to be careful no to let the NGOs engage in any political
practices," but there have been different interpretations; consequently, the policies
concerning forms of control mechanisms vary from place to place.
Ibid., p. 138.
Elridge, loc. cit.. p. 38.
Vera Wullur, loc. cit.. p.4.
142
21.
Anton Soedjarwo, loc cit. .p. 4.
22.
"Indonesia, Poverty Assessment & Strategy," Document of the World Bank, May 11,
1990, p. 136.
23.
Ibid., p. 140.
24.
Vera Wullur, loc. cit.. pp. 7 & 8.
25.
Ismid Hadad, loc cit.. pp. 10 - 12.
26.
Ibid-, P- 9.
143
References
Billah. M. M. & Hakim G. N., Abdul. "State Constraints on NGOs in Indonesia:
Recent Developments." Prisma (English version), no. 47. LP3S: Jakarta, 1989,
pp. 57 -66.
Elridge, Philip. "NGOs and the State in Indonesia." Prisma (English version), no. 47. LP3S:
Jakarta, 1989, pp. 34 - 56.
Hendrata, Lukas. "Bureaucracy, Participation and Distribution in Indonesian Development." Prisma
(English version), no. 28, LP3s: Jakarta, 1983, pp. 21 - 32.
Indonesia. Country Profile. ILO Office, Jakarta, 1989.
Ismid, Hadad. "Development and Community Self-help in Indonesia," Prisma (English version), no.
28. LP3S: Jakarta, 1983, pp. 3-20.
Indonesia." Report of the Country Review. Private Agencies Collaborating Together (PACT). New
York, 1989, pp. 75 - 102.
"Indonesia, Poverty Assessment and Strategy Report." Document of the World Bank, May 11, 1990.
"NGO, A Blessing or A Curse." Manpower in Indonesia. YTKI-RDC Newsletter, volume 1, October
1989, p. 9.
Oey-Gardiner, Mayling. "Women in Development:Indonesia." Jakarta, November 1986, 65 pp.
Pinney, Andrew. "Bureaucracy and People's Participation." Prisma (English version), no. 28. LP3S:
Jakarta, 1983, pp. 33 - 45.
" Pokok-Pokok Petunjuk Pelaksanaan Program Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Dalam Pembangunan "
(Guidelines to Increase Women in Development Activities), Department of Women's
Affairs Office, Jakarta, 1989.
Rahardjo, Dawam (team leader). Abstracts of Non-farm employment Generation Projects for Rural
Women in Indonesia: A Policy-Oriented Research. Center for Agribusiness Development
(PPA), Center for Women Resources Development (PPSW), BAPPENAS, & IDRC.
Jakarta, 1988, 89 pp.
Soedjarwo, Anton, Soetrisno, Loekman and Aristanti, Christina. "Possibility of NGO's Involvement
in ADB Financed Projects, Indonesian Case." Yayasan Dian Desa & International
Development Support Services, Australia, December, 1988, 38 pp.
Utrect, Artien. Peranan NGO di Indonesia, Dilema Birokratisasi dalam Partisipasi Swadaya
Masyarakat (NGO's Role in Indonesia, Dilemma of Bureaucratization in Society's
Independet Participation.) Tanah Air Bulletin No.l, Yayasan Dialog Nusantara,
Amsterdam, 1987.
Untitled Notes on NGOs. Photocopy, no date.
144
Wijaya, Hesti. " Community Survey Report - Women household Heads in East Java, A Case Study
of a Highland Village." Central Bureau of Statistics and the Villae Development
Foundation, Malang, 1988.
Wullur, Vera. " A Glimpse of WID activities of NGOs in Indonesia, An Inventory of Women in
Development Activities of Some Major Non-governmental Organization." Embassy of
Netherlands, April 1987, pp.
145
Glossary
cakalang - a local variety of fish
cungkil kelapa - a tool used for extracting the meat from shells
ikat - a traditional design in cloth weaving
kampung - village
krupuk - crackers made of prawns or fish
pesantren - a religious organisation of Islams or Muslims
teri cuci - a local variety of fish
mendong - palm leaves
146
Annex A
Directory of Government and Non-government Organizations
Name of Organization
Acronyms
or Common Names
/. Non-government Organizations
NGOs Reviewed Belonging to the Group of 13
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Pembinaan Sumber Daya Manusiawi Pedesaan
Badan Pengembangan Swada Masyarakat
Badan Koordinasi Koperasi Kredit Indonesia
Yayasan Dian Desa
Yayasan Indonesia Sejahtera
Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan
Ekonomi dan Sosial
Lembaga Studi Pembangunan
Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia
Bina Desa
Bina Swadaya
BK31
YDD
YIS
LP3S
LSP
WALHI
NGOs Reviewed Not in the Group of 13
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
II.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Yayasan Pengembangan Kerajinan
Rakyat Indonesia
Pusat Pengembangan Sumberdaya Wanita
Pusat Pengembangan Masyarakat Agrikarya
Yayasan Anissa Swasti
Perkempulan Keluarga Berencana Indonesia
Yayasan Mandiri
Kongres Wanita Indonesia
Pusat Komunikasi dan Informasi Wanita
Association for the Advancement of Small
Business
PEKERTI
PPSW
PPMA
YANISSA
PKBI
KOWANI
KALYANAMITRA
PUPUK
Government Organizations
Departemen Tenaga Kerja
Departemen Perindustrian
Departemen Pertanian
Departemen Pendidikan dan
Kebudayaan
Perdangangan Dalam Negeri
Departemen Koperasi
Departemen Sosial
Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana Nasional
Departemen Dalam Negeri
Department
Department
Department
Department
of
of
of
of
Manpower
Industry
Agriculture
Education and Culture
Department of Trade
Department of Cooperatives
Department of Social Affairs
Family Planning Coordination Board
Department of Home Affairs
NON-GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS BELONGING TO THE GROUP OF 13
Annex A
Parti
Non-government Organizations
Pembinaan Sumber Daya Manusiawi Pedesaan (Bina Desa)
Indonesian Secretariat for the Development of Human Resources in the Rural Areas
Address
Phone
Cable
Contact person
Date established
Kompleks Gudang Peluru Blok H/197 Kebon Baru
Jakarta 12830
8290435
BINA DESA JAKARTA
Kartjono
1975
Manpower
Executive Board
President
Vice President
Secretary
Treasurer
Members
Djoko Amino to
Soetrisna
E.W. Djatikusumo
Abdulah Syarwani
Bambang Ismawan
Ibu. I. Gedong B. Oka
M M Billah
Moch. Mansyur
Soemartoyo
Yohanna Pattiasina
Executive Committee
Executive Director
Deputy Director
Communication &
Publication
Consultancy &
Community Development
Training & Education
Research & Study
Administration
Finance
Permanent Staff
Core staff:
Administration:
Volunteer:
Kartjono W.S.
M. Abbas, Mu'in
G. Tjita Andangsedijati
Mardiyah
Yni Suwarto
Bonnie Setiawan
Ida Farida, Dwi Komadiwati, Warke, Siti Sumarni
Sri Rahayu, Thamrin BW.
6 and 4 double up as field workers
6
149
Annual Budget
+ /- Rp. 450,000,000 (approximately $ 22,500.00 US dollars)
Source of Funds
International
Agencies:
USAID,
CIDA,
MISERIOR,
CEBEMO.CUSO, CCA.UNICEF, APHD, ASIA FOUNDATION,
KAS, OXFAM, FORD FOUNDATION, etc.
Number of Self-help
Groups Formed
too numerous to be counted but none directly formed by Bina Desa
Purpose and Objectives
In mid-August 1974, a workshop on "Human Resources Development in the Rural Areas" was
held in Bangkok wherein Indonesia was represented by 14 officials coming from various social groups
paying special attention to community development.
On 20 June 1975 they established
DHRRA-Indonesia, which was changed to INDHRRA (Indonesian Secretariat for the Development of
Human Resources in the Rural Areas) in 1976, now known as Bina Desa.
Bina Desa concentrates on the rural poor upon which its activities are focused. Believing that
improvement of income is not the only solution to the problem, it seeks to help the village communities
to become self-reliant in their way of thinking and in their actions as well as to improve their living
standards.
To achieve these goals, Bina Desa acts as a motivator, coordinator/communicator, mediator
and catalyst. As motivator, communicator/coordinator it seeks to influence people and other NGOs
create new ideas for community development. It attempts to smoothen the relationship between the
NGOs and the government. As catalyst, it functions to channel the ideas of the community in the
villages to the government and vice versa. By the nature of the functions of Bina Desa, it is not
directly involved with the grassroots but addresses the problems of the rural poor through the
development of local institutions engaged in grassroots community development activities. These groups
and institutions are mostly found in the villages victimised by many important decisions taken for them
by outsiders. In this regard Bina Desa stresses the importance of participation in community
development and in solving problems that affect the daily lives of the rural community.
Target Groups
Bina Desa targets the poorest communities, especially the assetless and the illiterate. It
specialises in building self-reliant groups in communities as a strategy for improving living conditions
among the rural poor. It performs this by addressing the NGOs and community groups existing within
a locality. For example, farmers' community groups could be assisted by Bina Desa. Its priority are
the small local organisations which need guidance in planning, implementation and evaluation of their
programmes.
Structure & Activities
The highest authority is placed on the general assembly which consist of 45 members
representing different organizations. There is an advisory board which consist of 5 members from the
education sector who provide advice to the problems faced by the organization.
The activities of Bina Desa can be divided into five different lines and this division of work
is followed in its organizational structure: 1) Consultancy services are provided to institutions in
analysing and solving problems of the local NGOs, and in planning, implementing and evaluating
programmes. 2) Training & education are aimed at programme participants. In this case Bina Desa
uses the technical instructor available in the region or locality. And the Bina Desa only acts as the
coordinator of this activity. 3) Studies are carried out on the social and psychological issues with
emphasis on identifying and solving problems. These studies are undertaken by different relevant
institutions. 4) Communication involves collecting and disseminating information on community
150
development activities through correspondence, publication and dialogue. To support the dissemination
of information, Bina Desa issues a monthly bulletin Bina Desa which are distributed among its
members.
Each staff member of Bina Desa is responsible for development activities in two (2)
provinces. Visits to these provinces are done directly by the person responsible for the province in
order to monitor the progress of the development activities there.
Facilities & Resources
Bina Desa occupies a small office in east Jakarta consisting of two floors of approximately 400
square meters. The offices are: administration, director's office, library and a small meeting room.
The library provides information on community development to its NGO members and the public.
The important positions in Bina Desa are given to those who are very much involved in
community development. For example, six (6) of the executive board members are active in NGO
activities. Membership in the supervisory board is given to educators, mostly university lecturers;
while membership in the executive board is given to full-time members. The advisory and executive
functions are usually given to the senior staff, while implementation is given to the younger members.
In executing their programmes, Bina Desa receives assistance from different international
donor agencies; MISERIOR, NOVIB, APHD, CUSO, etc. These funds are mostly for training and
monitoring activities. Bina Desa also channels funds such as for instance those received from
CEBEMO, to the small NGOs (Block Grant), received, for instance from CEBEMO. Other donors are
Asia Foundation, Ford Foundation, KAS, OXFAM and many others.
Previous Collaboration
Bina Desa collaborates with NGOs primarily in seminars and training activities. For instance,
in agricultural training, Bina Desa cooperates with Bina Swadaya. Cooperation with government
institutions are also in training and research.
Bina Desa networks with CENDHRA, Manila, and other national DHRRA Committees from
Asian and the Pacific countries. Currently, it works with international organisations such as CIDA,
CUSO, etc..
Programmes & Projects
Bina Desa limits its activities to only 14 provinces: Aceh, Lampung, North, South and West
Sumatra, Jambi, Bengkulu, Jakarta, West, Central and East Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, South
Sulawesi, South Kalimantan, West Kalimantan and East Kalimantan.
Specific areas of Bina Desa's operation are:
West Java
Bekasi, Krawang, Garut, Pandeglang,
Cirebon, Subang, Rangkasbitung, Bogor, Kebumen
Central Java
Brebes, Pekalongan, Salatiga, Semarang, Yogyakarta, Kebumen,
Gunung Kidul, Rembang, Solo, Purwakarta, Cilacap
East Java
Gunung Kidul, Tuban, Surabaya, Ngawi, Malang, Jember,
Magelang, Lamongan, Jombang, Ponorogo, Madiun
151
Bali
Denpasar
Nusa Tenggara
Lombok, Sumbawa
Barat
Lampung
North Lampung, Central Lampung, South Lampung
Jambi
Kotamadya Jambi
Bengkulu
Kotamadya Bengkulu
South
Sulawesi
Oki Oku
West Sumatra
Painan, Padang Panjang, Pasman, Mentawai
North Sumatra
Medan, Karo
Aceh
Banda Aceh
South
Kalimantan
Seluruh Kabupaten
East
Kalimantan
Balik Papan
West
Kalimantan
Pontianak
Below are samples of community development programmes that are executed by Bina Desa.
Project Title
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project objective
Project activities
Folk Handicraft Development in Tasikmalaya (1985-1987)
Rp. 44,494,415 or US $ 22,247.20 (foreign)
135 rural women, 45 men (7 villages)
Regency of Tasikmalaya, West Java
a) to arouse awareness, improve the skills and willingness of the
community to participate in productive income-generating activities,
b) to develop home-based handicraft industries as a source of
livehood and c) to develop self-confidence
through
entrepreneurship.
baseline surveys, planning, work organization, training, motivation,
management skills development, production activities, marketing,
monitoring and evaluation.
Although there are no quantitative evidence, it has been noted that community expectations in
respect of income, work opportunities, increased productivity, raw material supply, new technology,
skill improvement, capital, new product development and instituionalization were fulfilled. But
problems on markets and marketing remain.
Project Title
Project Cost
Target Group
Improvement of Women's Skills in Sewing, Embroidery and
Cooking.
Rp. 2,250,000 US $ 1,125.00 (Foreign source)
16 rural women
152
Project Location
Project objectives
Jayapura, Irian Jaya
to provide skill to the women and to increase their income and
work opportunities.
Project activities
planning, group formation, motivation and skills training,
productive activities and marketing.
weak monitoring and evaluation since the location is far, and
expensive raw material. It is only mentioned that expectations
were fulfilled in regard to income, work opportunities, production
and skill improvement, and institutionalization.
Problems
Other projects
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Emping melinjo industry, with a target group of 20 women in Cimendang Village, Subdistrict
of Menes, Pandeglang, West Java.
Innovation for Cooperative Business through rural small industry.
Skill Courses for Women, attended by 40 mothers-to-be in Gambong village, Kebumen,
Central Java.
Mendong Mat Handicraft Project, with 100 men and 150 women as the target group, in East
Lombok, Nusa Tenggara Barat.
Others
153
Badan Pengembangan Swadaya Masyarakat (Bina Swadaya)
Community Self-reliance Development Agency
Address
Phone
Mailing Address:
Telex
Telegram
Contact Person
Date established
Jl. Kramat Kwitang III no.7
57000, 411324, 4116, 416503
Tromol Pos 456, Jakarta 10610,
Indonesia
49552 YBS IA
Bina Swadaya Jakarta
Mr. Bambang Ismawan
1967
Manpower
Executive Board of Directors
Chairman
Vice Chairman
Secretary
Treasurer
Members
Dr.Sutatwo, Hadiwigeno
Executive Director
Deputy Director for Human
Resource Development
Deputy Director for Agribusiness Development
Deputy Director for
Publication & Publishing
Deputy Director for
Controlling & Administration :
Deputy Director for Finance:
Drs. Y. Imam Soedarwo
Prof. dr. Ace Partadireja
Ir. A. Suradiman
Drs. Aoemargono
Prof. Dr. Ir. Rudolf S. Sinaga, Dr. Ir. Sri Satyadi Haryadi,
Drs. Bambang Ismawan
Em. Haryadi
Drs. EW Djatikusumo
Drs. Koeswandi
Subiyanto, MBA
Staff
executive staff
management staff
administrative
technical staff
part time
volunteer
5
6
41
202
61
8
Annual budget
US$ 2,000,000
Source of Funding
cons
consultancy
services, publishing services, donor agencies
Number of self-help groups formed
approximately 600 groups managed directly by Bina Swadaya
154
approximately, 17,100 groups formed in cooperation with other
NGOs
Purpose and Objectives
Although the organisation is already 21 years old, the name Bina Swadaya has only been used
since 1981. Established in 1967, it was then called Yayasan Sosial Tani Membangun (YSTM), or
Peasants' Socio-economic Development Foundation. This was because the Minister of Information then
declared that only publishing companies can engage in publishing and at that time the YSTM published
a magazine called Trubus. Another organization was thus spun off from YSTM, what is now known
as Bina Swadaya to handle activities other than publishing.
The general objective of Bina Swadaya is to help the poor improve their living standards by
building their self-reliance. To achieve this, Bina Swadaya helps the traditional farmers (in agriculture,
animal husbandry, fishery) because these groups are considered the poorest. Some 80 per cent of Bina
Swadaya activities are related to these. Also because Bina Swadaya believes that in the villages,
economic activities such as agriculture, animal husbandry, and the like are the ones which have good
prospects, it concentrates on them.
Its strategy in community development is to organise the farmers into self-reliant groups,
teach them to overcome their problems, supply the needed materials, and monitor their development.
To organise these activities, a field worker is assigned to help them. Groups in the same region
involved in similar activities are linked and networked. To expand community development activities,
it cooperates with government and other NGOs in developing the self-reliant groups. For the same
reason, the organisation often arranges workshops, seminars, dialogues and fora as means for
discussing government policies and enable participation in the policy-making.
Target Groups
Bina Swadaya focuses its attention to hardly developed communities. Its target groups are
varied in terms of background and economic activities and they are spread in 13 provinces. However,
the bulk of the work of Bina Swadaya involves farmers and agricultural groups like fishermen,
livestock raisers, inland fishermen, forest-based farmers and small handicraft producers.
Structure & Activities
The main concern of Bina Swadaya is the improvement of incomes. It undertakes development
activities through a combined strategy of field studies, organising and training activities. Background
information are gathered through field studies, fora, and informal inquiries to assess what assistance
Bina Swadaya should provide. Then groups are formed and it usually takes one to three months before
a working group is formed. Motivators take the role of initiating group formation. Groups are guided
by them in the course of project implementation and it normally takes at least two years before a group
becomes self-reliant.
Board of Directors
Executive Director
Research & Documentation Center
Executive Board
Human Resource
Development
Agribusiness
Development
Controlling &
Administration
155
Publication
& Printing
Finance &
Capi tal
Bina Swadaya conducts training of trainers among government and NGO staff. Since 1975,
it has had 559 alumni of its Community Development Management for Self-reliance courses.
The work activities of Bina Swadaya fall into the following lines:
1.
Human Resource Development. This involves training and development and the programme
is divided into three: a) women programme - aimed at the improvement of the women's role
in improving the family income; the main activity is family planning, b) integrated area
development which has been tested in central, south and north Timor and East Nusa
Tenggara. This activity was sponsored by the Australian government, carried out in 12
villages out of the 75 villages targetted in 1986-1991. c) population programme.
2.
Agribusiness Development. This section is responsible for business consultancy and
marketing. Marketing is a new activity, and is mainly done for the poultry business. This
is because other products like rice, cows' milk, etc, could be sold to the local institutions,
usually the government offices, like KUDs, with prices fixed by the central authority. Bina
Swadaya also started to promote rempah-rempah for export.
3.
Information Service. This section publishes and circulates books and the Trubus magazine.
The books and the magazines disseminate information about techniques to increase
productivity in agri-businesses, animal husbandry and fishery. The Trubus magazine has been
in circulation since 1969, and by now, Bina Swadaya has issued 170 titles, and many of them
are reprints. Besides that, Bina Swadaya sells seedlings.
4.
Institutional Development. This section is responsible for the administration and daily
operation of the organisation, including the personnel matters.
5.
Capital Development. This section is new and is responsible for programme funding. By the
suggestion of this section, Bina Swadaya, will open in mid-1990 a "People's Credit Bank" in
15 sub-districts.
Facilities & Resources
As previously mentioned, motivators have a vital role in the success of Bina Swadaya
programmes. To strengthen the capability building of motivators, Bina Swadaya opened a training
center, about 1 hectare, in Cimanggis, Bogor. This training centre is also for rent, and trainees could
come from several organisations, government and non-government. Several seminars and workshops
have been held in the center which has two (2) airconditioned rooms, overhead projector, a slide
projector, television, video, video camera and wireless microphones, and 70 beds. It also has
recreational facilities.
Funding does not seem to be a problem for this agency because 84% of all activities are
funded by the Bina Swadaya itself, from their sales of books and seedlings, and consultancy service
fees. The total expenses of Bina Swadaya in 1988 was Rp. 4,517,631,000.00 (US$2,258,155.00) and
the total income was Rp. 3,823,913,000.00 (US$ 1,911,956,50). This NGO also receives funds from
international donors such as KAS since 1970. In the first year, the funds are used for organisational
development and field activities. But later, the funds are used for the group's business development
activities.
Unlike the members of the executive board who are full-time in the organisation, the advisory
board members hold jobs outside the organisation. Most of them are professionals. For instance, the
chairman is also one of the chairmen of SPSI, the others are university lecturers, director of a mill
factory, director of a television network, and head of research and development in the Department of
Agriculture. The executive board is multi-disciplinary and consist of members working fulltime in
other organisations.
156
Collaboration
Bina Swadaya cooperates with other NGOs such as BK3I, Bina Desa, Gramedia, Yayasan
Purba Danarta, Pekerti, YTKI, Perwari, PKBI, P3M, YIS, LP3ES, etc. It is also active in
international fora, such as NGOC, South Asia NGO Management and Training Networking,
INORMAD, and CENDHRA.
Close cooperation with the government is a factor in the success of this organisation. It has
considerable collaboration with government institutions, both at the central and the regional levels, such
as the BKKBN, Department of Health, Regional Development, Department of Public Works, Small
Scale Industries, Agricultural Food Crops of South Sulawesi, Plantations of West Sumatra, Department
of Agriculture, and Bank Indonesia.
It has worked with international organisations in developing programmes in the rural areas like
the FAO project for the improvement of the income of fishermen's wives and poor farmers' wives,
which is hoped to become a model project. In the project for roof tile press and bricks manufacture,
a lot of assistance was received from the Swiss Cooperation. It also collaborates with the UNDP and
the World Bank.
Programmes & Projects
Bina Swadaya has activities in virtually all fields - including grassroots and national seminars,
development of mass media for stimulating small enterprises, banking for small groups, training for
social groups in forestry, feasibility studies, management development workshops, regional
development, and many others.
Its areas of operation are:
West Java
Central Java
East Java
Riau
North Sumatra
Lombok
Nusa Tenggara Timur
Lebak, Bandung, Indramayu, Subang, Bogor
Yogyakarta, Klaten, Boyolali, Ungaran, Kendal, Pekalongan
Ngawi, Blitar, Lamongan, Banyuwangi
Indragiri Guru, Batam
Langkat
157
Badan Koordinasi Koperasi Kredit Indonesia (BK3I)
The Indonesian Credit Union Coordination
Address
Phone
Contact Person
Date Established
Jl. Gunung Sahari III no. 7, Jakarta Pusat
(021) 359700
Mr. Wuryanto
1970
Manpower
Board of Directors
Chairman
Vice-chairman
Treasurer
Secretary
Member
Executive Director
Executive Director for
Bidang Pelayanan Usaha
(Business Service Unit)
Executive Director for
Bidang Pelayanan Anggota
(Membership Service Unit)
Executive Director for
Administration and Finance
Size and coverage:
Staff
core staff
administration
field workers
volunteer
professionals
Annual Budget
Dr. Soedarmono SKM1
Drs. M.F. Mulyono
Drs. Soekani
Pandu Kusumahadi
D M Sitanggang
Mr. Wuryanto
Soesanto
T. H. Trisna Hamzarly
Ricky
5
4
5
195
US$ 10,000
Source of Funds
International Donor Agencies
Konrad Adenaur Stiftung, CIDA, MAF, etc.
Member contributions
Fees for services such as training, consultancy
Number of self-help groups formed
1,395 cooperatives consisting of 167,000 members
With m e d i c a l
background.
158
Purpose and Objectives
Upon the initiative of the director-general of Cooperatives in 1970, BK3I was initially called
Biro Konsultasi Kredit Indonesia (Credit Union Counselling Office) to have a people-based credit
union. However it had to change into Badan Koordinasi Koperasi Kredit Indonesia (Credit Union
Coordination Board) in 1978 upon issuance of Presidential Decree No. 2 of 1978 (locally referred to
as KEPRES) which stipulated that only one credit union may exist in one village, the so-called Koperasi
Unit Desa (KUD), meaning village cooperative.
In 1970 BK3I had 730 members in the credit union. Every year during the 1970's an average
of 45.5 primary cooperatives were established and in the eighties (until 1988) 117.5 primary
cooperatives (new) were formed every year.
These cooperatives were established with education as a paramount concern; hence the credit
unions were formed to improve welfare by education and by supporting economic activities. In the
course of time, it was realised that there was need for monitoring and thus the Badan Koordinasi
Koperasi Kredit Daerah or Local Credit Union Cooperative Coordinative Unit was established.
BK3I policy states that the cooperative credit established must have a single purpose
differentiating it from the KUD which is multipurpose. The BK3I at the national level monitors the
status of each local cooperative. BK3D reports to BK3I in the annual meeting. BK3I representatives
visit the local cooperatives once a year.
As different regions have different needs, cooperatives are formed for different purposes in
each region. For example, in Bali, loans are provided to purchase land because many farmers sold their
lands during certain periods. In other places, credit was granted mainly for agricultural purposes or
for working capital during special seasons when there are many orders for certain types of products.
In view of this the local cooperatives or BK3D are allowed to develop the primary coops in accordance
with their needs in the locality. Collection and lending operations are left for the local people to handle
by themselves.
For example, in Bali special loans are provided to purchase land, because many farmers sell
their lands for certain periods. While in other places where credit is given for agricultural purposes,
or for working capital during special seasons when they receive money orders for their products.
BK3I stresses grassroots participation. Credit unions are formed by the people themselves and
they use their own resources to fund their activities. Request for establishing new primary cooperative
credit unions come from: 1. worker group/employees from one workplace; 2. group members who live
within the same vicinity; 3) groups within associations (PKK, non-political groups, etc.)
Credit is granted on the basis of trust among the coop members and loans for consumption
needs or productive activities are granted without any guarantee or collateral. This is to avoid making
a pawnshop out of the coops.
Structure & Activities
Member assembly
Executive Board
Control board
Executive Director
Human Resource Development
159
Credit Facilities
The structure of BK3I itself is very simple. BK3I supervises the BK3D and the BK3D
supervises the primary cooperatives in its region. To monitor the development of the primary
cooperatives within their responsibility, BK3I arranges meetings with its deputy mambers once every
year. While BK3D holds 3 meetings a year, BK3I holds it once every three years. The primary credit
coops prepare their plans every year.
The monitoring system is done through quarterly reporting by the primary cooperative. Also
the BK3I visits each cooperative at least once a year.
BK3I is headed by an executive director and its activities are divided into three fields:
1.
2.
3.
Business Services - supervise the inter-lending.
Membership Services - supervise the education & training, research & development, guidance
and development of the monitoring system & auditing.
Administration and Finance - take charge of day to day administration and financial
transactions for internal activities.
BK3I supervises a total of 19 local cooperatives. BK3D is found in 16 provinces. The
membership sums up to 167,000 members belonging to 1,395 primary cooperatives. Though there is
no specified target number of coops, each region could form as many coops as they could depending
on their own perseverance and effectiveness in the field. For instance, in South Sumatra there are as
many as more than 100 working primary cooperatives.
Some seventy per cent of members in the primary cooperatives in the rural villages are
farmers.
The activities of BK3I include professional management development for credit cooperatives;
development of credit cooperatives and consultancy.
Facilities & Resources
Almost all the executives of BK3I have had formal education. They work fulltime at the head
office. Among the Board of Directors, 3 are directors of the BK3D in Semarang, Yogyakarta and
Bandung. The total staff of BK3I include 20 people but it hires additional staff for specific
programmes or when the need arises. Most BK3D staff are volunteers. BK3I has never hired experts
to work in their organisation, but they often take one when they are available in the locality.
This organisation occupies about 10 square meters of office space at the same building as Bina
Swadaya. Besides the office furnitures, they also have a computer and office vehicle. The
organisation itself does not have a training center, but the cooperatives in North Sumatra, Bogor and
West Flores have managed to established one on their own initiative.
From the 1,395 credit cooperatives in Indonesia, BK3I succeeded to generate savings of Rp.
12,654,878,141.00 (roughly more than six million US dollars) and total assets of Rp.
16,609,576,875.00 (about 8 million US dollars). The interest obtained from the credit earning is used
for education and group development and also for forming new coops.
As previously mentioned, each credit cooperative takes care of its own operational expenses.
Still it needs funds for training and programme purposes as well as funds for daily operations. To
support day-to-day operations, the organisation gets funds from the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, as the
only donor. For special programmes, BK3I obtains external funds from various sources including local
NGOs like P3M, Bina Desa, etc. and also from international organisations such as Foster Parents
Plan, Save the Children, etc.
160
Collaboration
BK3 relates closely with the Department of Cooperatives and this linkage takes the form of
participation in government training programmes regarding the credit union, specially on interlending.
Usually this BK3I acts as consultant and assist in the development of training materials such as those
for the Department of Public Housing. BK3 assists in developing and extending credit for housing and
house improvements.
Likewise it assisted in forming a new credit union upon the request of an NGO such as the
P3M, YIS, Bina Desa, LP3ES and LSP. However cooperation with these kind of organisations has
reduced, because they have already set up their own training for their cooperatives. Besides these
NGOs, BK3I has collaborated also with international NGOs such as the Foster Parent Plan, Save the
Children, etc.
BK3I has not collaborated with bilateral and multilateral organisations, but has cooperated with
the Public Works Department and the World Bank on a Housing Development Programme.
Programmes & Projects
BK3I specialises in the development of credit cooperatives at the national level.
programmes are not much different from the ones mentioned above.
These
BK3I projects operates as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Specific groups should realize their financing needs and problems.
Members of the group have similar financial problems/needs.
A representative of the group negotiates with the BK3D and proposes to set up a new credit
cooperative.
BK3D administers a motivation programme to the group, to identify and to strengthen their
real motivation and create saving awareness among its members.
Creation of the organisation structure and compliance with formalities such as the minimum
membership of 25 persons, appointment of the motivator for the group, etc. Motivators are
taken from the local leaders, and are also decided by the group.
Educational programme for the group, like management, supervision, finance, budgeting, and
when required, even training for trainers (for more than one credit cooperative).
Once the group is formed and functioning, and then, when the group members need working
capital, a feasibility check will be conducted. The loan is given based on trust and not on the
amount of savings of the client.
When the credit cooperative is capable enough to set up legally, the BK3I will assist by
making the linkage with the Department of Cooperatives.
BK3I operates in the following locations:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
South Sumatra
West Sumatra
South Sumatra
Lampung
DKI Jakarta
6. Bogor-Banten
7. Bandung
8. West Java
9. Surakarta
10. D.I Yogyakarta
Jl. Laguboti 10, Pematang Siantar
Jl. Kharil Anwar no. 8, Padang
Jl. Jend. Sudiran no. 1033F 20 Ilir IHPalembang - 30125
Gang Melati II/192A pringsewu, Lampung Selatan
Jl Salemba Raya no 41, Jakarta Pasat, atau
Jl. Gunung Sahari III/7, Jakarta Pusat
Jl Perintis Kemerdekaan No. 8 Cibadak,
Sukabumi, Jawa Barat
Jl. Sinom Raya no. 11 A, Bandung
Jl. Imam Bonjol no. 187, Semarang
Cengkilit RT. 02, RW XX, del. Nusukan, Sala, 57135
Kantor PKBI DIY, Jl. Tentara rakyat
Mataram, atau Jl. Magang No. 86, Yogyakarta
161
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Malang
Surabaya
Bali
NTT - Western part
NTT - Eastern Part
Kupang
North Sulawesi
South Sulawesi
West Kalimantan
Jl. Simpang Borobudur no. 1, Malang
Jl. Dukuh Kupang Timur XII/13, Surabaya
d/a Kopdit Tunas Ds. Taman Bali, Bangli 80651
Jl. Wirajaya, Ende, Flores
Kantor Yaspem, Jl. Gajah Mada, Maumere, Flores
Jl. Prof Dr. WZ Yohanes No. 18 Kupang
Jl. WR. Supratman II, Manado.
Jl lamadukelleng no. 7, Ujung Pandang
Jl. Iman Banjol no. 388, Pontianak
Apart from this, the organisation also acts as a consultant to the Department of Cooperatives,
and other NGOs. BK3I has a training package for various types of credit cooperatives.
162
Yayasan Dian Desa (YDD)
Light of The Village Foundation
Address
Phone
Mailing address
Telex
Cable
Contact person
Date Established
Jl. Kaliurang km 7, Jurugsari IV, Yogyakarta, Indonesia
(0274) 4022, 86247
P.O. Box 19, Bulaksumur,Yogyakarta, Indonesia
25370 Tx Booth Att: Dian Desa
Dian Desa Yogyakarta
Mr. Anton Soedjarwo, Chief Executive
1972
Manpower
Staff
core staff
administrative
technical staff
field workers
part time
volunteer
Annual budget
18
6
142
2
US$ 500,000
Source of Funds
International donor:
World Bank, USAID, OXFAM, SDC,
CIDA-MAF, IDRC, FNS, ICCO, UNICEF,
GTZ, etc.
Own income from Consultancy services
Community Contributions
Number of self-help group formed
150 villages
Purpose and Objectives
Dian Desa was founded in 1972 in Yogyakarta with the specific mission of spreading the
application and use of appropriate technology to improve the living conditions of rural Indonesia.
Working as a catalyst, it introduces new ideas to rural communities. It uses the introduction of clean
water technology as its entry point for its programmes. It believes that unless the lack of drinking water
is solved, it would be impossible to implement programmes to improve living standards.
Realising that helping people meet their basic needs would not necessarily lead to better living
conditions in the community, in 1978 Dian Desa expanded its activities to socio-economic programmes
such as foood technology, small scale industry, agriculture, etc.
The strategy and methodology in its development work has always ensured close contact with
the target group. This is achieved by living with the target group for a certain period of time,
expecially during the project implementation.
163
Target Group
Like many NGOs that are active in community development, Dian Desa also defines their
target group as communities that belong to the lowest income people, mostly those in the most
populated villages of Indonesia. Dian Desa perceives that these people need simple technology like
clean water pumps, irrigation facilities, better stoves and the like. These would help them meet their
basic needs.
When the focus of development in Indonesia began shifting to the poorer eastern islands, Dian
Desa opened a branch office in Kupang, West Timor. This area is considered the needy one because
the communities live in a poor and dry area.
Structure & Activities
Dian Desa is structured according to its programmes. The sections are agriculture, water
supply, food technology, small scale industry and energy. In carrying out the projects under each
section, Dian Desa is organized into independent project groups covering different types of
development activities to avoid unnecessary bureacracy. These groups make their own decisions and
run their projects independently.
The support sections of Dian Desa are the library and publication, workshop and social
monitoring sections. These sections do not work directly with the target group but they are essential
to the community development activities.
The publication group regularly produces brochures, booklets and posters to help spread new
appropriate technology. For several years, it also produced an appropriate technology magazine to
disseminate new ideas and information to a broad range of readers.
The workshop is responsible for developing simple and inexpensive machines adequate for use
in the villages and small industry. The workshop often work in conjunction with other Dian Desa
groups. To earn money to support other activities, the workshop also acts as consultant to other
development organisations.
The social monitoring section has evaluated most of Dian Desa's activities in terms of their
socio-economic impact. It also works as a consultant for other community development organisations,
assisting in project evaluation and feasibility studies. For example, it recently completed a study of
the economy and development opportunities of marine fisheries in Lombok.
The main activities of Dian Desa are: water supply and water technology, agriculture,
aquaculture, energy, small industry, food technology, social monitoring, workshop/prototype
development, publication, library, and educational materials development.
Advisory board
Director
Decision making body
Finance/Administration
Agriculture
Water Food
Supply Tech
Library
Publication &
Communication Educational
Aqua
culture
Workshop
164
Small
Industry
Energy
Social
Monitoring
Material
Facilities & Resources
Presently Dian Desa owns a building in the outskirt of Yogyakarta, approximately 800 square
meters. Except basic office equipment, the organisation also has several computers and a workshop
room for research and development of appropriate technology. Its library has more than adequate
collection of books, periodicals and microfilm in Indonesia and English covering appropriate technology
and development issues. The library is open for public use.
Dian Desa employs some 150 people.save for those in administration, publication and library
units, virtually everyone is a fieldworker. Some of them belong to the core staff as well. All Dian
Desa staff work fulltime. Dian Desa believes that working with the grassroot should be done on
fulltime basis.
Dian Desa's funds come mainly from international donor agencies such as OXFAM, USAID,
CIDA - MAF, IDRC, USC, etc. However, in order to generate income to support its overhead costs
and to reduce its dependency on outside funding, Dian Desa now engages in consultancy.
Collaboration
In the early years, Dian Desa cooperates with government agencies, usually at the local level
(district, subdistrict). Later, it expanded by Working with the World Bank funded programme of the
Department of Health and the Provincial Development Agency. Dian Desa involvement is contractual
and it was commissioned to implement the construction of rainwater reservoirs and mobilize community
participation in the process. Since, it has also embarked into collaborative activities with the BKKBN
or the Family Planning Bureau, Department of Small Scale Industry, Department of Health and
Ministry of Environment.
It also cooperates with other NGOs such as LP3ES, Bina Desa, WALHI, YLK, LPTP, etc.
Such collaboration come in the form of training, either formal or apprenticeship with other NGOs in
order to improve the NGO's skills especially in matters pertaining to appropriate technology.
Dian Desa collaborates with international agencies like Approtech Asia.
Programmes & Projects
In the "Clean Water Supply" projects, Dian Desa provided the expertise and materials while
the community contributed their land, labour and local materials. The villagers were trained on how
to maintain the equipment themselves. The four water supply systems have been utilized: gravity
systems, hydraulic ram, groundwater handpump, and rainwater collection. To reduce health problems,
the organic water purification project was also introduced.
In the agriculture projects, Dian Desa designed a Risk and Profit Sharing system where
farmers were invited to be their working partners. Dian Desa provides instructions, seed, fertilizer
and pesticides while the farmers contribute their land and manpower. Dian Desa accepts all financial
risks while the proceeds from sales are split equally. The farmers are asked to save part of the profits
to buy some of their own seeds and fertilizer, allowing Dian Desa to diminish its presence and leave
the farmers' groups in charge.
In small scale industry, Dian Desa recruits low income youth and teach them the skills of
rattan craftmenship. Basic business and financial skills are included to enable participants to start their
own workshop. To ensure a continued demand for the products, Dian Desa also started to develop
foreign and domestic marketing channels, although small scale. Other projects are teak furniture
production, roof tile manufacturing and machine repair.
165
In energy, Dian Desa is involved in the production of low energy machines. It designed a
ceramic stove with high energy efficiency, can be easily mass produced, light weight and low cost.
Since then Dian Desa has worked to introduce over 30,000 stoves throughout the Yogyakarta area, and
is active in international wood stove promotion. Other projects developed are: a solar dryer; prototypes
have been built and used in drying food products and seeds; steam engines which run on rice husks
and other agricultural wastes as well as on a biomass gasification reactor used to produce electricity
in isolated communities.
Training and seminars held by Dian Desa are intended to share valuable experiences in
technology, with government and non-government organisations, field workers, and international
development groups. For example, a seven-month water supply training programme which was
attended by government and NGO field workers, to learn about the theory and implementation of Dian
Desa water supply schemes. Later, after the course, Dian Desa staff visited them in the field to offer
further advice and evaluate their training. Other training sesions which have followed the same pattern
are: field training in ferro-cement technology for building rain water catchment tanks, apprenticeship
and training programmes in prawn hatchery operation, food processing and food packaging workshop
for business, etc.
Dian Desa emphasises that women can be acquainted with new technology (usually
monopolised by men) in such activities as fetching water usually done by women. Dian Desa water
projects must be beneficial to women. In the PVC handpump project, women were consulted in the
planning stages particularly on where to locate the wells. They were also trained in the operation and
maintenance of the pumps.
166
Yayasan Indonesia Sejahtera (YIS)
Prosperity for Indonesia Foundation
Address
Phone
Cable
Contact Person
Date Established
Jl Karamat Kwitang IB/35 Jakarta 10420
354141
YISJAK
Ir. Soetrisna Kusumohadi
1974
Manpower
General Secretary
Executive Secretary
Field Department Coordinator
Village Credit Coordinator
Training Dept. Coordinator
NGO Dev. Dept. Coordinator
Publication Department
Dr. Lukas Hendrata
Ir. Soetrisno Kusumohadi
Dr. I.G. Ambar Yoewono
I. Bambang Sutelo
Mrs. Emma Wibolo
Mrs. Sunarti Teguh Santosa
Mr. Tribowo
Staff
Core staff
administrative
field staff
part time
volunteer
Annual Budget
15
15
7
1
3
US$700,000
Source of Funds
International Donor: USAID, ADAB, CIDA, OXFAM
Services (Training, Consultancy)
Own Income from the sale of books
Number of self-help groups formed
316 groups directly managed by YIS
311 groups in cooperation with local NGO's
Purposes and Objectives
Yayasan Indonesia Sejahtera was established in 1974 when the idea of integrated community
development was still quite new. At that time some committed people, originally from villages
themselves and with backgrounds in health care, agricultural engineering, education and social welfare,
started listening and discussing the problems of the villagers with them. It appeared that many
programmes and projects meant to serve the people did not reach the majority of the population.
Though such social programmes were launched with good intentions, they failed to reach the people
because of gaps in mutual understanding.
The founders of YIS believe in approaching the villagers not only as individuals and mere
objects of community development. YIS chose health as the entry point for their community
167
development efforts because they felt that health could have a major impact on their living conditions.
Health was of course a major concern of many villagers.
YIS deliberately chose to work with existing institutions such as religious organisations, small
NGOs, local government bodies and the like instead of building new ones. Thus, it served to
complement whatever was existing and sought to reactivate these institutions and enrich their ongoing
programmes. YIS experiences show that that the district level is the most effective area for
implementing specific programmes because districts have their DPRD, budgets, and includes a large
area of coverage. At the inception of a programme, YIS contacts the head of the district, locally known
as the bupati whose approval and support ensures smooth implementation of the programme. Also, this
increases the likelihood of replication of successful programmes in other districts.
YIS used to concentrate on health programmes but they now have diversified into education,
sanitation, credit and other social services. Also, at its early stages of existence, YIS chose to work
directly with the grassroots. Because the impact has not been satisfactory, in 1986, they changed their
strategy. YIS shifted to working with the existing local NGOs in the community, or stimulate the
establishment of one. A local NGO is trained for 6 months in self-reliance. Within six months, if the
said NGO cannot stand on its own, they are requested to withdraw. In the first two years, the said
NGO develops programmes with YIS funding. Then YIS gives them loans and this has to be returned
to YIS. By doing this, it is hoped that the NGO can spread out the "YIS model of development" on
their own.
Target Group
The targets of YIS are communities in the villages or those that live" at the outskirts of cities.
The main intervention relates to health. This was conceived on the basis of prior research by YIS.
Since 1986, YIS has chosen to work through and with existing local NGOs as this is seen to
be more cost beneficial and more effective. Hence, Ideal NGOs are targets of institution building
interventions of YIS.
Structure & Activities
YIS activities range from community health, sanitation, training, pre-cooperatives, farmers'
groups, introduction of farming tools, animal husbandry, publications and consultancy. It operates
nationwide.
The two main activities of YIS are: providing consultancy on health and nutrition on a
commercial basis as performed by its Health Systems Unit and developing an integrated Rural
Development Unit which works mainly on community development. The latter's main activity is
training. These two units complement each other.
The chart below shows the divisions of work in YIS.
Board of Director
Secretariat
Human Resource &
IntegratedHealth System
Rural Development Unit Development Unit
Publications NGO Development Training Village Credit Field
Department Department
Department Department
Department
168
The executive secretariat makes contacts with other institutions, especially with the
government, in particular the Department of Health and with the other donor agencies. YIS
programmes are carried out by each of its departments located in the city of Surakarta in Solo.
Facilities & Resources
Although its main line of action is in the field of health , YIS has diversified into other fields
of operation. These services are available to both GOs and NGOs.
The YIS secretariat is located in a modest building in Jakarta but the community-based
programmes are carried out at their office in Surakarta (Solo). Consultancy services on health are
performed at its office in Jalan Rama VI No. 15 in Jakarta . Thus it has two Jakarta-based offices, one
for the secretariat and one for the health consultancy.
By virtue of its initial focus on health, many YIS staff have medical backgrounds, especially
those involved in health consultancy. Most of the YIS field workers have university backgrounds. This
is an essential asset in raising community consciousness of health issues and in soliciting greater
community participation in the programmes.
Collaboration
YIS collaborates closely with government especially with the Department of Health for obvious
reasons. This is done at the central level where interventions related to policy reforms are made by
providing the Department of Health with the findings of YIS health-related studies and research. Then,
YIS intervenes at the district level also in collaboration with the corresponding unit of the Department
of Health in the districts.
It has also collaborated with donor agencies such as UNICEF, WHO, World Bank, DB,
US AID, AIDAB, CIDA, etc..
Programme & Projects
Programmes in YIS are divided into several main activities:
1.
Training services are meant for non-governmental organisations, community oriented units in
government. Its target groups are community development workers, village volunteers,
trainers (technical) and planners and supervisors.
Training materials consist of "how to"
pamphlets, specific information such as leadership, nutrition, participation, group
development, and health care.
2.
Community health services
3.
Publications such as books and bulletins on YIS field experiences in community development.
These are distributed to NGOs, development workers, cadres in contact with YIS and its
counterparts abroad.
4.
Other activities are: pre-cooperatives, farmers' groups, introduction of farming tools,
technology, and animal husbandry. These activities are integrated in order to ensure
continuing health care.
Below are examples of income generating activities carried out by YIS:
Project Title
Programme for the Development of Youth Initiatives (1982-1989)
169
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Project objectives
Rp. 43,500,000 (foreign)
238 groups, 20 members each
60 villages, in 5 regencies in Central and East Java
1) To influence the attitudes and behaviour of the community, so that
they become more accustomed to interaction with parties connected with
industry, including the banks; 2) To design a village credit system
suited to the development of the Indonesian people.
Project implementors were YIS Solo, in cooperation with BKKBN Klaten & Jember,
Puskesmas and Pemda Boyolali, Community Education Division of the Department of Education and
Culture (Solo) and Pemda Bojonegoro.
Target groups were farmers, handicraft workers and small traders. It is expected that this
project will increase the income and skills of the participants.
Other projects include:
Community health improvement provincial project, specifically designing a model of
community involvement in health
Sanitation project with Department of Public Work
Mawas Diri, a programme designed to teach rural communities to be responsible and active
in health care and disease prevention.
170
Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan
Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES)
The Institute for Economic and Social Research, Education and Training
Address
Phone
Mailing Address
Cable
Date Established
Jl. S. Parman 81, Jakarta 11420
(021)597211
P.O. Box 493, Jakarta 10002 Indonesia
LEPPES
August 19, 1971
Manpower
Board of Directors
Director
Arslam Harahap
Deputy Director
Rustam Ibrahim
Deputy Director I
Erfan Maryono
Deputy Director II Irchami Soelaiman
Maruto
Head, Publication
Division
Head, Research
Didik Rachdini
Division
Head, Administration Z. Ngadimin
Division
Head, Policy
Sofyan Leobis
Development Division
Head, Social and
Ison Basyuni
Public Economy
Development Division
Permanent Staff
core staff
administrative
field staff
part time
volunteers
15
20
101
40
-
Annual budget
US$800,000
Source of Funding
International I
ACFOD, ADAB ADB, CIDA, FAO, FORD FOUNDATION,
FNS.IBRD, ILO, OXFAM, UNICEF, UNU, USAID, SDC, and
TOOL
Own Income from sales of books and fees for r e s e a r c h
and
consultancy services
Number of Self-help group formed
No exact records available
171
Purpose and Objectives
LP3ES is a product of international development cooperation within the non-government
sector. A group of prominent economists, intellectuals and student activists associated with
BINEDSOS made an agreement with the Friedrich Naumann Stiftung (FNS) of Germany to set up the
institute on August 19, 1971. Some of the founders are high-ranking government officials, and the
others were private citizens imbued with the same spirit of "economism" and a more holistic approach
to development. Thus, the institute focuses more on investment as the strategic factor instead of
capital. Consequently, the institute is designed more as a training ground for young people to work
with communities, as field workers, with the underpriveleged to enhance development "of the people,
by the people and for the people."
Field workers are the key to the development approach of LP3ES. They are first trained
before being fielded to the targets because they are expected to help the community in their problems
and help to solve them. This means that they act as motivators, advisers, communicators with other
institutions and train them.
The approach is done by making the target group realise that community development can be
done by themselves, besides their religious work. LP3ES tends to use the traditional institutions but
makes them function more progressively.
The LP3ES approach is also found in other NGOs and even government organisations such
as the community development programmes of the Directorate for Small Scale Industries. Cadres are
formed to assist the development of community development programmes implemented in remote areas.
In line with its basic mission, the institute conducts: a) studies and publication on economic
and social developments in Indonesia. LP3ES functions as a research institute, focusing on policy
studies and participatory action research. LP3ES has research reports on various fields such as small
scale industries, rural religious communities (pesantreri), regional & urban development, housing,
transmigrations, etc. b) training for development motivators with the underprivileged on various
community development projects, urban and rural.
Through a variety of policy studies, LP3ES has participated in the dissemination of more
decentralized planning, such as the setting up of regional development planning boards recommended
in its study on east Kalimantan in 1972. In urban development it disseminates ideas for the
improvement of the informal sector, basic community services in the kampungs and the development
of small towns to divert the heavy influx to primate cities.
In industrial development, it argued for balanced industrialization, stressing on the linkages
with smaller industries and oriented more towards export rather than import substitution. Especially
for small industries it has come with a model of development now widely adopted by various
institutions, including some units of government.
In rural development, its studies on irrigation has come with a model of peasant participation,
and argues for more delegation of authorities to peasant communities in the planning, construction and
maintenance of irrigation systems. Its earlier studies on religious institutions (pesantren) has also
recommended people-centered development taking into account the indigenous people's influential
position within the rural community. Certainly, more and more pesantrens are now actively involved
in community development.
Target Group
LP3ES works with policy makers, urban intellectuals, students and informal leaders in the
hope that this would create a favourable climate for development work with its target groups namely,
the needy, the poor and the underprivileged.
172
For example, it works with the pesantren as an independent grassroots organisation. Actually
Pesantren is a local traditional Moslem religious organisation. LP3S approaches local leadaers and
explain that they could also participate in community development besides their religious activities.
In this sense, LP3S makes traditional instititutions more functional and progressive.
Structure & Activities
The Executive Director of LP3ES is assisted by four directors in carrying out its day to day
activities. The Deputy Director for Research, Education and Community Development acts as project
coordinator and is assisted by some project heads.
In its operational work the project head is assisted by staff members (i.e. motivators, surveyor
and field consultant). Because of the large activities of the publishing and printing sections, the Deputy
Director takes charge himself. This division is responsible for administration, printing and marketing
of all books/magazines issued by LP3ES.
To handle bilateral and multilateral programme, LP3ES has a Development Consultancy
Service Unit employing around 30 to 40 part-timers who can be involved in any project undertaken.
To be more effective in their programmes, LP3ES has two (2) branch offices in Klaten in West Java,
and another in West Nusa Tenggara.
Director
SPES Program
Research
Education & Community Development
Consultancy & General Services
Printing and Publication
Finance and Administration
LP3ES's main activities include publishing, consultancy,research focusing on policy studies
and participatory action research, and community development.
Basically, LP3ES operates nationally, specially in publication and research. But below are the sites
of current community development actions undertaken directly by LP3ES:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Aceh
West Sumatra
South Sumatra
Jakarta
5.
West Java
6.
Central Java
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
East Java
Madura
Kalimantan
Sulawesi
West Nusa Tengggara
small scale industries
-do-do-dosmall scale cooperatives
Pesantren
small scale irrigation
small scale industries
small scale cooperatives
Pesantren
Appropriate technology
Women
Pesantren
Pesantren
food production
small scale industries
small scale industries
173
water supply
Facilities & Resources
LP3ES has its office in Jakarta, approximately 1,000 square meters donated by the founder.
This building has a large seminar room, 22 computers and a library sufficient to support the activities
of the institute.
FNS supported LP3ES upon its establishment but financial assistance was stopped since 1981
when LP3ES became self-supporting. Almost 40 per cent of LP3ES expenses are funded by themselves
with the use of revenues from their sales of publications and income from research work.
LP3ES is staffed by professionals and many of its staff are recruited by other companies.
Considering its vast experience in community development and partly because some of its founders are
high government officials, it has become popular in the higher government levels. This linkage with
government is an asset that enables LP3ES to enjoy government support for its development
programmes.
Collaboration
As an NGO that has long been involved in community development, LP3ES is requested by
other NGOs to share its experiences. Cooperation with NGOs such as for instance WALHI, Bina
Desa, Bina Swadaya, Dian Desa, YLK, YPMD, etc. and o"Xxer small NGOs can be in the form of
training, supply of training materials, etc.
Cooperation with the government is not something new. LP3ES very often conduct trainings
for government. For example, the Department of Public Works requested them to help the farmer
group in the irrigation programme.
Programmes & Projects
The publishing division has become well known for its quality publications especially among
universities. LP3Es has sixty titles of textbooks and references in politics, economics, statistics,
sociology, anthropology and history. It also publishes Prisma, a monthly journal in Indonesian, which
has a circulation of 900 to 20,000 copies per issue. Prisma is also published in English version with
2,000 copies per issue. Another product is Pesan. bulletin for community development through
pesantren. Other publications are the Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies (BIES) under licence
of the Australia National University, Research School for Pacific Studies and it comes out quarterly
with a circulation of 1,000 copies per issue.
In community development programmes, LP3ES standard approach has become common
practice now. The training of the development cadres (field workers) to enter into communities with
a variety of development projects has been disseminated to even the remotest communities. Entry
points range from the provision of basic services like clean water, sanitation, to introduction of
appropriate technology, income generating projects and environmental protection and is claimed to have
been successful. The most promising is the growth of local institutions to foster community
development work based on self reliance, community solidarity and self-management. Projects"caried
out at present are small scale industries. Pesantren, small scale irrigation, small scale cooperatives,
food production, appropriate technology, and water supply.
Research and development (R&D) is a big activity of LP3ES. Their community development
programmes are: clean water project, sanitation, introduction of appropriate technology, income
generating activities and environmental protection projects.
174
Below are some examples of income generating project carried out by LP3ES:
Project Title
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Methods
Target groups
Small Scale Industry, Klaten regency (1986-1988)
Rp 176,275,900 or US$ 88,138.00 (foreign source)
Rp 9,319,000 or US$ 46,595.00 (self generated)
601 men and 192 women, in 53 groups
34 villages in Klaten, Central Java
1) to encourage the development of automonous cooperative institutions and
managerial organisations within them, 20 to develop activities which
facilitate cooperation.
baseline survey, planning, training, granting of credit, production,
marketing, provision of raw materials, and monitoring and evaluation.
Activities carried out including education and training in the development
of productive technology, documentation and information, savings and
loans, and central marketing promotion.
handicraft workers, garment makers, textile producers, batik workers,
weavers, sugar palm processers, shell fish gatherers, wood sculptors, and
tin handicraft workers.
It is expected that this project will generate income and create new work opportunities for the
village communities.
Project Title
Cost of project
Target Group
Project Location
Training and Development of Youth Initiative (August to Dec 1987)
Rp. 33,000,000 or US$ 16,500.00 (foreign source)
45 men, 5 women
3 provinces
Project Objectives
1) to increase the skills and capabilities of the participants for initiating
development; 2) to foster the spirit of hard work, a sense of
competetiveness and calculated risk-taking among the youth; 3) to foster
self-sufficient attitudes among the youth group in the private sector; and 4)
to create new field workers.
Planning, formation of work groups, training (motivation, management,
skill), individual extension, granting of credit, production activities,
marketing, farming management, monitoring and evaluation. Participants
were trained in trading 9 basic commodities such as fish or agricultural
products, confection industry techniques, agro-industry, electronics
servicing, newspaper distribution, and transportation.
Most of the target group were working in the industry or trade. There were
no data concerning the final impact of the project, but it is believed that
incomes, work opportunities, production, market value, skills and
availability of credit have increased.
1) Limited numbers of implementors; 2) Banks and Financial institutions
policies are not yet available to accomodate higher levels of risk; 3)
Machines and equipment are still underutilized; 4) The prices of raw
materials fluctuate; 5) The market is often controlled by strong non-native
economic parties who often "pressure" the target group and weaken their
competitiveness.
Methods
Project Impact
Problems
Other Projects:
Development of women productivity project, in 1984 - 1989, with 1,655 women as target
group in Klaten Regency, Central Java. The project covers the following industries: cattle
breeding, fisheries, small shops, and small scale industries.
175
2.
Pilot project for the development of small scale industry in the Wonogiri regency, Central
Java. Target groups were 429 farmers, farm workers, and traders. Project activities were
savings/loan groups, savings groups (arisari), cattle raising, fisheries, horticulture, small
shops, crop savings (arisan), and service work.
3.
Generating community income project, in 1987 - 1989, with 183 people from savings/loan
cooperative as target group. The activities were savings/loan group, business cooperatives,
plotting (tribal), cattle raising, inland fisheries, productivity enhancement, and trading.
176
Lembaga Studi Pembangunan (LSP)
Institute for Development Studies
Address
Phone
•
Telex
Contact Person
; Date Established
Setiabudi Building II, 2nd fl., Block B.3-4
Jl. Rasuna Said 62, Jakarta 129S0
(021) 410800, 512608, 512672
62399 CARELA
Mr. Adi Sasono, Mr. Achmad Rofi'ie
1976
Manpower
Board of Directors
Chief
Secretary
Treasurer
Adi Sasono
Soeprinyo
Julisar An-Naf
Achmad Rofi'ie
Listianto
Agus Haryadi
Members
Executive Director
Secretary
Treasurer
Achmad Rofi'ie
Core staff
Administration
Fieldworkers
Volunteers
5
3
17
8
Staff
Annual budget
US$ 700,000
Source of Funds
International Donor Agencies
USAID, NOVIB, SDC, PACT, Ford Foundation,
HAVOS, Asia Foundation
Own Income from studies/research
D o n o r s from the Board o f T r u s t e e s (donations used for daily operation)
Number of Self-help Groups Formed : 50 multisectoral groups
Purpose and Objectives
LSP is a non-profit, non-goverment organisation established in 1976 to respond to
development such as poverty, unequal distribution of income and wealth, growing dependency on
modern technology and external resources and environmental degradation. In accordance with
these issues, LSP has set as its goals : 1) increased social participation in the development process;
2) elimination of existing dualism between the formal-informal, urban-rural sectors in order to
promote national social and economic integration; 3) fulfilment of basic needs through growth and
177
equitable distribution of wealth the eradication of poverty and creation of greater employment
opportunities, and 4) achievement of community self-reliance and strong community-based
organisations.
In its programmes, LSP takes multilevel and multisectoral approaches. The first means
approaching government organisations (decision makers) in their locality - a vital linkage especially in
the villages where the opinion of a village head can influence the continuing survival of a group.
Confirmation from the central government can strengthen their positions. Multisectoral approach
means LSP develops its groups in different activities. Group development is based on earlier ones and
groups support each other.
LSP approaches decision makers at the central offices when and if it wishes to expand its local
activities to the national level. It conducts policy research to guide policy making and research is done
at the grassroots level such as for instance, a study of the banking system suitable to low-income
groups.
Communicating LSP's research and ideas and promoting new thinking about development is
a priority at LSP. Using a variety of media, LSP encourages debate on development issues. To
support this, LSP publishes reports of workshops which it sponsors and produces three journals. It
publishes Indonesian articles in English by noted economists and social and political scientists.
Target Group
At LSP, promoting social change is pursued on three fronts: working with the poor, assisting
them to help themselves to overcome their poverty and promoting social justice and democracy.
LSP perceives the problem of poverty to be more acute among the urban slum who appear
to have lesser options than the rural poor. While LSP prioritises the urban poor, it does not include
other groups as its proper targets of development.
The target group in the cities include the becak (pedicab) drivers, shoe-shine boys, street
vendors, and even families in the public houses. In the villages, they are usually farmers, small scale
industries, etc.
Structure and Activities
Expert Staff
Board of Directors
Executive Director
Finance & Administration
Programmes/Projects
The highest body in the LSP organisation is the Founders' Board, composed of people who
started the organisation They are not active in the organisation but they act as donors to LSP. The
Founders' Board selects the Managing Board which is responsible for the policies of the Institute and
reports to the founders' board once every year. The Managing Board selects an Executive Board to
carry out their programmes. The Executive Board acts as Program Adminisrator and it consists of three
officers: the Executive Director, Secretary to the Managing Board, and Secretary for Finance.
LSP deliberately keeps down its overhead costs by maintaining a small staff. To implement
their programmes, LSP uses volunteers and part-timers who are listed with the LSP roster. They are
then asked to report when there is an appropriate programme and they are paid from the programme
178
budget. The part-time and volunteer workers come from the universities, government and private
sectors. Thus, there are no programme divisions within LSP.
The main activities of LSP include research & study, community development (rural),
community economic development (urban), training, and publication.
Facilities & Resources
LSP is located in the Setiabudi Building which is rented out by its founders. Compared to
other NGO offices, LSP office facilities are very adequate and well-equipped with computers. It has
a library to assist their research work. The office is small relative to the volume of its activities. But
LSP keeps as small a staff as posible and the 'part-time partners' are its major assets. These part-timers
usually have access to the government policy-making bodies and high-level bureaucrats.
Besides its main office in Setiabudi Building, LSP has two other offices. One in Cipinang
which implements its urban development programme and the another office located in Empaka Putin.
Both are situated in Jakarta. LSP does not have a branch in the region, but when necessary, the
institute can cooperate with the local NGOs.
To finance their programme, LSP has been dependent on donor agencies in the beginning.
Lately, LSP has shifted to the use of available national resources available because external assistance
seemed to foster dependency as they noted for instance in the case of a production group that received
aid from an NGO. The said group did not care enough to repay their loans but when it is a bank loan
they seemed more keen to repay.
LSP functions as catalysts among the grassroots and assists in obtaining funding for their
project activities.
Collaboration
LSP closely cooperates with the government since its goal is to help decision-makers perceive
and realise the problems faced by the grassroots, and formulate appropriate policies.
It has cooperated with the Department of Labour on workers' training, the Department of
Cooperatives, on cooperatives development, Department of Agriculture, on a study of training impact,
and with BAPPENAS, on a study of the informal sector.
LSP has also cooperated with other NGOs, such as WALHI, Bina Desa, LP3ES, PSP and
YSM (Lombok) etc. To maximise results LSP tried to organise a system for collaborating with NGOs
that have the same target groups. Together with the local institutions, they develop partnerships
between the target groups and the private institutions. Relations with the international agencies depends
on the terms and conditions set by the donor agencies and the project executing agency like NOVIB,
SDC, USAID, etc.
Programmes & Projects
LSP seeks to promote social change in Indonesia and some of its present projects are:
1)
Low Cost Housing. This project is one example of how LSP helps people to mobilize their
own resources. Bina Karya, a housing cooperative, was founded by a group of ex-textile
workers and labour activists in Bandung with the assistance of LSP. LSP provided training
in construction skills and co-op management and assisted the cooperative to obtain financing.
The cooperative has designed and built 120 housing units at 40 per cent below conventional
low cost housing. Bina Karya cuts costs through the self-help of those who live in the houses
and by operating its open brick making plant. Seed capital has enabled the establishment of
179
a revolving fund so that the cooperative, using the experience of members, can undertake new
low cost housing projects on behalf of other poor people.
Rural Integrated Development. This programme responds to the most urgent needs of
underdeveloped rural areas like Mancak in West Java. More than SO per cent of the adult
population had no education beyond primary school, crop productivity was very low, and not
enough food was produced to meet local needs, and unemployment rate was high. LSP's
projects were transfer of technology and skills training which have helped farmers to improve
their cropping patterns and raise their yields by over 80 per cent. Self-reliant cooperatives
were established and have assumed a significant role in village life. Marketing and profit
sharing schemes have been started as a result of an arrangement between the cooperatives and
local farmers which permits landless labourers to farm the fields of landed farmers during the
dry season, rent free. Also, environmental improvement such as higher standards for drinking
water, sanitation and drainage and a reduction in soil erosion, have been introduced through
local initiatives.
People's Economy. LSP coordinates programmes for the urban poor to improve their
socio-economic situation and they address groups like the street hawkers, becak drivers, small
producers, and shoeshine boys. Workers were brought together and helped to established and
manage a cooperative association. LSP provides training, advice and funding for credit
programmes. These institutions are designed to become self-reliant. Currently there are 30
cooperatives or pre-cooperatives in several cities in Java, Lombok and East Kalimantan.
Women In Development. Women 's programmes in LSP are of two types. LSP manages a
food and nutrition programme in Java and formation of groups by poor women such as female
cooperatives. The nutrition programme has been a useful entry point into communities for
the establishment of community groups and the introduction of income-generation projects.
LSP runs the programmes in three cities in Java and Lombok. In cooperative women's
organisations, LSP provides training and helps increase their major income through entreprises
involving the recycling of material from garbage and the making of handicraft. Through other
programmes, LSP has provided funding to 22 primary cooperatives in East Java.
LSP operates in the following areas:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Jakarta
Bogor
Bandung
Semarang
Yogyakarta
Ciamis
Tegal
Malang
9. Serang
10. Badanaan
11. Medan
12. Lampung
13. Samarinda
14. Lombok
15. Surabaya
180
Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI)
Indonesian Environmental Forum
Address
Phone
Contact Person
Date Established
Manpower
Head of Presidium
Secretary
Members
Executive Director
Executive Staff
Core staff
Programmers
Volunteers
Field staff
Jl. Penjernihan I Komp. Keuangan No. IS
Pejompongan, Jakarta 10210
586820, 588416
Mr. M. S. Zulkarnaen
October 15, 1980
Abdul Hakim Nusantara
Diana Susianati
18 members
M. S. Zulkarnain
Achmad Djen, Ade Christiana, Alexander Yusutuardi, M.
Arief Hidayat, Arimbi HP, Claudia D'Andrea, Dian Tri
Sundari, Dodo Sambodo, Dudi Widjaya, Erwina Widardi,
Indriti, Kar51ina Ronda, Lili Hasanuddin, Maratha
Belcher, Sandra Moniaga, Nur Salam, Suharno, Sulistyo,
Birowo, Susi Fiuziah, Suarya Affif, Tatiana Kodyat,
Trinirmalaningrum, Trisulao Priambodo, Trully Frederik,
Tryanto, Suhardi.
2 4 (handles administration also)
3
Annual Budget
Source of Funds
DML (Dana Mitra Lingkungan) an NGO
International donor agencies: CIDA, USAID, PACT,
RMDI, Asia Foundation, Ford Foundation, etc.
Other organisations like Manitoba Institute of
Management, Canada and Panos Institute London
Number of self-help groups formed
None, always works with other NGOs who have already formed groups
Purpose and Objectives
In the early 1980s, several Jakarta-based NGOs met to discuss the possibility of working hand
in hand on environmental development programmes. The said meeting gave birth to WALHI. Since
its inception, WALHI has been intended to create environmental awareness and to facilitate the growth
of community organisations. It is really a network of NGOs all over the country who have an interest
in promoting environmental protection.
On the first six years of WALHI existence, it concentrated on environmental awareness
programmes such as the production of environmental songs, plays and mobile poster exhibitions.
These programmes succeeded in creating awarenes and the term Lingkungan Hidup became popular
in the mid 1980s. Most people do not realise that "environment" includes not only trees and animals
181
but also encompasses phenomena such as water pollution, land degradation, etc. Public understanding
of environmental concepts needs to be enhanced and the next six years of WALHI is aimed at this.
WALHI does not work directly in the field. As a networking organisation, its programmes
are implemented through its collaboration with local NGOs that are coordinated in a regional forum.
At a national meeting of member-NGOs, it was decided that "participation and
decentralisation" would be adopted as the guiding and working principles of WALHI. Local NGOs
working with WALHI would endeavour to incorporate environmental protection and development in
their regular programmes. The WALHI secretariat would assist local initiatives promoting
environmental protection by gathering and processing pertinent information and providing financial
resources.
Target Group
The target groups are: professionals who are interested in developing the environment such
as biologists and architects; hobby groups like nature lovers and groups involved in community
development.
WALHI's objectives are indirectly related to marginal groups like those in the slums and rural
villages. Environmental degradation has had a direct impact on the lives of such groups.
Structure and Activities
Participating Organization
Regional Forum
WALHI's Presidium
WALHI Secretariat
WALHI has thirteen (13) board members consisting of executive directors or chairpersons of
13 other NGOs of Indonesia, 22 staff members plus 20-40 project staff and volunteers depending on
the existing projects at any given time. At present, there are 24 fulltime programmers working in
WALHI.
WALHI operates in six districts (i.e. Sumatra, Kalimantan, Java, Bali, Nusa Tenggara, East
Timor, Sulawesi, Irian, Maluku) that are under the charge of 3 - 5 persons who also act as
programmers.
WALHI has created 18 presidia consisting of member-NGOs in the districts. Each presidia
representative acts as deputy of the Jakarta-based WALHI secretariat. Presently there are 150 memberNGOs of WALHI representing 27 provinces all over Indonesia. The presidium is not structurally under
the WALHI secretariat.
Every three years there is a national meeting to select the presidium representing the whole
of Indonesia. The presidium then selects an executive director to handle the day-do-day activities in
Jakarta, to be assisted by staff members in their programmes. For the period from 1989 to 1992,
WALHI was divided into five programmes.
Facilities and Resources
182
WALHI occupies 300 square meters of office space in Pejompongan, Central Jakarta equipped
with office furnitures, a typewriter and a computer. To support their functions as a clearing house,
WALHI also has a library with a collection of books, magazines, and reports, especially on
environmental protection.
As a non-profit organisation, WALHI has received funds from international donor agencies
like USAID, Ford Foundation, CIDA, PACT, Asia Foundation, VIA and EMDI. In 1988, WALHI
managed a total fund of Rp. 1,040,000.00 or $ 520 US dollars, eighty per cent of which goes to
WALHI affiliates.
For a network organisation WALHI has sufficient staff - 24 fulltime programmers. Their
educational background is diverse, mostly young ones.
Collaboration
WALHI cooperates with universities on research and studies. It also collaborates with
international agencies on specific issues like pollution control and assists the local NGOs in obtaining
funding from international donors. Though WALHI cooperates with government, this has been
relatively low compared to other NGOs, particularly because WALHI has chosen to be the mediator
for some parties.
Programmes and Projects
For 1989-92, WALHI programmes are as follows:
1. Human Environment Development Programmes. This is WALHI's main concern and all other
programmes support this. It includes the role of the community, monitoring of natural resource
development and enviornmental pollution and administration. Projects related to this are the Ciasem
River Campaign, one of 20 most polluted rivers in Indonesia, women and environment focused on the
improvement of community awareness of the human environment.
2. Network for programme development. This relates to the exchange of information for the
development and guidance of the WALHI network members. Information is disseminated through
regional fora. One example of a related activity is the Learning and Linkages for NGOs in Sulawesi
and Sumatra.
3. Institutional Resource Generation Programme. This programme involves the development of interinstitutional cooperation among organisations outside the country. These institutions with which
WALHI links are centers for environmental studies/universities, private sector, funding institutions,
BLKH and other government agencies.
4. Information Resource Development Programme. WALHI collects information from local
resources, and other information institutions and tries to set up a clearing house for information.
5. Human Environment Development Programme. This programme conducts a lot of training for NGO
staff such as the Alternative Management Training in 1989. WALHI also participates in overseas
training.
183
NON-GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS NOT BELONGING TO THE GROUP OF 13
Yayasan Pengembangan Kerajinan Rakyat Indonesia (PEKERTT)
The Indonesian People's Handicraft Foundation
Address
Phone
Telex
Cable
Contact Person
Date Established
Jl Kedongdong Raya 16 A, Jakarta timur
(021) 4895837
4457, 445588 PRJ IA Att. PEKERTI
PEKERTINDONESIA
Mr. Imam Pituduh
Jakarta, 14 August 1975
Manpower
Executives
Advisors
Chairman
Vice Chairman
Secretary I
Secretary II
Treasurer
Members
Executive Director
Vice Executive Director
Ir. Saleh Widodo
Dr. H. Sugiat AS,
Utomo Dananjaya
Jimly Asshidiqie
Drs. Wahyu Budi Santoso
Drs. Partowidodo
Lilian Himwan, Wawa Wardoyo
Imam Pituduh
A.J. Suwarno
Permanent Staff
Core Staff
5 for development work
6 for marketing
(the 11 staff also manage administratives & finance)
Field workers
Consultant
Volunteer
Annual budget
16
1
21
US$ 450,000.00
Source of Funds
International Organisations USAID, NOVIB, SDC, OXFAM, etc.
Community resources used as revolving fund
Number of self-help groups formed
120 directly managed by Pekerti
60 groups formed in cooperation with other local NGOs
Purpose and Objectives
Due to the reduction of agricultural land, there was a need to increase rural incomes. In
reaction to this Pekerti was established with handicrafts as alternative or supplementary source of
income. On 14 August 1975, five individuals established an NGO, later known as PEKERTI, that
specialises in handicrafts as an alternative income source.
185
Pekerti was established with the following objectives:
1)
2)
3)
To foster and upgrade the development of handicrafts as a tool for promoting socio-economic
welfare;
To assist local craftsmen by ensuring maximum economic benefits;
To stimulate cooperation and solidarity among Pekerti members and upgrade the quality of
their craft products and enhance their efficiency and productivity.
The Pekerti development approach starts with the market. If a traditional handicraft has good
market potential and has an adequate supply of raw materials, it has high potential to be developed
further by Pekerti.
Pekerti stressed self-reliance and participation of the people. First, Pekerti gathers the village
people to discuss their problems, and here the need to organise emerges. In this case, the need to
organise arises as a natural course of action to promote their own welfare. The Pekerti serves to guide
the people in this process.
Target Groups
The activities of Pekerti is aimed at increasing the income of the rural communities, majority
of whom are living below the minimum standards, both men and women. Since Pekerti specialises
in handicrafts, their target groups are people who have handicrafts skills or those who are interested
to learn. The handicrafts people usually do not own lOxge lands; they could even be landless and
handicraft is their ony means for increasing their income. Craftsmen who produce rare handicrafts get
special attention from Pekerti. The handicraft people who helped in collecting for marketing the
products are also the target groups of Pekerti.
Generally, the characteristics of the target groups of Pekerti are:
a)
b)
c)
d)
having no capital to develop their business;
low income;
their handicrafts have good market potential; and
commercial viability is assessed to be positive.
The groups' average income per day is between Rp. 1,500 or $ 0.75 and Rp. 5,000 or $ 2.50.
A minimum of 10 people is required per group.
As indicated earlier, Pekerti orientation is towards the promotion of handicraft products and
not a special group of workers. But it does not mean that they never formed a group for women only.
Pekerti explains that the activities are very much determined by gender and the type of product.
Village handicrafts are produced by both males and females. Wood carving, rattan, house appliances,
leather and ceramics are dominated by male workers; batik, weaving or straw weaving are in the
hands of female workers. The work of the women require accuracy and skills such as the making of
Balinese puppets' costumes and the finishing of wood carvings for household use.
Structure & Activities
The Board consists of 26 members and it selects the Executive Board who acts as the policy
making body. The daily operational work is done by two executive managers. The Executive Director
is responsible for the operational work of the institution and the marketing of the products of the
groups developed by Pekerti. Ninety per cent (90%) of the handicraft products are for the export
market. The Deputy Director is responsible for the development of the craftsmen. These also include
the field workers, relationships with the donor agencies, and with the other NGOs.
186
Member Assembly
Executive Board
Executive Director
Small Industry Devopment Unit
Marketing Uni
Field Workers
In the programme of handicraft communities, Pekerti stresses self- reliance and how to
cooperate, with special aims to prevent competition among themselves. Four main activities in the
development programme are 1) self-reliant group development, 2) product development, 3) marketing
development and 4) capital formation (in-group and inter-group).
Actions by field workers are the starting points for Pekerti project interventions because they
are the ones that directly monitor the activities and assist in problem solving.
Field workers are the main factors in the success of Pekerti's programmes. They monitor
directly and help the communities find the solution to their problems. This means motivating the rural
people to form groups or pre-cooperatives, as may be appropriate, providing small business and micro
business management consultancy, and marketing assistance. Field workers are recruited among the
ranks of local public figures, usually senior high school to university level. They are trained for three
months by other NGOs. Pekerti arranges for the training and ensures that their training needs are met.
Field workers are paid Rp. 100,000 to Rp. 150,000 or US$ 50.00 to US$ 75.00 per month plus some
transport and small medical allowances. Their wages are not high but it is more than what the village
teachers get (less than Rp. 50,000 per month). Pekerti also harness volunteers. At the time of writing
Pekerti had 21 volunteers.
Pekerti seems to be dominated by men especially since Pekerti demands a lot of travelling to
monitor group work. However, they do not limit themselves from including women in their activities.
Meetings late in the evenings makes it difficult for the women to participate.
In the development of a group Pekerti does not release them until they complete approximately
two years. Based on Pekerti experience, such groups need further guidance, especially in the
marketing.
Since three years ago Pekerti has had a British consultant in marketing who goes around the
villages providing advice on product design and development. He goes to villages every other week
and is in close touch with the grassroots.
Facilities & Resources
Pekerti rents a small office of approxinately 600 square meters and most of it is to stock their
products both for export and exhibition. The USAID has reserved some funds for three years rent of
the place. To facilitate its marketing services, Pekerti also has a legal trade company called P.T.
Pekerti Nusantara.
Besides the standard office furnitures, Pekerti is equipped with a telex, 1 computer, 1 vehicle
for transporting their products and 1 staff car.
187
Pekerti also received funds from various donor agencies. Most of the funds are for programme
activities. Donor agencies which participate in Pekerti's activities are NOVIB, SDC, OXFAM Trading,
Trade Craft - England, SOS, etc. These funds are mainly to implement projects of Pekerti. They also
use revolving funds in developing other new groups.
Collaboration
Relations with local NGOs is cultivated mainly for marketing their products. These NGOs are
YPMD, YSM, Bina Swadaya, BPSW, HB2M, Taman Karya Bakti, Sanhhar Kasih, PPMA, Anbsa
Swasti, Bina Potensia, YSM, etc. Pekerti also invites the collaboration of small NGOs who are trained
and assisted in group development.
Cooperation with external NGOs is considered important since many of their products are
exported. Towards this, Pekerti has established contacts with the Association of Trade Organisations
which assisted them in introducing and marketing their products abroad. Cooperation with commercial
export organisations has so far not been made because the groups' production activities are seasonal.
During the harvest season, there is more agricultural activity and they take up their handicraft
production during the agricultural slack.
Cooperation with government agencies are mostly in the training of the handicrafts people to
improve their skills and these trainings are done through the local motivators of the Department of
Industry.
Programmes & Projects
Programmes are formulated during the general membership meeting, at least once a year.
Implementation of programmes is delegated to the board. Execution and implementation of the
programmes are undertaken by the secretariat.
The four main activities in this development programme are : 1) development of self-reliant
groups; 2) product development; 3) market development; and 4) capital formation (ingroup and intergroup).
The marketing service programme seeks to teach producers to market their own products. Also
Pekerti gives services in marketing, especially in export marketing that cannot be done by the
producers themselves. So far the Pekerti has been exporting handicrafts to Australia, New Zealand,
England, Netherland, West Germany, Australia, Switzerland, USA, and Canada. Pekerti has exported
a total value of $300,000 per annum and sold to the local market approximately $30,000 per annum.
For instance, Pekerti exports some 7,000 sets of baskets or 35,000 pieces per annum to overseas
outlets.
Marketing or selling in the local market is also given considerable attention. The producers
usually wait until the buyer find consumers and then they negotiate with them. They also participate
in exhibits organised by the local government.
Below are examples of Pekerti community development projects.
Project Title
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Development of Village Handicrafts in the Tasikmalaya Regency
(1985-1987)
Rp. 49,738,000
484 (men and women)
11 villages in 4 subdistricts in the Tasikmalaya Regency.
To raise consciousness and increase the skills and creativity of the
community through participation in productive work leading to
increased family income; 2) to encourage handicrafts and home
industries; and 3) arouse self-confidence through increased skills.
188
Approaches and Methods
planning, formation of work groups, training (motivation,
management, and skills) extension work, (individual and group),
disbursement of credit, productive activities, monitoring and
evaluation.
The handicrafts developed are bamboo products, palm leaf product,
coconut fiber, and bamboo basketry.
There are no quantitative data on the final results of the project but it is believed that it has
been able to increase incomes, work opportunities and production, increased availability of credit and
raw materials, and new technology.
Problems : monthly work plans often do not meet targets, training activities lack continuity,
overlapping field work, motivation was low for villagers and they did not have a favourable impression
of the activities.
Project Title
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Development of the Handicraft Industry through Community Selfhelp Organisations (LSM), (1987-1989)
Rp. 201,000.000 or US$ 100,000 (foreign source)
2,400 villagers (men and women)
South Sumatra, West, Central and East Java, Bali, West Nusa
Tenggara, and South Kalimantan.
Project Objectives
1) increase the living standards of handicraft/home industry
workers; 2) build a handicraft industry network among the local
self-help organisations in the community; 3) stimulate the growth of
autonomous handicraft workers' organisations.
Approach and Methods
planning, work group formation, motivation, training, consultation,
distribution, production activities, marketing, monitoring &
evaluation.
Project activities
bamboo handicrafts, palm leaf handicrafts and products, wood
crafts, ceramics, clothing and puppets.
Implementing institutions
IS community development organisations.
Project Title
Revolving Fund for Pekerti's Groups involved in training and
development.
Rp. 25,000,000 or US$ 12,500.00.
49 groups of Handicraft makers
West, Central and East Java, Yogyakarta, Bali, South Sumatra.
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
The objective of this project is to encourage the participants to set up their own savings scheme
among group members so they will be self-sufficient in working capital. This should put an end to
their constant need for a source of working capital.
Members of the target group are involved in small industry. The working capital is noninterest bearing. The money is given to self-help groups working toward self-sufficiency.
The users of the working capital obtained from Pekerti must put 5 % of their sales profit into
a savings account (TSP). This savings account does not bear interest. The TSP is considered to be
a share in stock of the handicraft workers of the Pekerti foundation. It is counted in savings units of
Rp. 10,000 or US$ 5.00.
Each year the working capital would consist of the total amount of TSP plus 10% from the
capital funds. However, because Badan Pengawas (B.P.) or Supervisory Board is included in the
working funds, the figure will be larger. It is estimated that 20% of the TSP, has already matured
189
within 3 years and will be withdrawn by the share holders. At the end of the fifth year, the working
capital will reach Rp. 39,846,957 or US$ 19,923.48 and the Tabungan Simpan Piajam or TSP will
total Rp. 14,846,957 or US$ 7,423.48.
Project Title
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Project activities
Project impact
Problem
Bamboo Curtains (July 1985-June 1986)
This project was designed for the survivors of the Galunggung volcano
eruption. The decision to produce bamboo curtains was based on the
reportedly good market prospects of this product.
Rp. 4,820.000 or US$ 2,410.00 (foreign sources)
Rp. 1,947,000 or US$ 973.50 (community sources)
80 women
Tasikmalaya, West Java
planning, group work, training, instruction, production activities,
marketing, monitoring and evaluation.
there has been an increase in income, work opportunities, production,
availability of raw materials, sales, skills, capital accumulation and new
products.
raw materials availability,
and marketing.
Other projects
1.
2.
Development of women's skills in handicrafts in Jepara Regency, West Java, 1988 - 1989.
Target group is 319 women belonging to 10 groups in bamboo handicrafts and palm fiber
industry.
Training project with the cooperation of the Department of Small Scale Industry, and
Department of Cooperatives.
Areas of Pekerti operation are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Blitar
Jepara
Gunung Kidul
Yogyakarta
5.
6.
7.
8.
Purwakarta
Tasikmalaya
Sukabumi
Tanggerang
In addition it collaborates with local NGOs or LSMS in the following areas:
9. Palembang
10. Tasikmalaya
11. Cirebon
12. Pekalongan
13. Lamongan
14. Blitar
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Banjarmasin
Denpasar
Mataram
Rantapeo
Jayapura
190
Pusat Pengembangan Sumberdaya Wanita (PPSW)
Center for Women Resource Development
Jl. Empang Tiga no. 31 A, Pejaten
Pasar Minggu, Jakarta 12510
7992651, 7996783
47117 AGRI-IA
Mrs. Chamsiah Djamal
May 1986
Address
Phone
Telex
Contact Person
Date Established
Manpower
Boards of Advisers
Director
Coordinators for
Training & Publication
Coastal Communities
Administration
Informal Sector
Small Industry
Finance
M. Dawam Rahardjo
Dr. Ir. M. Amin Aziz
Adi Sasono
Dr. Ir. A. M. Saefuddin
Achmad Tirto Sudiro
Chamsiah Djamal
Ir. Kodar Triwusananingsih
Ir. Zulminarni
Sri Praptini
Ir. Olivie Pristiana
Ir. Nursatya Kasihandayani
Tadjuk Renggali
Permanent staff
Core staff
administration
field workers
volunteer
1
4
2 women, 1 man
Annual Budget
no information
Number of self-help group formed
13 womens' groups, mostly in Java
Purpose and Objectives
Women's role has become more important. Apart from being a housewife, she is expected to
help the husband in raising the family, especially in generating additional income. With proper
guidance, women's potential in helping the family can be realised. In view of this, Annisa Indonesia
Foundation was established in May 1986 and to implement their programme, a foundation called the
Pusat Pengembangan Sumberdaya Wanita was set up and located in Jakarta.
PPSW's objectives are: 1) establish a socially-oriented and research and development system
focused on women's concerns; 2) creation and development of a communication system aimed at
enhancing and developing women's role in development; 3) enhancing community awareness of
women's role; and 4) enhancing Indonesian women's capability to produce creative ideas and engage
in more meaningful roles in national life.
191
Though the organisation is young it has a lot of experiences. As an example, PPSW has
undertaken a study in collaboration with other organisations, i.e. with Bappenas on Non-farm
Employment Generation Project for rural women in Indonesia on a national scale. They also arranged
a workshop on Dynamics of Women in the Informal Sector in Jakarta, with 76 participants from
various disciplines and different experiences as theoreticians, practitioners, and decision makers.
Target Group
PPSW is an organisation specialising in human resource development of women, who are
mostly found in the lower community, i.e. villages and the outskirts of big cities. The programme for
the community development carried out by PPSW indicates that their organisation paid special intention
to the women in the coastal communities, women in plantation areas, and women in the informal
sector.
Structure and Activities
Board of director
Director
Administration/Finance
Training & Publication Informal Sector Small Industry Coastal
Officers and Field Staff
PPSW is the implementing institution of Annisa Foundation and thus is responsible and report
to the foundation. PPSW activities are divided into four divisions each of which is supervised by a
coordinator. All divisions conduct community development activities. But there seems to be a shift in
PPSW's objectives. Since its inception, information dissemination seems to have been more dominant
than community development activities.
Training and publication are aimed at the grassroot level. Field workers conduct the training
and publication. Because of lack of personnel, PPSW harnesses specialists for its technical training by
coordinating with other NGOs or LSMs. A book series entitled All About Women in Indonesia is
published by PPSW's publication division.
Field workers of other divisions coordinate the community development activities in the
informal sector, coastal communities, and small industry.
Facilities and Resources
PPSW has 3 field workers, 2 of which are women. They take turns in monitoring at the
regional level and they stay one week in the locality for every monitoring visit. Most of the PPSW
field workers are young university graduates majoring in agriculture. Apart from the PPSW permanent
staff, there are associate experts whose assistance can be obtained when needed. They are in the Board
of Advisers and consists of people who are also active in other NGO's like LP3ES, PPA, and LSP.
PPSW occupies some rooms that are rented by Annisa Foundation, in the same building as
PPMA. The room is about 60 square meters, and equipped with basic office equipment, adequate for
the current activity level of PPSW.
192
The Foundation gives financial support to the PPSW for it day to day operations. But for their
programmes, like seminars, research and community development, PPSW uses the funds provided by
several international donor agencies.
Collaboration with Other Organisations
PPSW cooperates with other NGOs usually to carry out programmes in community
development, such as providing training materials, technical guidance and marketing the products
produced by its target group.
PPSW has never collaborated with an international organisation on a bilateral or multilateral
project. However, it has gained the trust of some international donors like CIDA, Netherlands
Embassy, Leiden University and UNDP in conducting seminars. PPSW also has had the privilege
working with the Government of Indonesia, in this case, with BAPPENAS (National Planning Board)
and the Ministry of Women's Role, in conducting one research and one seminar on women workers'
issues.
Programmes & Projects
Location of Activities: Jakarta, Bogor, Bagan Siapi-Api, and Aceh
PPSW programmes include:
1)
Training Programmes for women workers. Within this programme PPSW seeks to: a)
disseminate knowledge; b) identify essential inputs ,i.e. technical and financial; c) develop
training methods and materials and formulate training manual/modules; and d) expand
working network and relationship.
2)
Research to obtain information, develop staff skills and obtain financial inputs. Research
carried out by PPSW are "baseline data for women's role enhancement in fishing villages of
Cipaturung, West Java", and research on plantation women, non-farm employment generation
for rural women, and policy studies.
3)
Seminar and workshops to discuss development problems related to women. Seminars
coordinated by PPSW include those on women's role in the informal sector held in Jakarta
in 1986; women's role in the plantation sector, also in Jakarta in 1986, and women's role in
the small industry sector in Jakarta in 1987.
4)
Publication. PPSW has a special interest in gathering information about women in
development. It was planned that in 1989 PPSW would publish a book series entitled "The
Dynamics of Indonesian Women" to compile a portrait of the Indonesian woman in various
fields and professions. This project was funded by CIDA.
Below are some projects undertaken by PPSW.
Project Title
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
The project aims :
Development and Improvement of Productive Economic Activities for
women in Coastal Areas through Group Effort in Family Welfare
Improvement. (1987-1988)
Rp. 10,450,000
60 females
Bengkalis Regency, Riau
a) to guide the community in achieving family welfare, b) create coordinated
entrepreneurship groups, c) transfer skills and knowledge to the community
to promote self- sufficiency, d) improve female productive activities, and e)
educate women in managing family income.
193
Project method
baseline survey, planning, work group formation, motivation, management
skill development, training for individuals and groups, instruction,
productive activities, monitoring and evaluation.
Funds were used for entrepreneurship activities involving fish ponds, cungkil kelapa (to take
the spongy meat out from its shell, it is a part of oil-coconut processing, the next step is done by the
factory), mendong weaving, and shrimp cracker production. These activities have increased women's
income by Rp. 500 per day, and have provided work opportunities.
Other Projects
1.
2.
Development of Women Cooperatives in the Informal Sector in Jakarta
Development of 'Melinjo" cracker business in Aceh Pidie
194
Pusat Pengembangan Masyarakat Agrikarya (PPMA)
Center for Agro-action Community Development
Jl Tebet Raya no 57 Jakarta 12820
(021)8291096, 8299347
47117 AGRI-IA
Dr. Ir. Amin Aziz, Chief Executive
July, 1987
Address
Phone
Telex
Contact Person
Date established
Manpower
Board of Directors
M. Dawam Raharjo, SE
Dr. Ir. M. Amin Aziz
Dr. Ir. A. M. Saefudin
Dr. Ir. Tawang Alun
Abdillah Toha, SE
Adi Sasono
PPMA Executive director
Community Development
Activities
Training
Appropriate Technology
Dr. Ir. M. Amin Aziz
Lily Hidayat
Drs. Arifin Tahoe
Ir. Damdi Sukma
Staff
core staff
administration
field workers
part time
volunteer
Annual Budget
18
10
12
12
US$ 500,000
Source of Funds
International Donors
I
Royal Dutch Development,
IF AD, USAID, ADB, IBRD,
NOVIB, FAO, CIDA, etc.
Income from Consultancy
Government
Number of self-help groups formed
400 groups
Purpose and Objectives
Majority of the Indonesian population depends on agriculture. Yet, information about
opportunities in agribusiness, new technology, existing programmes and the like are not readily
available to the people concerned. In view of this a group of Indonesian scientists founded the Yayasan
Indonesia.
In July 1987, the Yayasan Agribusiness (Agribusiness Foundation) was established as an
independent and non-profit foundation. Its aims are to assist and promote agribusiness development
as a step towards the improvement of public welfare and to encourage business and generate
employment opportunities in the course of social development. To achieve these goals, YA established
195
employment opportunities in the course of social development. To achieve these goals, YA established
in May 1978 a unit that specialises in agribusiness called Pusat Pengembangan Agribusiness (Center
for Agro-action Community Development) in Jakarta.
The main objectives of PPMA is to upgrade the living standards of the village communities
by transforming the present farm activities into modern and progressive agribusinesses. It is hoped
that this will absorb more workers and will give opportunities for new business in the rural areas.
Target Group
PPMA specialises in developing agribusiness in grassroot communities by making current farm
activities into modern and progressive agribusinesses. In the process, it is hoped that more workers
will be absorbed and more opportunities for new business will be generated.
In its agro action, PPMA considers two closely related aspects: entrepreneurship especially
among the middle level and small scale farmers, the small traders, handicraftsmen and the
aproindustrv.
Emphasis on the products is aimed at increasing productivity and income while emphasis on
developing local resources and entrepreneurship is aimed at generating employment and cultivating
business opportunities.
Structure & Activities
Agribusiness Foundation operates like a commercial consulting bureau in agribusiness.
Information available are usualy sold to the middle and upper level agri-businessmen. PPMA is a unit
in the foundation which was developed in 1987, specifically, to implement community development
programmes.
PPMA itself consists of various units which deal with each of its programmes.namely:
community development (action research), education & training, and the application of simple
technology, marketing, research & consultancy, etc. The organisation chart shows the major
programmes and the corresponding units.
Board of Directors
Director
Expert staff
Finance & Administration
Research &
Consultancy
Production
Appropriate
Technology
Policy Development
& Studies
Library
Marketing
Center for Agribusiness
Training &
Community
Seminars
Training/Action
Programme
Publications
Information Processing
The main activities of PPMA are: studies, project appraisal, evaluation and monitoring,
training, action research, seminars and publications.
Facilities & Resources
196
PPM A occupies a building owned by the Agribusiness Foundation in Jakarta. Other than basic
office equipment, the office has one computer, and is permitted to use facilities owned by the
Foundation, like information processing and the library facilities.
Currently the Center employs 40 people consisting of 18 core staff, 10 administrative staff,
and. 12 field workers. All of the staff are paid and it does not have any volunteers. Aside from the
40 permanent staff, the Agribusiness Foundation also builds close relationships with more than 300
associate staff from various disciplines working in various universities and research agencies in
Indonesia. The expertise of the associate staff of the Center ranges from agriculture to irrigation
specialist.
Apart from the funding from international donors like CIDA, USAID, etc., the PPMA also
receives fund from the Agribusiness Foundation for its regular expenses.
Collaboration
Collaboration with other NGOs has been developed by PPMA, especially in information
dissemination and community development. NGOs with which it has collaborated are PKBI, LP3ES,
LSP, Pesantren (Islamic institution).
PPMA also has a good relationship with the government from where it has received funds for
some projects. Such is possible because some of its associate staff have access to the decision makers
in government such as for instance the Department of Agriculture, Department of Cooperatives, the
National Planning Bureau (BAPPENAS), etc.
Programmes & Projects
PPMA has carried out three main programmes: community development, training &
education, and simple technology development.
1)
Community development programme. While PPMA believes that the community should carry
out its own development, lack of knowledge in agribusiness and limited opportunities may make it
difficult for them to do so. In view of this, PPMA assists the villagers in community development and
the PPMA monitor and evaluates the programmes.
2)
Education and Traning. Limited knowledge and skill of group participants often hampers
programme implementation. Thus, PPMA undertakes the education and training of the field workers
and this is linked with the group participants. The curriculum of the training consist of AMT
(achievement motivating training), business management, accounting for small business, and if
necessary, project evaluation. Besides, PPMA also conducts education and training on agribusiness,
agricultural management, methodology of action research, and post-harvest marketing management.
3)
Simple Technology Development. This involves the application of appropriate technology for
small farmers in rural areas.
Besides the three main programmes, PPMA also carries out seminars related to issues of
policy or policy implementation by NGOs and GOs. Dissemination of the findings of the action
research to the communities and to government is done by scientific publications, brochures, news
columns, or bulletins.
Below are some examples of the community development projects carried out by the PPMA:
Project Title
Fisher Folk Family Income and Health
Improvement (19850-1988)
197
Cost of Project
Target Group
Project Location
Rp. 111,320,217 (USAID)
Rp. 30,464,350 (PPA, local government,
Community)
108 men, 189 women
Painan, Pesisir Selatan, West Sumatra
This project started when 2 PPMA staff formed a small group of 29 farmer members. Three
months after, a group of 22 male members was formed as well. Together with the local government
(Pemda) and local leaders, PPMA formulated the project's general objectives: to develop agricultural
and cattle breeding activities, to promote a healthy environment, to develop productive activities for
women and children, to protect the fisherfolk from usurious money leaders, to increase their knowledge
and skill in efficient time use and to develop post-harvest activities by collective fishery crop
processing. Then the eight groups were formed. Aside from the executive board meeting and monthly
group discussions, the group activites are skill training, collective entrepreneurship activities, especially
in production, savings and loan groups, including the traditional lottery by neighbourhood wives, and
other social activities. In 1986, the KUD was successfully re-activated.
The trainings include motivator training, book keeping and administration, business and
marketing management, skill training in krupuk (traditional crackers), tapioca flour, knitting, pala
pickles, poultry, planting hybrid coconut, and honeybee processing. Periodically, monitoring and
evaluation are done to allow the observation of project development by PPA staff and the group
leaders.
New products yielded by group activities include: shrimp and fish krupuk, teri cuci, honey,
embroidered goods and weed jelly, hybrid coconuts and chicken eggs. Fishery production is also
increasing.
However this project has not succeeded in egg production because of high production cost.
Also the plan to increase the cakalang fish and shrimp production has not yet been caried out due to
lack of equipment.
Even though the project has succeeded in introducing new technology and methods in
collective entrepreneurship organisation, the abovementioned initiative and pioneering production still
cannot be expanded due to lack of credit and capital to buy fishing equipment. Also there is no
entrepreneur willing to develop new products. If the production is to be expanded, the problem of
marketing remains.
Other projects:
1.
2.
3.
Training in research and community development in cooperation with Department of
Cooperatives.
Training on agribusiness and marketing management in cooperation with the Department of
Agriculture.
Study of women off-farm employment in the rural area in cooperation with the National
Planning Bureau.
198
Yayasan Mandiri
The Foundation of Self-reliance
Address
Phone
Contact person
Date established
Jl. Cimandiri no.26 Bandung 40115
(022) 436290
Sugeng Setyadi
1979
Manpower
Executive Director
Information Center
Community Development
Research & Development
Field Activities
Staff
Core staff
Administrative
Field staff
Part timer
Volunteer
Annual budget
Sugeng Setyadi
Mahendro
Iskandar BS
Budiyono
Giyono
6
3
5
10
15
US$ 45,000
Source of Funds
International Donor Agencies:
USAID, GTZ, Ford Foundation, Asia Foundation,
OXFAM, NOVIB, New Zealand Government, etc.
Consultancy Services
Members Contribution:
Number of Self-help groups
30 groups
Purpose and Objectives
Yayasan Mandiri is a private, non-profit organisation founded by ten students from the
Bandung Institute of Technology. Mandiri believes that appropriate technology should be used as a
tool in developing self-reliance. Experience has shown that many problems of development projects
lie in the inability of the planners to comprehend the complexity of the social structure and norms of
village life. Mandiri therefore observes the following policies in implementing its development project
: 1) have at least one member of the project team live in the village for several years; 2) in
conjunction with the village leaders, determine the village needs and resources; 3) increase the
villagers' awareness of the problems that exist by active questioning to the point where they perceive
the problems and wish to act on it themselves.; 5) work with the villagers to determine the possible
solutions and help them select the best possible alternative, one that will fit their specific need.
The key to Mandiri's approach then is community involvement, initiative and responsibility
in designing and implementing a project. Mandiri perceives itself as a catalyst for development. After
helping the community identify the needs, they help culltivate the organisational, technical and
management skills needed to implement projects. The community itself must agree to supply the
necessary energy and enthuasiasm and to take eventual responsibility for the projects.
Target Group
199
Because the poor are mostly in the rural areas, Mandiri prefers to locate its community
development projects there. In addition, approriate technology is not accorded adequate attention in the
rural areas.
Whenever possible Mandiri tries to develop a long standing relationship with specific
communities rather than working singly on a project-to- project basis. By helping implement projects
in one community over a long period of time, they are able to use each project as a way of building
an existing relationship rather than having to start anew everytime.
Structure and Activities
The Board of Directors are the managing members of Yayasan Mandiri and they meet once
a year.
The Executive Director acts as the chief of the Managing Board. He functions as the link
between the management and community groups and other organisations. The Executive Director is
assisted by fulltime staff members from each of its units: Information Center, Community
Development, and Research and Development Unit.
Members Assembly
Board of Director
Executive Director
Community
Development
Research &
Development
Finance &
Administration
Facilities and Resources
Mandiri occupies an office space in Bandung which was loaned by someone who sympathises
with Mandiri's mission. This office has a meeting room, library and a small workshop. Besides the
usual office furnitures, the office is also equipped with 5 computers and an overhead projector. On
the second floor they have a dormitory that can accomodate 6 persons. This is usually used when
people come to attend training or consultation.
To execute their programmes Mandiri has to depend on external funding, such as CIDA, Asia
Foundation, Ford Foundation, GATE, TOOL, VITA, UNHCR, IDEX, etc. There are also
membership contributions from 32 founding members of Mandiri. They are spread all over Indonesia
but once a year they meet to exchange information. Some of them established their own NGO, joined
with other NGOs, or they are community heads in the regions and/or prominent in the private sector.
Besides the permanent staff of the office, Mandiri also established contacts with those at the
local level who can work on voluntary basis. They are on call and can be made to assist as the need
arises. They usually help as coordinators and motivators.
Collaboration
In community development, Mandiri always cooperates with other organisations. Mandiri is
usually called upon to take charge of the technology aspects of development projects. It has
collaborated with other NGOs such as LP3ES, WALHI, Pesantren, Dian Desa, YLBH, YPMD, LIPI,
etc. and with government institutions such as the Fishery Office of Subang, Directorate General for
Rural Development, Ministry of Population and Environment, etc.
200
Programmes and Projects
Mandiri programmes are always in the area of appropriate technology in the rural areas.
Appropriate technology developed by Mandiri are related to water supply, food processing, agriculture,
small scale industry, sanitation, housing, equipment and transportation technology.
1.
Application of Technology.
Applied technology is a primary activity of Mandiri and all of its activities are aimed at this.
Because of lack of human resources, Mandiri always cooperates with other organisations.
Some of the projects are:
Introduction and installation of hydraulic pumps in Cikaur, Pabelean, Padasuka and other
villages in Central and West Java, and Madura. (1979-1984)
Introduction dissemination of winnowing and threshing technologies in ten villages in Central
and West Java villages (1979-1985).
Introduction of the rope-pump (popa tali) into numerous villages in South Sumatra, Java,
Madura, Bali, Irian Jaya and Kalimantan, cooperation with YLBH, Irri Diotrop, Pesantren
(1980-1985).
Introduction of appropriate technology in blacksmithing and carpentry into five Javanese
villages (1980-1984).
Introduction and development of aquaculture (shrimp farming) into the coastal village of
Mayangan (1983-1986).
2.
Research & Development.
The research activities are handled by Mandiri. Surveys for outside organisations are rarely
done. One example of research activity is a comprehensive water-quality survey in the
Vietnam Refugee area of Pulau Galang (1985).
3.
Training.
Mandiri conducts in-house training for its field staff or for its target groups. The trainings are
carried out in the locality of specific projects. Examples are:
Training of a group of women from Irian Jaya in food processing and preservation techniques
(1985).
Training of more than 20 pesantren in the application of appropriate technologies and
philosophy (1979-1985).
Organising of an environmental impact training course for NGO staff, cooperation with
WALHI (1986-1987).
4.
Information Center/Dissemination.
Dissemination of information is done through print/written media, demonstration and
consultation.
Creation and management of the Appropriate Technology Information Center in Bandung,
with 3,000 books, periodicals, studies and reports. The information center also offers a
question and answer service, low cost photo copying and referral service (1983-1986).
Testing of microfiche as a medium for communicating appropriate technology information
(1985-1987).
201
Yayasan Anissa Swasti (YANISSA)
Anissa Swasti Foundation
Address
Phone
Mailing Address
Contact Persons
Date Established
Jl. MT. Haryono 52 Yogyakarta 55141
(0274) 3583
P.O. Box 52, Yogyakarta
Drs. Kusuma Dewi (Board of Director)
Drs. Sri Kusyunianti (Executive Director)
November 25, 1982
Manpower
Board of Directors
Chairwoman
Secretary
Treasurer
Kusuma Dewi
Budi Wahyuni
Nurjana
Executive Director
Sri Kusyuniati
Core staff
Administrative
Field workers
Part time
Volunteers
3
2
8
Annual Budget
US$ +/- 80,000.00
Source of Funding
International donor agencies:
Ford Foundation, Asia Foundation, OXFAM, CUSO, CIDA
Number of self-help groups formed
40 groups
Purpose and Objectives
Anissa Swasti was established by a group of students who were interested on the role of
women in development. Yasanti saw that the role of women in the past has influenced society but
there seems little appreciation for women's involvement in social change, especially in the villages.
Yasanti believes that women's role could even be better if their sense of pride, self-confidence and selfreliance are awakened and/or strengthened. Rural women's economic conditions could be improved
-Mong with the raising of their awareness.
Yasanti seeks to achieve the following: promote education of women through formal and
informal training; increase their income especially those women in the villages; and strive for malefemale equality within the family and society.
Yasanti has various training packages and let women-trainers conduct the training. Gender
sensitisation training is included in various trainings.
202
Target Group
Yasanti's programmes are aimed at women, particularly women in farming and fishing,
factory work, small trading, handicraft manaufacture, and in general, women who are socioeconomically depressed.
Structure and Activities
Yasanti is a small organisation consisting of three persons in its Board of Directors who work
part-time with Yasanti. There are 10 fulltime staff but decisions are made by the Board of Directors.
Board of Directors
Director
Experts' Team
Administration/Finance
Field Workers
The main areas of operation are Yogyakarta and Central Java.
Facilities and Resources
Yasanti rents an office in Yogyakarta, Central Java. It has a large meeting room and the
office is equipped with basic office furnitures and one computer. The facilities are basic but adequate
for their present needs.
Yasanti has 8 field workers and some volunteers, usually university students who are interested
in community development for the poor. Two board members are university lecturers and one is active
in another NGO, the PKBI.
Collaboration
Yasanti collaborates with a few important NGOs such as Bina Swadaya, LBH, LP3Es, Dian
Desa, KSBH, etc. Though Yasanti itself is small, it has proven to be successful in establishing its
identity as an NGO. Its collaboration with the bigger NGOs has contributed largely to its success.
It also collaborates with international organisations, usually in the exchange of information,
such as the Asia-Pacific Committee on Women in Law & Development, Women International League
for Peace and Freedom and the Asian Institute of Management in Manila.
Yasanti has pioneered in targeting women and its identity as a women NGO has helped in
bringing about its respectable status.
Programmes and Projects
Programmes are divided into four: training and education (includes motivation, awareness
raising, management and skills training); group development (programme development and problem
solving); group services (information and business facilities) and networking and information
dissemination (establish good relations with local, regional or international NGOs.
In forming self-reliant groups, it undertakes a variety of activities as follows: research and
study, initial approach to prospective group members (varies with the site and the people involved);
motivation and training (usually one week including team building); group formation, finance and
leadership training; capital formation; discussions on production activities; skills and technical training,
203
entrepreneurship training, start of group production and management training, marketing training and
hopefully, self-sufficiency.
Business groups developed by Yasanti are those in fishery, small confectionery, consumers'
coops, bamboo and batik.
For 1990, they planned a project on Women and the Human Environment in the district of
Gunung Kidul, Central Java, known to be dry land.
Below are examples of income-generating projects undertaken by Yanissa:
Project Title
Cost of the Project
Target Group
Project Location
Projects Objectives
Project Activity
Funding
Project Title
Cost of the Project
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Other projects
Programme in Skills Improvement of Teen-age School Drop-outs (1987- ..)
50 Women
D. I. Yogyakarta
Increasing welfare by developing occupational opportunities for teen-age
school drop-outs.
Sewing and group entrepreneurship
There are no special funds for the project. Funding is obtained from various
other programmes implemented by Yasanti. The main problem is the lack
of organising consciousness among the target group.
Programme in Skills Improvement of Shopkepers
Rp 8,000,000 or US$ 4,000.00 (foreign source)
90 women
Yogyakarta
Increase shopkeepers' welfare through entrepreneurship activities, sewing
and typing.
Planning, group formation, training, group instruction, production activities,
monitoring and evaluation.
The farmers' group development in Kulon Progo was aimed at increasing
the farmers' welfare. Since 1985, 40 women have been educated in sewing
and group entrepreneurship.
The obstacles have been low quality and lack of competitivenes with other
products in the market and reluctance to assure business risks among the
local people.
204
Perkumpulan Keluarga Berencana Indonesia (PKBI)
Indonesia Planned Parenthood Association
Address
Phone
Mailing Address
Cable
Contact person
Date Established
Jl Hang Jebat III/F3
Kebayoran bam, Jakarta 12120
713904,715905,734123
P.O. Box 18 KBYB, Jakarta
IPPA Jakarta
Abdullah Syarwani
December 23, 1957
Manpower
Board of Directors
Chairman
Deputy Chairman
Honorary Secretary
Honorary Treasurer
Members
Soetjipto Wirosardjono
Dr. Sarnanto MPH
Dr. Z.Rachman Mansyur
Drs. H. R. Moesanto
Dr. Firman Lubis
Dr. Priyono Tjiptoherijanto
Ir. Erna Witolar
Mrs. Kustiniyanti Mochtar
Dra. Cici M. Umar
Executive Director
Deputy Executive Director
Heads of Programme Operation & Service
General Services & Resource Development
Planning & Evaluation Unit
Assistant for Legal Affairs
Training Coordination Officer
Progrmme Officer
Evaluation & Research Officer
Abdullah Syarwani
Wilarsa Budiharga
Dra. Sri Lestari
Drs. Deedy Syarif
Drs. Rizal malik
Winoto, SH
Honorius Da Costa
Abubakar Midur
Drs. Yhya Ma'shum
Permanent Staff
Core staff
Administrative
Volunteer
Annual Budget
No information
Source of Funding
International Donor Agencies
Number of self-help groups formed
IPPF, JOICFP, JICA, IWHC, CIDA, Pathfinder
Fund, UNDP, UNFPA, NOVIB, USAID, etc.
Unknown
205
Purpose and Objectives
Since its inception, the PKBI has been known as a pioneer in Population and Family Planning.
It seeks to promote responsible parenthood. Its founders were volunteers consisting of concerned
professionals such as doctors, lawyers, midwives, social workers and community leaders who first
realised the threat of rapid population growth.
The notion of planned parenthood was not generally accepted by the government of Indonesia
then; still, the population and family planning activities were carried out though at a low key.
Then in 1966, the new government approved the PKBI's activities and soon acknowledged
its role and realised the importance of its mission to national development. In 1970 the government
established BKKBN (National Family Planning Coordination Board) to carry out the family planning
programme at a national scale.
PKBI functions as a pioneer in project development on family planning. When a pilot project
has been successfully completed in a region, the idea will be put forward to BKKBN to be executed
on a national scale. Projects which have been executed by PKBI and by the BKKBN include
organising and motivation activities for youth groups.
The objectives of PKBI is to encourage small-sized but prosperous families and self-reliance
of the family and society. The PKBI thus engages in integrating family planning with other community
development programmes.
Structure & Activities
The PKBI is represented at the national, regency/municipal levels and other administrative
districts. At each administrative level, there is a governing board fully responsible for the management
of the association. In carrying out daily activities, the central board is assisted by staff headed by an
executive director who is appointed by and is responsible to the central board. The Central Board is
also assisted by an Advisory Board consisting of volunteers, including a chairman of four standing
committees for programmes, volunteers, and resource development.
Central Management Board
Standing Committee
Executive Director
Planning & Evaluation Unit
Bureau of General Service
& Resource Development
Resource
Development
Administration
& Finance
Bureau of Programme
Operation & Services
General Family
Planning Programme
Comprehensive
FP Clinic Project
21 Chapter Executive Directors
areas.
There are 21 branch offices which reports on the activities carried out in their respective
Below are the branch offices (chapter offices) of PKBI:
206
1. Banda Aceh
2. Medan
3. Padang
4. Jambi
5. Bengkulu
6. Palembang
7. Tanjung Karang
8. Jakarta
9. Bandung
10. Semarang
11. Yogyakarta
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
Surabaya
Denpasar
Mataram
Kupang
Pontianak
Palangkaraya
Banjarmasin
Samarínda
Manado
Ujung Padang
They are also entitled to provide data on the conditions in the area, and recommend activities
needed by the people. Most reports indicate a high need for the PKBI activités. The central board then
decides which area should receive which services and/or programmes. Decisions are usually hard to
make due to the limited funds.
The activities of PKBI include training of motivators, community development,
income generation, family planning and clinic/health centers.
Facilities & Resources
Most PKBI personnel are volunteers. Only those at the head office in Jakarta are fulltime and
paid. As a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation based in London, PKBI also
receives funds from it. Most of the projects are partially funded by the federation. However, due to
the limited funds, PKBI also receives from other donor agencies like JOIFJP, JICA, IWHC, CIDA,
The Pathfinder Fund, UNDP, UNFPA, NOVIB, USAID, etc.
PKBI office stands in one hectare of land in Jakarta, which was given by the Department of
Health in the 1970's. The building belongs to PKBI. It has a seminar room, and bedrooms for 90
persons. Other facilities like cars, overhead projector, TV, etc. are also for rent, to help generate
income for the PKBI's projects.
Collaboration
Government institutions which have cooperated with the PKBI are the Departments of
Transmigration, Education and Culture, Health, Interior, etc. NGO's that have collaborated with it are
BinaDesa, Bina Swadaya, YIS, Walhi, P3M, BinaDesa, YPD, BK3, YKIA, Kalyanamitra, Yayasan
Melati, etc.
The PKBI became a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation in 1969, and
had since worked with other NGO's at national as well as international levels. PKBI also believes in
networking.
Programmes & Projects
Programmes in PKBI are divided into 5 services:
Contraceptive Services;
Integrated Project;
Family Life Education;
Development of Family Planning and Population NGO's; and
Organisation and Management Development.
Contraceptive Services. The activities basically involves providing contraceptive services,
both in urban and rural areas. In 1988, PKBI rendered contraceptive services through two main
207
projects, namely the Comprehensive Family Planning Clinic and the Contraceptive Distribution through
Community Participation projects. The first project provided the family planning services, protection
against family planning failure, reproductive health services, mental health and family planning
counselling and informative lectures. In 1988 PKBI generated approximately 12,222 new acceptors,
and 15,477 continuing acceptors. The second project was carried out with the participation of informal
community leaders who functioned as motivators. This was based on the recognition of the influence
of these individuals within their community particularly in relation to such issues like family planning.
Both projects have now been adopted by the BKKBN, and carried out nationally.
Some of examples of PKBI projects are: The Services for Rural Pre School Age Children
(Bina Anaprasa); Friends of the Youth Projects (Sahabat Remaja); The Male Participation Project (Pria
Warge Mulia); and Contraceptive Distribution Through Community Participation.
Integrated Project. PKBI develops projects which integrate family planning and other
community deelopment activities in areas such as health, income generation, and child education.
There are six such projects namely: pre-school care service, integrated family planning & family health
services, preschool child care services for Moslem communities, planned parenthood & home economic
activities, women's rights & responsible parenthood, family planning and community health
improvement, and integrated family life education & income generation for young village women
projects.
Family Life education Programme, basically provides knowledge to support responsible
parenthood. The Programme's subjects cover such issues as family responsibility, social life, family
health, home economics and sex education. Projects under this programme are responsible youth,
Family Life Education for young mothers, Male responsibility, and Friends of youth projects.
Activities carried out in these projects include lectures, discussions, and counselling.
Development of Family Planning and Population NGO's. Activities in this programmes are
mainly to improve NGO's management capability. Methods used mainly are training, seminar,
workshops, etc.
Organising and Management Development Activities are intended for internal development
of the PKBI. For example, PKBI has worked to increase volunteers' input, in order to ensure
professional management. Training are carried out to upgrade their capabilities.
Below are examples of integrated activities carried out by PKBI.
Project
Pelayanan Kontrasepsi Terpadu
(Integrated Contraception Service)
Location
8 provinces
Target group
19,179 acceptors
Working partner Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana (BKKBN or the National Family
Planning Board, Department of Cooperatives, Pemerintah Daerah (the
Local Government).
Funds
IPPF
Objectives
To generate family planning acceptors (Pemantapan akseptor KB)
Activities
To motivate acceptors to use contraceptives through lectures, provision
of contraceptives in family planning clinics.
Result
There will be an increase in the number of accpetorus using more
effective contraceptives.
208
Konggres Wantia Indonesia (KOWANI)
Indonesian Women Congress
Address
Jl. Imam Bonjol 58, Jakarta
Phone
364921, 364679
Date Established
December 22, 1928
Manpower
Executives
President General
Secretary General
Mrs. Mien Sugandhi
Drs. Endang Abimanyu
Permanent staff
core staff
administratives
Annual budget
17
10
Unavailable
Source of Funds
Bantuan rutin President ( Routine Aid from the President of State)
Bantuan incidental Presiden (Incidental Aid from the President of State)
Donor Agencies (Asia Foundation, UNICEF, US AID, Ford
Foundation, Canadian Embassy, UNDP)
Own Income : Membership fee, Books selling.
Number of self help group formed
unknown
Purpose and Objectives
The first Indonesian women's organisation was established as early 1912. Others soon
followed, motivated by the strong urge to obtain a better status and quality of life for the women and
the family, and independence of their nation. On December 22, 1982 in Jogyakarta, motivated by a
common cause and the need for unity in action and thoughts, thirty women organisations convened in
the first All Indonesia Women's Congress, where the decision to establish an umbrella organisation,
the federation now known as the KOWANI, was adopted.
Kowani's main objective is full implementation of women 's equal rights and responsibility,
opportunities, as provided by the constitution.
Target Group
Every Indonesian women has the right to become a member of KOWANI. Women's
organisations who could become members of KOWANI should have a minimum of 20 branches at the
second district level in 14 provinces and should have programmes of national scope.
The programmes of KOWANI are meant to promote the welfare of the women, especially the
low income groups, meaning the farmers' wives, school teachers, and middle class family, etc.
209
Structure & Activities
There is a policy making body, and a managing body headed by an executive board composed
of a president, one or more vice presidents, one secretary-general, one or more recording secretaries,
one or more treasurers, and standing committee convenors. KOWANI adheres to a collective
management system. The highest authority is vested in the Congress which convenes a plenary
meeting once every five years and elects the Executive Board and formulates a five-year workplan.
There are 12 standing committees that acts as coordinators/monitors of Kowani activities,
namely: committees on organising, structures, procedures and cadre formation; education, science and
technology; intellectual enrichment and culture; health, family and social welfare; population and
environment, economy and cooperatives; employment; laws; international relations; humanitarian
foundations; and communication and information.
There are four executive directors in charge of coordinating the 64 member-women
organisations.
Kowani's main activities are informal & non formal education, social and medical services
and cooperatives.
Facilities & Resources
KOWANI has its own office space provided by the President of the Republic of Indonesia in
1983. The recognition given by the government towards KOWANI as an organisation representing the
aspirations of the Indonesian women is reflected in its provision for Kowani in the regular budget and
incidental funds from the President of Indonesia.
KOWANI has dedicated personnel among its ranks such as the two ex-General Chairperson
and one ex-Secretary-General of the Minister for Social Affairs. KOWANI has representatives in 20
government agencies and non-government organisations.
Collaboration
KOWANI's cooperation with the government is excellent because its members are government
officials. Cooperation with the Department of Education is in the Paket A programme. It also
collaborates with the Department of Home Affairs on women and child health regarding programmes
on family nutrition, narcotics prevention, promoting the role of women in legal affairs, increasing the
opportunities of women in the formal sector, marriage laws to protect women, etc. It also collaborates
with the Departments of Manpower, Information and Justice.
KOWANI is internationally known as it represents the Indonesian women in international fora.
It is a member of the International Council of Women (ICW) since 1976 and the Asean Confederation
of Women Organisations (ACWO) since 1981.
Programmes & Projects
Programmes of Kowani, are generally aimed to support government programmes such as
narcotics prevention, family planning information dissemination, literacy programmes, etc. and almost
all the activities are carried out by way of meetings, workshops, seminars, information fora or
dialogues.
210
Below are the four foundations fostered by KOWANI.
1.
Yayasan Seri Dharma (Scholarship Foundation), which renders scholarships to needy,
promising girls and women. It also manages a dormitory for female students in Yogyakarta.
2.
Yayasan Kesejahteraan Anak & Remaja (Institute for Children and Youth Welfare), which
conducts kindergarten, primary and secondary schools, and also provides youth guidance.
3.
Yayasan Hari Ibu (Women's Day Foundation), manages the Mandala Bhakti Wanitatama or
the Unified Women's Movement in Yogyakarta; promotes women's vocational skills through
formal and non-formal education.
4.
Yayasan Daya Wanita (Institute for Women's Empowerment), promotes economic productivity
and runs a women's craft promotion centre.
211
List of Member-Organisations of KOWANI
Name of Organisation
1.
2.
3.
5.
6.
AISIYAH
PIKAT
WANITA
WANITA
WANITA
(WKRI)
WANITA
WANITA
7.
PASUNDAN ISTRI (Pasi)
8.
PUTERINARPOWAND0N0
4.
9.
10.
TAMAN SISWA
TAMAN SISWA
KHATOLIK R.I
PERTI
SAHATI
13.
PERWARI
PERS. WANITA KRISTEN
INDONESIA/PWKI
MUSLIMATN.U
PERSIT KARTIKA CHANDRA
KIRANA
JALASENASTRI
14.
15.
16.
BUDI ISTRI
BHAYANGKARI
RUKUN WANITA INDONESIA
17.
18.
19.
KELUARGA WIDURU
PERWANAS
PERS. ISTRI INSINYUR
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
PERS. KELUARGA UNIV. GAMA
IKATAN BID AN INDONESIA
PERS. ISTERI TEKHNISI
WANITA SYARIKAT ISLAM
DHARMA WANITA DEPDAGRI
IKATAN ISTERI DOKTER
DHARWA MANITA PJKA
27.
28.
GERAKAN WANITA
SEJAHTERA
DHARMA WANITA DEPLU
29.
30.
31.
IKATAN SARJANA WANITA
PIA ARD YA GADIRI
POWSA
32.
WANITA KOSGORO
33.
KAMPARTEMEN WANAKAWURI
PEP ABRI
WANITA MKGR
DHARMA WANITA
KEJAKSAAN AGUNG
11.
12.
34.
35.
Address
d/a Wisma Sirad Jl. G andaría I no 1, Jakarta-Selatan
d/a Ny. Siwu, Ji. Gandaria VII/6, Jakarta-Selatan
Jl. Garuda no 25,(Perwakilan),Jakarta-Pusat
Jl. Taman Siswa no 33, (Pusat)Yogyakarta
Jl. Talan g no 5, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Rawamangun no 30, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Utan Kayu no 40 Raamangun,
Kompleks Kehakiman Jakarta Timur
d/a Ibu Dra. Mien Warnaen
Jl. Bangka I-C Keb. Mam, Jakarta-Selatan
Jl. Komp. Depsos Rt.002/01,
Bintaro Kebayoran Baru,
Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Menteng Raya no. 35 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Menteng Palbatu 11/12 Jakarta
Selatan
Jl. Kramat Raya No. 164, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Gatot Subroto no 37, Jakarta
Selatan
Jl. Yos Sudarso. Komp. TNI-AL Sunter
Jakarta Utara
Jl. Laks. R E Martadinata no. 110,Bandung
Jl. Senjaya 1/1, Keb Baru, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Yusuf Adiwinata, Sh no 36,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Cikatamas 11/14, Keb. Baru,Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Senopati no 74, Keb Baru, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Dharmawangsa X/18, Keb INDONESIABaru
Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Bulak Sumur D-7, Yogyakarta
Jl. Johor Baru V/13 Kayu Awet.Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Cilosari no 5A, Jakarta IndonesiaPusat
Jl. Taman Amir Hamzah no 2 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Veteran no.7 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Samratulangi no.29, Jakarta
d/a Ibu Samhudi
Jl. Jati Baru no 53, Jakarta pusat
Jl. Rajungan Raya no 7
Rawamangun, Jakarta
Jl. Iskandar Syah Raya Flat Deplu
Unit II/l Keb. Baru Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Sriwijaya IV/3 Jakarta INDONESIASelatan
Jl. Pendidikan no 10, Ciputat, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Taman Kebon Sirih V/3,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Thamrin no 53, It XVII,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Diponegoro no 53,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Diponegoro no 54, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Hassanudin no 1,
Jakarta Selatan
212
36.
WANITA PERSAHI
37.
39.
40.
41.
42.
IKATAN KELUARGA
WARTAWAN INDONESIA
DHARMA WANITA POS &
TELEKOMUNIKASI
WANITA ISLAM
WANITA SWADIRI
PERIP PURNA GARINI
DHARMA WANITA GERLA
43.
PI V E R I
44.
45.
DHARMA WANITA DEP.
DHARMA WANITA DEP.
DIKBUD
WANITA SATYA PRAJA
KOHATI PB HMI
DHARMA WANITA DEP.
PENERANGAN
PERSATUAN WREDATAMA RI
IW A P I
PERWATI
KOWAVERI
38.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
54.
HIMPUNAN WANITA KARYA
(HWK)
A M P I - WANITA
55.
56.
57.
WANITA PGRI
WANITA HKTI
AL - HIDAYAH
58.
59.
FKPPI BG. WANITA
WANITA BUDHIS
INDONESIA
60.
IKASFI
61.
WANITA SHUFIAH
62.
IKATAN KESEJAHTERAAN
ABRI (IKKA)
F ATA Y AH N.U
WIRAWATI CATUR PANCA
53.
63.
64.
Jl. Pulonang Timur 5 kv. q-57, Jakarta Timur
Jl. Sawo no 53 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Veteran 7, Jakarta Pusat
Jl.
Kebon
Sirih
37,
Jakarta
Pusat
Jl. Samratulangi no 8, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Batu Ceper no 20, Jakarta Pusat
Kebon Sirih no 61, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Merdeka Timur no 5,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Jendral Sudirman Kav. 50,
Jakarta Kelatan
Jl. Lapangan banteng Barat no 3-4, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Jend. Sudirman R. 5 Lt II
Gedung C Depdikbud, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Guntur no 55, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Diponegoro 16A, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Merdeka Barat 4-5
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Sunda no 11 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Kalipasir 38, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Kalipasir 38, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Jend. Sudirman kav 50,
Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Prapatan no. 38, Flat V
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Anggrek Nellymurni Slipi,
Jakarta Barat
Jl. Tanah Abang III/24, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Sultan Agung no 67, Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Nellymurni, Slipi,
Jakarta Barat
Jl. Kebon Sirih no 61, Jakarta Pusat
d/a Ny. Mary Tumewu
Jl. Tusiga Mulya Blok L/6, City Garden, Tomang
Barat,
Jakarta Barat
Jl. Wijaya Kusumah no 17, Tomang, Jakarta
Barat
Jl. Jatibaru 2 no 8 Jakarta Pusat
Jl. mesjid Istiqpmah Rt. 002/06, no. 18, Tegal
parang
Jakarta Selatan
Jl. Proklamasi no 33,
Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Kramat Raya no 164, Jakarta Pusat
Jl. Menteng Raya no 31,
Jakarta Pusat
213
Pusat Komunikasi Dan Informasi Wantia (Kalyanamitra)
Women's Communication and Information
Address
Phone
Contact Person
Date Established
Jl. Raya Bogor 30/Km. 20
Jakarta 13510
(021) 8092603
Sita Aripurnami
March 29, 1985
Manpower
Coordinator
Staff
Core staff
Volunteers
Source of Funds
Number of groups formed
Sita Aripurnami
Adrina Taslim
Julie Wardhani
Nikensari
Siti Kholipah
5
Netherlands NGO.FES
None
Purpose and Objectives
Kalyanamitra was formed by ten students of sociology and psychology in Jakarta. Realising
that the social situation is not so favorable to the women, the students found the need to form an
organisation for women.
Kalyanamitra means "Good Friend" and it aims to be a good friend to women at all levels,
particularly those disadvantaged due to their lack of access to information and communication with
other women. The organisation collects and disseminates information that responds to the need of the
women, especially those at the grassroots and in doing so it hopes to create solidarity among the
women and network among women groups and provide them with channels for articulating their
demands.
Target Group
The target group consists of rural and urban women disadvantaged by the lack of information.
Due to limitations in personnel, it presently focuses research on urban women.
Kalyanamitra likes to call itself as the "bridge between the low and middle class." It conducts
research on grassroots women and these are disseminated to NGOs, universities and journalists.
Structure and Activities
Kalyanamitra has an executive body but there is no advisory body. A coordinator chairs the
executive body, assisted by a deputy, secretary and a treasurer.
214
Coordinator
Vice-coordinator
Public Relations & Publication Research
Secretary, Treasurer
Education & Training
Library & Documentation
Its four major activities are:
1)
2)
3)
4)
library and documentation - searches and collects materials and literature on the conditions of
women.
public relations and publication - conducts regular discussion on women's topics, and
endeavours to bridge the gap between women's groups; publishes Dong-bret, a quarterly
bulletin on issues concerning women, a newsletter and occassional reports;
research - conducts studies, researches and analyses on issues pertaining to women and
education and training.
Facilities and Resources
Kalyanamitra occupies about 200 square meters of office space in South Jakarta which is far
from the center and has become very crowded. It has basic office equipment, two computers, one
photocopying machine and a library with 2,000 text books, 15,000 reports and several newsletters and
clippings.
In the beginning, it had a staff of ten but five have become inactive. Thus, there are actually
only five staff members performing the work.
External funds received thus far have been from the Netherlands and the Friedrich Ebbert
Stiftung and these have been used to purchase books for the library. Kalyanamitra got initial funding
from the Dutch NGO but this has become a problem because the budgeting cycle of the Dutch NGO
is done once every three years. Programmes of Kalyanamitra are determined year to year. Hence, the
budget could not be determined in time with the NGO fiscal cycle.
Collaboration
Kalyanamitra is better known outside the country and it networks with international institutions
like the Asia-Pacific Development Center on Law & Development (Kuala Lumpur), Kali to Women
(India), International Commission of Tourists, International Labour Report, Committee for Asian
Women, Gabriela. Friends of Women, Quaker International Affairs Programme, Crad Foundation,
CUSO.etc.
It exchanges information with local NGOs such as LHB, PKBI, Yasanti, Mandiri, Pribadi,
WALHI, Yayasan Mandiri, Amabrata, Yayasan Pancakarsa, LIPI, etc.
Programmes and Projects
Kalyanamitra has carried out research on urban women and these focus on women in the
markets, prostitution, housemaids, criminality towards women, women's reproduction rights, women
and environment. These research are funded by the Dutch NGO.
215
Perkumpulan Untuk Peningkatan Usaha Kecil (PUPUK)
Association for the Advancement of Small Business
Address
Phone
Telex
Contact Person
Date Established
Jl. Empang Tiga no. 31 A, Pejaten
Pasar Minggu, Jakarta 12510
7992651, 7996783
47117 AGRI-IA
Mrs. Chamsiah Djamal
May 1986
Manpower
Boards of Advisers
M. Dawam Rahardjo
Dr. Ir. M. Amin Aziz
Adi Sasono
Dr. Ir. A. M. Saefuddin
Achmad Tirto Sudiro
Director
Coordinator for
Training & Publication
Coastal
Administration
Informal Sector
Small Industry
Chamsiah Djamal
Finance staff
Ir. Kodar Triwusananingsih
Ir. Zulminarni
Sri Praptini
Ir. Olivie Pristiana
Ir. Nursatya
Kasihandayani
Adjuk Renggali
Permanent staff
Core staff
administration
field workers
volunteer
1
4
2 women, 1 man
-
Annual Budget
Unavailable
Number of self-help groups formed
13 women's group, mostly in Java
Purpose and Objectives
Pupuk was established in 1986 in Bandung following the success of the small industry and
handicraft development project by Friedrich Nauman Stiftung (FNS) and the Indonesian Chamber of
Commerce (Kadin) of West Java.
The objectives of PUPUK are to : a) assist, advance, and develop businessmen, especially the
small ones in order to become more innovative and efficient; b) develop and implement new ideas,
concepts, techniques and methods for the advancement of small business; c) cooperate with other
institutions or organisations whose intentions are similar to PUPUK's; and d) develop techniques and
participatory approach in advancing small business.
216
PUPUK activities directly address the current problems faced by small enterprises. These
activities are conducted at the location of small manufacturing businesses. PUPUK seeks to raise
consciousness among small business about their need for further development.
Target Group
Small industries in various subsectors, i.e. metal, rattan, leather, building materials, etc.
PUPUK is unique in that its target groups are middle-class villages, especially those engaged in the
handicrafts and manufacturing industries with the potential for expansion. They normally do not use
traditional tools, they produce goods according to the market potentials, and the people involved are
motivated to succeed.
Until October 1989, PUPUK's activities have involved more than 1,000 small business units,
which are located in 40 industrial centres or "sentras", the provinces of West Sumatra, West Java,
Central Java, Jogjakarta and East Java. Some of the group-based industries developed by PUPUK are
wooden sandals, blacksmith, rattan, rooftiles, red bricks, ceramic, crackers, leather tanning,
machineries, ikat weaving, macrame, metal casting, brass, gemstones, and silversmithing.
PUPUK does not specially address women groups because their approach is gender neutral and
they focus more on the nature of the business. However PUPUK has already developed some women
business workers,mostly in the textile industries or light handicrafts, straw weaving and macrame.
Structure & Activities
Planning of PUPUK programmes is done every year, usually by a consultant based on
information from the Department of Industry and the Chamber of Commerce in the region. They
identify the sector of industry to be developed, the location and the budget. When approved by the
secretary general, the proposed project is brought to the deputy of FNS for inclusion in their work
programme.
The Managing Board implements the programme of PUPUK. The board consists of the
chairman, deputy chairman, secretary-general and members. The secretary-general is responsible for
the activities of PUPUK and has a term of three years. He is assisted in the daily activities by a
secretary. The secretary-general is also assisted by three division heads, those of the training and
development division, consultancy division and research and development division. But these divisions
have no staff members.
The division head for training and development monitors the education and training done by
PUPUK at the site of their target groups. Monitoring is done by interviewing the trainees. The
consultant provides free consultation to their target groups. The division for research and information
collects literature to support the activities of PUPUK and prepare reports of their activities.
217
The organisational chart of PUPUK is shown below.
Board of director
Director
Administration/ Finance
Training & Publication
Informal Sector
Small Industry/ Coastal Communities
Officer & Field Staff
Facilities & Resources
To support its operation, PUPUK rents approximately 1,000 square meters of office space in
Bandung, including seminar rooms that accomodates 32 persons and one display room. Besides basic
office equipment, PUPUK also has 3 office cars, a video projector system, an overhead projector, 2
photocopy machines, and a computer.
Collaboration
All the facilities are provided by the Friedrich Neuman Stiftung (FNS), who acts as the sole
donor agency since the beginning of PUPUK. These funds are for identifying programmes and FNS
does not permit PUPUK to seek funds through consultancy because PUPUK is a non-profit
organisation. However PUPUK does not exclude other donor agencies in their activities as had
happened in 1990 when the IDRC supported the Information Center for Small Scale Industry
(1990-1992).
PUPUK has qualified staff members with expertise in their field of work having had years of
experience with NGOs. One is a senior member of the Chamber of Commerce in West Java who
studied in the United States in ceramics; all the staff members are university graduates working fulltime
with PUPUK. In carrying out their programmes, PUPUK utilises the expertise available at the
Department of Industry, vocational training centres, etc. PUPUK also cooperates with the Institute for
Management Traning and Development (IPPM) Jakarta which provides a steady supply of experts in
the field.
PUPUK was established with the initiatives of KADIN and FNS, and until now PUPUK has
a good relationship with KADIN. PUPUK cooperates closely with the Department of Industry such
as the UPT Technical Service Unit which helps the small industries by supplying modern machines and
technical instructors who are qualified in providing technical training. PUPUK hires office buildings
and equipment in this respect. Ideally PUPUK should link with the cooperatives in the localities where
they operate but this is sometimes very difficult because they feel that PUPUK is competing with
them.
Cooperation with the government is done through advocacy for specific projects. At the
national level, PUPUK has organised a conference that concluded the need for and importance of
cooperation between the NGOs and the government in promoting the small scale industries in the
villages.
PUPUK collaboration with other NGOs is underdeveloped and collaboration with international
agencies is limited to the FNS.
218
Programmes & Projects
1) Training and Education. PUPUK pays great attention to the improvement of technical knowhow
of the target groups. For the technical training, it is carried out at the workshop of the producers, and
the instructors are from their specialised sectors and are paid honorarium. The training materials are
on product design, improvement of quality and its production process, introduction of appropriate
technology, tools and packaging, assembling techniques, business operation. So far PUPUK has
trained 573 participants in 18 industrial centres. They also organise Business Operation courses in 4
industrial centers, and training for Small Business Consultants for 32 participants.
2) Development of Information. Many producers face problems in obtaining the raw materials. Often
they have to go to the cities to obtain them. For this PUPUK disseminated information about sources
of raw materials.
In 1990, under the IDRC-funded project, it started an information centre to serve the public
in the improvement of small industries. PUPUK has also produced 3 publications, produced 1 video
film, and conducted a national conference on the advancement of small business.
3) Marketing Promotion. To access to the market, PUPUK cooperates with big capitalists in the
private sector by inviting them in meetings where the small industry is represented. PUPUK tries to
include the products of the small industries in national exhibits. Information is distributed to interested
buyers to enable them to reach the producers directly.
4) Research and evaluation of technological applications in production, social and economic issues
concerning the development of human resources for those in small business. In this regard, a survey
has been carried out among 588 respondents in 6 industrial centers, covering 4 industrial sectors.
Below are brief descriptions of some PUPUK projects.
Wooden toys production in Klaten. The objective is to improve production methods with the
introduction of a more efficient drying process and kiln, thus upgrading product quality to
export standards.
Rooftiles production in Semarang. PUPUK introduced clay crusher to reduce the workload,
but also to help the craftsmen to overcome the problem of pulverising the rough materials
found in this area.
Ceramic production in Bantul. PUPUK introduced glazing techniques and packaging in order
to raise the selling price and to make products more attractive to the customers.
Hand-tractor producer in Tegal. PUPUK gathered small business manufacturers, formed a
working group to produce components to be assembled in cooperation with the local UPT
(Technical Service Unit).
219
Annex A
PartH
Government Organizations
Department of Manpower
Directorate General for Manpower Placement
Penyaluran dan Penempatan Tenaga Kerja (BINAPENTA)
Jl. Gatot Subroto Kav 51, It 6 Gedung B
Telephone: 515733
Ir Syamsiah, Drs. Soegito
Chief, Village Women Skills Development Project
Purpose
Upgrade the education and skills of women workers, especially those in the informal sector
through productive groups called kelompok us aha bersama (KUB).
Target Group
One group per province, 13 provinces (49 villages), 20 members per group, members range
from 14 to 45 years old.
Source of Funds
APBN
Project Location
North Sumatra, Yogyakarta, Bali
Collaboration
At the central or headquarters:
Directorate General of Manpower Placement (PUSLATAKER,
PPAN and DIANPENTA).
At the district level:
Manpower Training Center (Balai Latihan Kerja or BLK/MTU)
and District Productivity Development Center (Pengembangan
Produktivitas Daerah or BPPD) Unit Produktivitas Nasional
(UPN).
At the region:
Projects are implemented by the head of the Placement and Labour
Intensive Unit ( Padat Karya), together with the BLK/MTU and
BPPD or UPN.
Activities
Planning regionwide project activities; implementing a) skills training for 540 persons in 27
provinces through the BLK/MTU; b) information, cooperatives and entrepreneurship for 155 people
in two provinces; c) skills training for 30 trainee/leaders of KUB centers; and project site visits.
220
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Problems
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target
Project Location
PrAXxect Objectives
Project Activities:
Project Title
Training in Labour Intensive Self-reliant Business
Regional Office in North Sumatra
Rp. 4,632,000 or US $ 2,316.00 (APBN)
20 women in sewing groups; 12 men and 8 women in bean cake
making group; and 20 women members of a small handicraft
cooperative.
North Sumatra
This project aims at absorbing the labour surplus into the selfemployed sector by providing skills training over a period of two
months.
Group formation, motivation, skills training, group instruction,
monitoring and evaluation.
Instructors unable to handle sophisticated technology, lack of
experience in project management among the project implementing
staff, and need for greater cooperation with the private and
cooperative sectors in marketing.
Labour-intensive Private Industry Center
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 320,322,000.00 or US $ 160,1161.00
Area project managers/implementors
Department of Manpower, Jakarta
This project seeks to coordinate similar regional or area-based
projects in various regions of Indonesia. Objectives are: 1) to have
a working system for the PKGB, TPK, and private industry
projects; 2) to develop TPK and expand training in labour-intensive
private industries.
Building management capabilities of the area-based project staff
through training.
Problem
Upgrade the Skills and Income of Workers (March 1987 to April
1988)
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 10,076,250 or US $ 5,038.12 (APBN)
90 men, 210 women
5 regencies of Yogyakarta
To upgrade workers' skills, work performance and productivity.
Baseline surveys, planning, group formation, training, extension,
granting credit, production, marketing and monitoring and
evaluation.
Training for agricultural workers on tempe and tahu, chips and
bread production, cassava and straw mushroom processing,
basketry, carving, and cattle raising.
There has been no quantitative increases in income, work
opportunities, production, sales, value, skills and capital
accessibility.
Inadequate funding, management and equipment/facilities.
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Skills Training in Yogyakarta (June to December 1987)
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 100,658,000 or US $ 50,329.00 (APBN)
Project
Project
Target
Project
Project
Project
Sponsor
Cost
Location
Objectives
Activities
Project Impact
annex a/..
221
Project Location
Project Activities
Project Impact
Problems
Project
Project
Project
Target
Project
Project
Title
Sponsor
Cost
Location
Activities
Project Impact
Problems
D. I. Yogyakarta
Participants are trained at the BLK/KLK by trainers in
collaboration with instructors of KADIN, Kopinkra, etc.
Baseline surveys, planning, formation of 19-member groups,
training, extension service, and monitoring and evaluation.
Work opportunities are reported to have increased by 30 per cent
and skills by 90 per cent.
Funds are still insufficient.
Skills Training in Bali (1987-1988)
Regional Office in Bali
Rp. 77,863,000.00 or US $ 38,931.50 (RAPBN)
432 men and 30 women, including job-seekers , 20-30 years old.
Denpasar, Bali
The training consisted of several packages consisting of different
subject matters for different target groups. Subjects included:
entrepreneurship, hotel management, English, typing, sewing,
embroidery, cild care and electronics.
There was an increase in income from Rp. 1,500 (US $ .75) to
(US $ 1.25) Rp. 2,500, higher than expected. Work opportunities
have also improved - from part to full time employment. Increases
in sales, improvement in skills and acquisition of new technology
and the establishment of a Small Handicraft Industry Cooperative
((KOPINKRA).
Lack of diversity in vocational training workshops, difficulties in
obtaining raw materials such as silver, shortages in boarding
facilities for trainees, need for new designs for overseas markets.
Other projects include the training of 20,000 volunteers who will work as motivators in the
field.
annex a/...
222
Department of Industry
Jl. Gatot Subroto Kav 52 53, 18th Floor
Telephone: 512709
Contact Person: Edith Ratna, Project Leader
Enhancing the Role of Women in Small Scale Industry (P2W-IK)
Purpose
To promote the role of women in cottage industries along with their roles as housewives in
the family; to provide work opportunities to the women; to motivate the women to be self reliant;
and to increase family income.
Target Group
Stresses involvement of women in small industry or those who have the potential for
entrepreneurship. Specific target groups are 124 groups in 24 provinces, belonging to ages 28-45 years
and with 20-25 members per group.
Project Location
West, Central and East Java, D.I. Yogyakarta, West Sulawesi, Lampung, Central and
Southeast Sulawesi, Central and West Kalimantan, Bengkulu, Jambi, Nusa Tenggara Barat, Nusa
Tenggara Timur, West Sumatra, East Timor and Irian Jaya.
Collaboration
With the District Coordinator, in cooperation with the regional office of the Department of
Industry, locally known as KANWIL.
Activities
Planning - appointment of project personnel, identification of village groups and training of
motivators;
Implementing - training of motivators, arrangement of the district programmes, day to day
administration, group development in each village;
Guidance - skills training, equipment and material assistance, marketing and comparative
study.
Women-related Projects
1.
Project Title
Project sponsor
Project cost
Target Group
Project Location
Collaborators
Enhancing the Role of Women in Small Industry (1987 present)
Regional Office in West Sumatra of the Department
Rp 800,000 (US$ 400.00) for emping production
Rp 800,000 (US$ 400.00) for rattan
Rp 3,500,000 (US$ 1,750.00) for embroidery
(Project cost is funded by foreign donors.)
95 women
Padang Pariaman, Sawah Lunto, Tanah Data Regencies in
West Sumatra
PKK, Directorate of Village Development (Bangdes).
annex a/...
223
Project Activities
Problems
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Project Location
Objectives
Activities
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Activities
Problems
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target
Project Location
Objectives
Project Activities
Planning, training, individual instruction,, credit, new
technology development.
Shortage of funds, traditional machines and equipment,
high costs of raw materials especially golden threads,
marketing depends largely on the individual.
Improvement of Women's Role in Small Industry (19861987)
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 4,000,000.00 (US$ 2,000.00)
in five areas involving 13 villages in D.I. Yogyakarta
Provide work and business opportunities to women in
Yogyakarta.
Embroidery, garments, dried food production, batik,
emping melinjo, tempe krupuk, and bamboo weaving.
Baseline survey, planning, work group formation,
training, credit distribution, production activities,
marketing monitoring and evaluation.
BIPIK DIY Project (1986-1987)
Regional Office, Yogyakarta
Rp. 6,000,000.00 (US$ 3,000.00)
26,736 persons (mostly rural, only 3,409 are urban)
D.I. Yogyakarta
Instruction, baseline survey, planning, group formation,
motivation, management and training, credit distribution,
production, marketing, monitoring and evaluation.
Shortage of funds, irregular supply of raw materials and
low sales, skills and institutionalization.
Small Industry Guidance and Development
Specially for the Economically Disadvantaged
(March 1987 to April 1988).
Bali Regional Office
Rp. 95,135,000 or US$ 47,567.50 (APBN)
291 persons
Bali
To increase work and business opportunities; to improve
product quality, design and type and generate income.
Education, training, guidance and instruction in garments
making, embroidery, wood/leather, handicraft and
weaving. The project was first started in 1979. It was
implemented in 12 villages.
Others:
a.
b.
c.
d.
Youth Development, sponsored by the Regional Office in South Kalimantan;
Small Industry Development, sponsored by the Regional Office, South
Kalimantan, target group of 128 men and 190 women in 1985-86, 109 men
and 8 women in 1986-87.
Creation and Development of Small Industry, sponsored by the Department
of Industry, with 25 men and 35 women in South Kalimantan as target
group.
Construction and Development of Small Industry, sponsored by the Regional
Office in South Kalimantan, with 40 men and 40 women as target group.
annex a/...
224
Department of Agriculture
Directorate General BPLPP
Jl. Raya Ragunan, Pasar Minggu
Building E
Telephone: 781342
Contact Person: Mrs. Lola, Chief
Project on Women's Role
Purpose
Enhancing the business skills of women farmers and fishermen; uplifting the family income
of farmers and fishermen; and increasing the work opportunities of women in the agricultural sector.
Target Group
Women in farmer and fishermen's villages.
Project Location
15 Provinces
Collaboration
Farmers at various levels, from the village to the region, through a forum for coordination
called Forum Koordinasi Penyuluhan Pertanian (FKPP). This forum is linked to the Centre for
Agricultural Information, locally known as Balai Penyuluhan Pertanian (BPP).
Activities
Planning the programme for agricultural information of women in farming and fishery of 1500
BPP; development of groups of women in farming, and fishery as carried out by the field workers in
coordination with the BPP.
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Tani Nelayan
(Women's-Role Development in Fanner & Fisherman Villages)
APBN - National budget
UNDP
Rp. 300,000,000 or US$ 150,000 in 1991
Women in villages as income providers in 15 provinces, total
14,000 families in 1990 and 16,000 families in 1991
15 Provinces
To improve women's role in generating their capability as income
provider in the family.
Other activities in these projects were in accordance with the nature of each village, such as:
a.
In Java, women are encouraged to process their harvest.
b.
In villages near the suburbs, activities are in trading their products, and increasing
their bargaining power through organizing cooperatives.
c.
In fisherman's villages, women act as the seller of the fish their family catch. So
training on trading & bargaining are intense in this area, also in fish processing
techniques. But most activities are in trading since it requires less income to start.
annex a/...
225
Department of Education and Culture
Directorate of Public Education
Jl. Kramat Raya 114
Telephone:
Contact Person: Ibu Yusminar
Purpose
To train the community in business in order to increase their incomes. In this regard, the
department has the Kejar Paket B (Learning Level 2) programme which provides basic training on
business creation. Training is most needed in management and not technical skills as given by the
Department of Manpower. This programme is an extension of the basic literacy programme called
Kejar Paket A (Learning Level 1).
Target Group
614 self-employed groups; in each province, the number of families targeted is equal to 2
times the number of level 2 per province and each family averages 10 members; priorities are those
between 13-44 years old.
Project Location
Varied locations
Collaboration
Community Development Division of KANWIL of the Department of Education and Culture;
Community Development Section of the PDK Inspectorate for Community Development.
Activities
Identification of appropriate economic activities for the trainees, venue and organisation of the
training; implementation of the programmes to motivate the trainees towards improving the quality and
quantity of their products and services, marketing and administration.
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Project Impact
Leadership for the Youth
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 15,000,000 or US$ 7,500.00 (APBN)
Youth
Ambarainagunvillage, Kasihansubdistrict, Bantulregency,
Yogyakarta
To develop leadership and encourage activities among the
youth and their participation in development.
Youth exchange between provinces, emulation of national
heroes and development of a comprehensive programme
for the youth.
Data on the project results have not yet been obtained.
annex a/...
226
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
PNF/DIKMAS
Subproject under the collaboration of UNICEF and the
Republic of Indonesia
Self help
Regional Office in West Sumatra
Rp. 112,000,000 or US $ 56,000.00 (government sources)
Rp. 390,400,000 or US $ 195,200.00 (foreign sources)
Rp. 912,800,000 or US $456,400.00 (community sources)
Paddy field farmers, small traders, handicraft producers,
fishermen and skilled labourers. Of 8,460 participants,
3,384 were men and 5,076 were women who met in the
study group in each village.
West Sumatra
To provide access to education, improve work
opportunities, and increase community self-sufficiency in
obtaining education. The project took place in 609
villages, 8 subdistricts and 14 regencies in West Sumatra.
Extension work and training on agriculture and nonagricultural enterprisses, secondary crops, breeding,
inland fisheries and home industsry.
Informal Education (DIKMAS, 1985-1990)
Department of Education and Culture
Rp. 74,200,000.00 or US $ 37,100.00
People between the ages of 17 - 44 years who have never
been to school and are not working. Family income is
generally below Rp. 30,000.00 or US $ 15.00.
66,391 villages, 3,529 subdistricts, 323 regencies in 27
provinces.
To strengthen the capabilities of community education
groups and expand village study activities. This type of
informal education is aimed at increasing income and
work opportunities for the village communities.
It is expected that this project would help the target group
acquire knowledge that will be useful for income
generation.
Baseline surveys, planning, group formation, training,
extension work, distribution of credit, production,
harvesting, marketing, monitoring and evaluation.
annex a/...
227
Department of Trade
Directorate General
Perdangangan dalam Negri
Jl Abdul Muis No. 87
Telephone: 3800903
Contact Person: Anggar Kasish, BA
Chief, Enhancing the Role of Women Project (P2W)
Purpose
To enhance women's knowledge and skills in entrepreneurship in order to increase their
employability and improve family welfare.
Target Group
Women in small business, retail trade, particularly those in the cities. Training is not genderspecific. 700 participants.
Project Location
17 districts in seven provinces, namely: West, East and Central Java, Bali, East Kalimantan
and South Sulawesi.
Collaboration
At the central level: Project on the Development of Women's Role in Business.
At the regional level: Project on Development of Disadvantaged Groups.
Trainings are conducted in collaboration with institutions dealing with disadvantaged groups
and PKK leaders. Instructors are government officials and high school teachers.
National Agency for Export Development (fiadan Pengembangan Eksport Nasional- BPEN).
This agency was formed to promote non-oil exports, especially the products of small scale industries.
It provides assistance in the form of market information, designs, quality standards and prices.
Linkages at the regional level is done with craftsmen and traders.
Activities
Recruitment and identification of participants.
Implementation of the training which involves classroom lectures for seven days. This includes
one class of 40 participants for 15 regions or 55 people for two regions. Inputs consist of basic
knowlege and skills in marketing, trading, credit and revolving funds.
Contact person in small scale industries are: Mrs. Dra. Koestinarinah Soenarpo, Chief,
Handicraft Development and Marketing, telephone: 384706 and Mr. Drs. Adhi Soenarto, Chief, Center
for Industrial Goods Development and Marketing, telephone: 341072.
annex a/...
228
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Project Impact
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Project Activities
Project Title
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Enhancing Women's Role in Commerce
The project was first implemented in 1979-1980 using self-generated funds.
However in 1985-86, this project became part of the project for the
strengthening of economically disadvantaged traders. There has been no
further budgetary support for the project since 1986-87.
Regional Office in North Sumatra
Rp. 11,674,000 or US$ 5,837.00 (ABPN)
120 women, non-formal traders and prospective traders.
Simalungan and North Tapanuli Regency
To enhance the role of women in community health and welfare through the
improvement of their knowledge in commerce and trade.
Practical business training for seven days. Topics include market and
consumer demands, art of selling, entrepreneurship, bookkeeping,
management of capital, SIUP and others related subjects.
There are no data on project impact as there are no funds for evaluation
although forms for monitoring and evaluation have been issued.
Market Development and Instruction for the Economically Disadvantaged
in Yogyakarta.
Regional Office in Yogyakarta
Rp. 18,277,000.00 (US$9,138.50)
Businessmen (producers and merchants), customers and institutions involving
some 150 people.
D.I. Yogyakarta
This project aims at improving the ability of the economically disadvantaged
traders and enhance the marketing of products with the use of market
information.
The activities include dissemination of market information, instructing the
trader groups and monitoring and evaluation.
Development of Women's Role in Commerce
Rp. 142, 328,000.00 (US$ 72,664.00)
Female merchants (1,350 women)
all provinces of Indonesia
To instruct economically weak female entrepreneurs in order to improve
their entrepreneurship capabilities and help female traders in marketing.
The intention is to generate income for the traders and increase the sales
value of their products.
Other projects include the strengthening of economically disadvantaged traders and
development of regional and provincial marketing. This involved the training of 55 women from two
provinces who would in turn train others in their respective localities.
annex a/...
229
Department of Cooperatives
Secretary General, Bureau of Law
Department of Cooperation
Jl Rasuna Said Kav 3-5
Telephone: 5204366
Contact Person: Indrati Pujilestari, SH
Chief, Development of Women's Role in Cooperatives Project
Purpose
To improve women's role in promoting family welfare by developing their skills and attitudes
in cooperative formation and management.
Target Group
Women who have established cooperatives or women business group who intend to form
cooperatives. In 1985-89, 54 coooperatives from 27 provinces were listed in the Department of
Cooperatives, locally known as KOPERASI. There are 54 groups/coops with 25-30 members per
group.
Project Location
Concentration on most populated area such as Java, Bali, Sumatra and Sulawesi.
Funds
APBN
Collaboration
Regional Office of the Department of Cooperatives, locally known as KANWIL.
Activities
Meetings to identify project sites at the provincial and district levels; Training in cooperative
management in P2W districts and technical guidance to enable women's effective involvement in
cooperatives; Visits and linkages with the PW2 regions.
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Fostering Women's Development
Subproject of the Cooperatives Project in Sumatra
Regional Office in North Sumatra
Rp. 28,860,000 or US$ 114,430.00 (APBN)
240 participants, women farmers, handicraft makers, small traders.
North Sumatra
To improve women's role in family welfare by involving women in
cooperatives. Women are taught how to market their products.
Other projects include: 1) the development
Sumatera. The activities include savings and loans. The
in small garments and food processing industries; and 2)
and this is implemented in five regencies in Central
cooperatives.
annex a/...
230
of women's role in cooperatives in West
target groups were 248 women and 12 men
instruction on cooperatives for youth groups
Java. It aims at creating youth cadres in
Department of Social Affairs
Directorate General for Social Welfare Development
Jl Salemba Raya no 15, 4th Floor
Telephone: 3102653 ext. 2410
Contact Person: Mr. Waluyono, Director Training & Social Development
Mr. Drs. Soetopo, Chief of Women's Role Project
Purpose
To strengthen the business groups organised by the women in social development programmes
through the improvement of product quality and marketing.
Target Group
Poor and illiterate women belonging to lowest income groups; 251 groups in 51 villages in
25 provinces; six members, 20-45 years old per group.
Project Location
Java Island
Collaboration
Regional offices in Yogyakarta, Jakarta, West Java, Central Java and East Java.
Funds
APBN
Activities
Guidance in group formation and development for three days; Development of women business
groups by providing equipment, capital, raw materials and recruiting more women members. Training
is carried out by social workers of the Social Department (Dinas Sosial, DATIII), and the regional
offices and women leaders engaged in social welfare.
Women-related Projects
Project title
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Women's Role Development in Social and Welfare
Women in the urban poor area (15-29 years)
Java Island which is considered most populated and condensed
To prevent urbanisation and encouraged them back to the villages
where their opportunity is considered much better than in the slum
areas.
Other activities in this project includes:
Women's leadership training.
a.
b.
Income generating oriented groups.
c.
Groups development.
Prevention of urbanisation.
annex a/...
231
National Family Planning Coordinating Board
Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana Nasional (BKKBN)
Biro Integrasi
Jl Letjen M T Haryono Kav 9-11
Telephone: 819-1308
Contact Person:
Purpose
To increase the income especially of family planning acceptors through productive activities;
to increase the number of family planning acceptors; and to institutionalise the family planning
programme.
Target Group
11,934 groups in 18 provinces with approximately 40 members each, 15-45 years old.
Project Location
18 provinces unspecified
Collaboration
Regional offices in all provinces PKB1, CIDA, USAID, UNICEF, etc.
Activities
Women-related Projects
Title
Project
Project
Project
Project
Sponsor
Cost
Location
Objective
Project Title
Project
Project
Project
Project
Sponsor
Cost
Location
Activities
Project Objectives
Project Impact
Guidance of Female Eentrepreneurs in Self-reliance (1985)
Regional Office in South Kalimantan
Rp. 7,060,000 or US$ 3,530.00 (APBN)
South Kalimantan
With the cooperation of PKK grouups, and the Dharma Wanita
acting as local executors, the project aims at increasing the
knowledge and skills of the women to become motivators and
innovators. This is done through training, extension services for
business development and other aid packages.
Promoting the Family Incomes of Family Planning Acceptors
(1985/86)
BKKBN of West Sumatra
Rp. 9,000,000.00 or US$ 4,500.00
5 villages in West Sumatra
Leather bag handicrafts, krupuk, emping, snacks production, braid
production, embroidery.
Sustaining and institutionalising the family planning programme by
converting family planning acceptor groups into production groups.
Qualitative reports indicate increases in income, work
opportunities, production, sales, skills, capital and emergence of
new products. There were however persistent difficulties in
marketing, particularly in matching products with consumer
preferences.
annex a/...
232
Other projects include attempts to promote family acceptors income in 1986-1988, involving
260 women as target groups. The project sought to mobilise savings and extend loans to those in small
scale activities in garments making and food production.
annex a/...
233
Department of Interior
Directorate General for Village Development
Jalan Pasar Minggu Km. 19
Telephone:
Contact Person: Drs. Yusfar Yusuf & Dra. Kamalia
Chief, Project 2W
Purpose
To improve the working and living conditions in the village. (The objective is rather general
and the target groups are not specified. There are no women-specific activities.)
Target
27 provinces
Project Location
-do-
Collaboration
PKK, an organisation of women initiated by government. The women are volunteers. The
target is to generate more members from the low income communities.
Activities
Family welfare activities such as baby clinics every week, family nutrition improvement and
sewing activities. Most activities are those which require short preparation time and little funding.
Women-related Projects
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target Group
Project Location
Project Objectives
Weaving Fabrics (1984)
Bangdes
Rp. 4,000,000 or US$ 2,000.00 (foreign)
10 women
Bumi Batu village, Central Java
To improve the quality of woven fabrics.
Project
Project
Project
Project
Target
Project
Project
Processing of salted fish and fish paste
Bangdes
Rp. 4,000,000.00 or US$ 2,000.00
Sidakarya village, Cilacap, Central Java
20 women members of PKK
To increase the level of production.
Baseline survey, planning, group structuring, production activities,
loan extension, marketing, monitoring and evaluation. It was noted
that there is no stable market for the products and occasionally,
there were not enough tools available.
Title
Sponsor
Cost
Location
Output
Activities
Project Title
Project Sponsor
Project Cost
Target
Project Location
Enhancing the Role of Women in Development
Bangdes, Yogyakarta
Rp. 25,000,000 or US$ 12,500.00
600 women (The targets were 75 per cent farmers and 25 per cent
small traders.)
Yogyakarta
annex a/...
234
Project Objectives
Project Activities
To increase family income and welfare; to increase women's skills
and improve their health.
Baseline surveys, planning, group formation, training in
motivation, management and skills development, group instruction,
monitoring and evaluation. Common problems were insufficient
funds, poor coordination, insufficient markets and shortages of
tools.
Other projects were:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
annex a/...
Emping melinjo processing by 30 women in Lampung, aimed at increasing family
incomes of the women.
Weaving of nets and bags by 10 women, aimed at skills upgrading and increasing
incomes.
Silk sarong making by 30 women in East Kalimantan. There is competition offered
by silk sarong weavers of Gresik. Also, it was noted that there has been some
improvement of incomes, job opportunities, production levels, sales, skills, capital
sources, new technology and institutional structures as well.
Training in bamboo weaving, involving 42 women of South Kalimantan.
Training in purun weaving, involving 30 women in South Kalimantan.
Silk weaving project, involving 15 women in the village of Lipo, Tanassetolo in
South Sulawesi.
Training in bamboo weaving, involving 25 village women in Tapin regency of South
Kalimantan.
Proceedings of the
Tripartite National Policy Workshop
on Rural Women Homeworkers in Indonesia
by Muhamad Moedjiman
Introduction
1.
The Tripartite National Policy Workshop on Rural Women Homeworkers in Indonesia
was conducted in Jakarta on 29-30 November 1989. It was organised by the Department of
Manpower of the Republic of Indonesia in collaboration with ILO/Government of Denmark
(DANIDA).
2.
The workshop was attended by 32 participants and 11 observers invited from government,
employers' associations, workers' associations, Universities, professional organisations and
non-government organisations.
3.
The objectives of the workshop were to gather information from various parties concerning
women homeworkers, particularly those working in the putting out system and to evolve
policies and programmes as well as measures to afford protection to homeworkers.
4.
The Tripartite National Policy Workshop on Rural Women Homeworkers was officially
opened by the Secretary General of the Department of Manpower of the Republic of
Indonesia, Mr. Darwanto.
The Secretary General of the Department of Manpower delivered the keynote address which
was preceded by speeches given by the representatives of ILO Jakarta Office, Ms. Shizue S.
Tomoda and the Project Coordinator from the ILO Regional Office in Bangkok, Ms. Lucita
S. Lazo and the report of the Chairman of the Organising Committee, Mr. M. Moedjiman,
Head, Bureau of Planning, Department of Manpower.
5.
Presentation of papers and panel discussions followed the opening session. Small group
discussions were then conducted on alternative policies and practical action plans for the
development and protection of women homeworkers.
6.
Eleven papers were presented and discussed during the workshop, namely:
°
The "Situation of Rural Women Homeworkers in Indonesia" presented by Dr. Paulus
Wirutomo, Director of Research and Documentation Center for Manpower and
Development (RDCMD-YTKI).
°
The "Situation of Regulations in Indonesia and Legal Protection of Homeworkers",
presented by Prof. Dr. T.O. Ihromi from the University of Indonesia.
°
Policy and Development Programmes and the Protection of Rural Women
Homeworkers:
On employment opportunity, quality and protection of workers, by Mr. M. Moedjiman, Head, Bureau of
Planning, Department of Manpower.
On employment opportunity in the production sector, by Mr. Bintal Jemur, Secretary of the Directorate
General of Small Scale Industry, Department of Industry.
236
On employment opportunity, quality and protection of work, by Mr. Imron Arsyad, Assistant to the
Minister on Women Workers, Office of the State Minister for Women's Role.
On employment opportunity and marketing, by Mr. Donnie Djatmiko, Head, Bureau of Planning,
Department of Trade.
On capital, presented by Mr. Nugroho Indropranoto, representative of the Bank of Indonesia (Central
Bank).
On protection of workers and institutions, by Mrs. Sofiati Mukadi, representative of the Central Board of
SPSI.
On employment opportunity and institutions, by Ms. Sri Sumarsih, representative of the Central Board
of APINDO.
On employment opportunity, quality of work and institutional marketing, by Mr. A.J. Suwarno, Vice
Director of PEKERTI (The Indonesian People's Handicraft Foundation, a non-government organisation).
On institutions, quality and motivation of workers, by Mrs. Karmaliyah, representative of the PKK
(Family Welfare Development) Headquarters.
Background and Problem
1.
The Constitution of 1945 and the State Guidelines of 1988 have elevated women's status as
human beings on equal footing with men, with the same rights, obligations, and opportunities
to participate in national development.
In Pelita V, it is estimated that the labour force will increase by an additional 11.9 million
of which 6.3 million are from the women labour force. By the year 2,000, the women labour
force will increase by 16.2 million or 53.3 percent of total increase. This projection shows
the growing participation of women in the labour force. On the other hand, the job
opportunities available and suitable for women are far from adequate.
2.
One of the weaknesses of the female labour force is their low level of education. About 87.5
percent of them are below the elementary school level, mostly working in labour-intensive
industries where productivity and income levels are low. This situation prevails both in the
urban and rural areas, particularly in the industrial sector and traditional business activities.
Traditional business activities are conducted in the homes of workers known as the
home-working system. Homeworking has been practiced in Indonesia for a long time.
However, there are no complete data available as yet.
3.
4.
Homeworking practiced by the female labour force in the rural areas fall into two categories:
1)
the self-employed, working either individually or in groups. They work to fulfill
market demands or orders given by the third party.
2)
those engaged in the putting out system, that is carrying out part of a manufacturing
process or industrial work at home.
Production activities are carried out by women under the putting out system in the textile and
garment, metal, handicraft and plaiting industries.
Women homeworkers usually gain their skills through traditional job training and some of
them by following skills training courses.
5.
Women homeworkers, both the self-employed and those engaged in the putting out system,
are generally in a weak and disadvantaged position from the standpoints of income, working
237
relations, working environment and legal protection.
Earnings generated by women homeworkers play an important role in supporting the family
income. It is estimated that on the average, 37 percent of the total expenditure of the family
are contributed by the homeworkers. The income level of homeworkers depends on the
market price of the goods produced or prices decided by the orderer.
In the case of those under the putting out system, the production value is based on agreements
made between the subcontracting company and the middleman over which the women
homeworkers have no control. This situation makes their bargaining position weaker
whenever the work is provided through middlemen.
To earn higher incomes, they have to work longer hours and seek the help of other members
of die family to carry out the job.
Working relations between women homeworkers and the employer or middleman is very
informal and is based on mutual trust. This is true even in the case of those under the putting
out system working for a company/enterprise. Because of the informal nature of their
working relations, the existing working agreement is made verbally. This places the women
homeworkers in a difficult position in case of violations of the verbal agreement.
As regards working hours, women homeworkers work unlimited hours varying with the needs
and requirements of the jobs undertaken. Working time in a day ranges from 4 to 9 hours.
It could be in the morning, afternoon or night time. The nature of the job could be regular
where there are continuous orders; in other cases, it could be seasonal. Working hours and
schedules for homeworking are irregular because the women homeworkers have their routine
family responsibilities to discharge in between their working hours.
Women homeworkers use their own homes as their workplace. They could work anywhere:
in the kitchen, in the living room, in the front or backyard or in other suitable places. Since
there is no special working place, their working environment is often unhealthy on account
of dust, dirt, insufficient ventilation, air and light. This condition makes them vulnerable to
occupational illnesses.
Usually, women homeworkers work with their own production facilities or equipment while
production materials are supplied by orderers or job providers. However, those who are
self-employed provide their own raw materials. The capital used to purchase those materials
come from savings or loans given by their relatives or colleagues.
Legal protection to women homeworkers, both the self-employed and those engaged in putting
out system, is limited. Although implicitly, the various manpower regulations are applicable
to women homeworkers, there are no regulations concerning homeworkers.
Although legal protection is relatively limited, the development of women homeworkers is
undertaken by various parties, both government and non-government. The government,
through various departments and institutions have implemented development programmes for
the benefit of rural women within and across sectors. Such development programmes are
undertaken by the Department of Manpower, National Family Planning Coordinating Board
(BKKBN), Department of Health, Department of Home Affairs, Department of Education and
Culture, etc.
Similar development programmes have also been implemented by public organisations such
as the Family Welfare Development (PKK), non-governmental organisations, etc. The above238
mentioned development programmes are designed to improve knowledge, skill, health,
production, marketing, capital, organisation and institutions. However, development
programmes which could benefit women homeworkers especially those working under the
putting out system, have not been implemented adequately.
13.
Women homeworkers are working in various kinds of formal and informal organisations: in
the Collective Business Group (KUB), cooperatives, and so on. But several of them are
working individually, particularly those who are working under the putting out system. On
the other hand, some are involved in the Family Welfare Development (PKK). Their
motivation to work under the putting out system is generally to get more income for the
family without neglecting their responsibility of caring for their household.
14.
The middleman in the putting out system functions as an extension of the company or as a
pure middleman/mediator. The existence of the middleman invariably works to the
disadvantage of the women homeworkers.
Conclusions
1.
The development of the homeworking system, both for the self-employed and/or the putting
out system, is closely inter-related with the increase in the total participation of women in the
labour force.
2.
From the employment point of view, the homeworking system could match the
increase of women in the labour force and increase family income and develop skills
and work ethic.
3.
The homeworking system as practiced by rural women could be classified into two
categories: those who are working under the 'putting out' system and those who are
self employed and carry out their work individually or in groups.
4.
Rural women homeworkers, both the self-employed and those working under the
putting out system, are generally in a weak and disadvantaged position from the
viewpoints of income, education and skill, industrial relations, working conditions
and environment, technology, capital and marketing.
5.
Legal protection of women homeworkers is very weak considering the absence of
adequate legal provisions explicitly regulating working relations between women
homeworkers and the job provider or orderer.
6.
The development of rural women homeworkers is being undertaken by government
and non-governmental organisations through various development programmes. But
those programmes are intended for the rural women in general and not specifically
directed to women homeworkers. Besides, coordination and integration of the
aforementioned programmes have not been adequate.
7.
The existing organisations of women homeworkers are not well-establisihed yet.
Hence, the role of the middleman still dominates and determines job continuity for
women homeworkers. The existence of middleman in the homeworking system
works both to the advantage as well as disadvantage of women homeworkers.
239
Recommendations
Policies
1.
Expansion of employment opportunities
a.
Efforts to expand employment opportunities should be supported by available capital
(one of them is through credit), appropriate technology and design, and extension of
domestic and international marketing.
b.
Coordination among related government institutions (Department of Industry,
Department of Trade, Office of the State Minister of Women Role Affairs, Bank of
Indonesia, Department of Home Affairs) concerned with homeworkers should be
improved and strengthened.
c.
Middlemen should be directed to assist in expanding employment opportunities and
improving the productivity and welfare of women homeworkers.
d.
Capital facilities for women homeworkers should be provided through financial
institutions such as the Sub-regional Credit Board (BKK), Rural Credit Institutions
(LPD), for Credit for Small People in Business (KURK) and for Credit for Small
Scale Investment/Credit for Permanent Operational Capital (KIK/KMKP).
e.
The policy on improvement of product quality and design should be carried out in
accordance with market or consumer demands.
f.
Complete information and data concerning women homeworkers should be available
in the LKMD/PKK and be made accessible to users. This should be supported by
research.
2.
Protection
a.
Protection of women homeworkers can be enhanced through legal and social
approaches. Legally, formal working agreements should be made between women
homeworkers and job provider or orderer, either individually or in groups. Social
development could be carried out through existing public organisations in the rural
areas such as self-help groups (LSM), Family Welfare Development/Rural Society
Endurance Institution (PKK/LKMD), etc.
b.
Both formal and informal organisations and institutions of women homeworkers such
as Kelompok Usaha fter,wwna(KUB-Collective Business Group, cooperatives, etc.,
should be encouraged. Efforts should be gradually made in order to enable SPSI and
APINDO to reach women homeworkers and enterprises in the rural areas.
c.
The programme for the protection of women homeworkers should include guidance
on rights and obligations, occupational safety and health, working conditions and
environment, and ergonomics for women homeworkers. It is also suggested that the
employers' way of thinking be changed to make them more humane in hiring women
homeworkers and offering them conditions of employment affecting their
socio-economic status.
240
3.
Institutional
a.
The development of women homeworkers should be undertaken through institutions,
both at the rural and national level, involving the participation of cooperatives,
self-reliant groups, inter alia, Collective Business Group (KUB), Rural Society
Endurance Institution/Family Welfare Development (LKMD/PKK), private sectors
and the Government.
b.
In the process of development and protection of women homeworkers, the
participation of SPSI and APINDO should be brought in gradually.
c.
The role of formal and informal leaders in the rural areas should also be enhanced
and utilized in the development and protection of women homeworkers.
4.
Special Study
There should be special studies to compile data and information on rural women
homeworkers. Special researches should be conducted to supplement existing ones.
Closing
The Tripartite National Policy Workshop on Rural Women Homeworkers has formulated
proposed policy measures and an action plan for the protection of rural women homeworkers
as embodied in the Conclusion and Recommendations of this Report.
241
Acknowledgments
Thanks are due to those who helped in producing this country monograph. They
include the authors and the editors who collaborated in making the essays readable, and the
secretarial and clerical staff who patiently encoded the documents in presentable form.
Special thanks are due to Azita Berar-Awad, Andrea Singh, Anita Kelles-Viitanen for
their useful comments and to Joanne Weiss for her diligent editing and proofreading, and to
Khun Thanyaporn for her assistance in assembling the monograph in printable form.
The Editor
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