FEMINIZATION AND INDIGENIZATION OF POVERTY:
A CASE STUDY OF THE THAMI COMMUNITY OF DOLAKHA DISTRICT
Final Report
Submitted to
SIRF Secretariat, SNV Nepal
Harka Gurung Research Fellowship
(Code No. SIRF/HG RF/09)
Bakhundole, Lalitpur PO Box 1966
Kathmandu Nepal
Submitted by
Usha Kiran Meghi Gurung
June 2012
1
Team Members
Usha Kiran Meghi (Team Leader)
Rita Rai
Sunu Maya Gurung
Field Enumerators
Gauri Thami
Madan Thami
Padam Thami
Sunita Thami
2
AKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research report would not have been possible without the encouragement and guidance of a number of
people to whom I would like to express my appreciation. First of all, I would like to express my heartiest
gratitude and sincerity to my Mentor Dr. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, Professor of Tribhuwan University,
Sociology and Anthropology Department for his kind mentoring, encouragement and providing me such a
golden opportunity to carry out the research work under his guidance.
I would like to acknowledge and extend my heartfelt gratitude to the entire team of SIRF secretariat SNV
Nepal, especially Dr. Ganesh Man Gurung, Dr. Manju Tuladhar, Sita Rana Magar and Swosti Pradhan for
their continuous encouragement and support. My sincere thanks goes to both Dr. Om Gurung and Dr. Ram
B. Chettri, mentoring coordinator for their invaluable direction, comments; reassurance and inspiration at all
time. My special thanks also goes to both Dr. Mukta Sing Lama and Jhakendra Magar SIRF training
coordinator for organizing a series of SIRF seminar and supporting reading materials have been of immense
value without which this work would not have been accomplished.
I am very thankful to Professor Yogendra Gurung, Dr. Padma Prasad Khatiwoda, Dr. Chitra B. Magar and
Ramesh Adhikari, for their invaluable support while data coding, management and analysis as well. I am
indebted to all my fellows especially, Madhu Giri, Amar B.K., Khem Sireesh and Suresh Chaudhary, for
their moral support and feedback while writing this report, credit of this work goes to you all.
I would like to thank all the officials and local people of Susma Kshyemawoti VDC and Lapilang VDC as well
as all the respondents, key informants especially Gopal Thami, Hom B.Thami, Rughu Thami, Kusum Thami,
Pabi Maya Thami and Tek Thami and field enumerators Garui Thami, Madan Thami, Sunita Thami and
Padam Thami for their kind cooperation and support in collecting the data during the field works.
At last, I am very thankful to my family especially Ujjwal Meghi, Nishan Gurung and Dinesh Thapa Magar
who always encouraged and supported me in every step throughout the study. Last but not the least; I
would like to thank my team members Rita Rai and Sunu Maya Gurung for their kind cooperation in
accomplishing the study.
Usha Kiran Meghi,
June 2012
3
LIST OF TABLE
Chart 1. Age-sex distribution of the study population......................................................................................17
Table 1: Marital Status of the Respondents....................................................................................................18
Table 2: Educational status of the study population........................................................................................19
Table 3: Education enrolment situation of the study population......................................................................21
Table 4: Occupational status of study population...........................................................................................22
Table 5: Involvement of Thami people in income generating activities...........................................................23
Table 6: Landholding status of respondent households..................................................................................24
Table 7: Food sufficiency status of respondent households...........................................................................26
Table 8. Status of production and consumption expenditures of respondents...............................................26
Table 9: Sources of income of the respondent households............................................................................27
Table 10: Expenditure pattern of respondent households..............................................................................28
Table 11: Contribution in income by sex in respondent households...............................................................29
Table 12: Status of membership in organisations by respondent households................................................30
Table 13: Status of indigenous knowledge and skills of respondent households...........................................31
Table 14: Access to and control over resources by sex in respondent households.......................................33
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Cover page……………………………………………………………………………………………………………1
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………………………..3
List of Table…………………………………………………………………………………………………………...4
Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………………………………….5
Abbreviation/ Acronyms…………………………………………………………………………………………….6
Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7
1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................................... 9
1.1 Background ............................................................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Research problems and issues ............................................................................................................... 11
1.3 Goal ......................................................................................................................................................... 13
1.4 Specific objectives ................................................................................................................................... 13
2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES ............................................................................................................. 14
2.1 Research design ..................................................................................................................................... 14
2.2 Population and sampling ......................................................................................................................... 14
2.3. The nature and sources of data collection ............................................................................................. 14
2.3.1. Household survey ............................................................................................................................... 14
2.3.2. Observation ......................................................................................................................................... 14
2.3.3. Informal interview ................................................................................................................................ 15
2.3.4. Key informants interview ..................................................................................................................... 15
2.3.5. Focus Group Discussion (FGD) .......................................................................................................... 15
2.4 Data analysis and presentation ............................................................................................................... 15
3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................. 16
3.1 Background of the study area ................................................................................................................. 16
3.2 Study area ............................................................................................................................................... 16
3.3 Socio-economic and demographic status of respondents ...................................................................... 17
3.3.1 Population characteristics of sampled households .............................................................................. 17
3.3.2 Marital status of the study population .............................................................................................
18
3.3.3 Educational status the study population .............................................................................................. 18
3.3.4 Education enrolment situation of the study population ........................................................................ 20
3.3.5 Occupation of study population ............................................................................................................ 21
3.3.6 Income generating status of the study population ............................................................................... 22
3.3.7 Land holding status of the respondent households ............................................................................. 23
3.3.8 Food sufficiency status of the respondent households ........................................................................ 25
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3.3.9 Food production and consumption expenditure status of the respondent households ....................... 26
3.4 Income and expenditure status of the respondent households .............................................................. 27
3.4.1 Income sources of the respondent households ................................................................................... 27
3.4.2 Expenditure of the respondent households in last years ..................................................................... 27
3.4.3 Contribution in income generation of respondent households by sex ................................................. 28
3.5 Membership status of respondents in various organizations .................................................................. 30
3.6 Traditional knowledge and skills of the respondent households............................................................. 30
3.7 Access to and control over resources and associated activities by sex ................................................. 32
3.8 Status of physical assets in the study sites ............................................................................................ 34
3.9 Poverty perception; indigenization and feminization perspectives of poverty ........................................ 34
3.9.1 Perception of poverty in Thami community .......................................................................................... 34
3.9.2 Indigenization perspective of poverty................................................................................................... 35
3.9.3 Poverty in Thami community through indigenization perspective ........................................................ 38
3.9.4 Feminization perspective of poverty .................................................................................................... 39
3.9.5 Poverty in Thami community from feminization perspective ................................................................ 43
3.9.6 Inter-linkage between indigenization and feminization of the poverty ................................................. 46
4. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................... 49
4.1 Summary ................................................................................................................................................. 49
4.2 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................. 51
4.3 Recommendation .................................................................................................................................... 54
5. BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................... 55
Annex: 1 Photo
Annex: 2 Questionnaires
6
ABBRIVIATION /ACRONYMS
ADB
Asian Development Bank
CBS
Central Bureau of Statistic
CEDAW
Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women
DFID
Department for International Development
FGD
Focus Group Discussion
GSEA
Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment
HMG-N
His Majesty Government of Nepal
HDI
Human Development Index
HPI
Human Poverty Index
GOS
Government Organizations
IGA
Income Generating Activities
INGOs
International Non-governmental Organizations
ICPD
International Conference on Population and Development
MDGSs
Millennium Development Goals
MWCSW
Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare
NLA
National Labour Association
NIWF
Nepal Indigenous Women Federation
NEFIN
Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities
NFDIN
National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities
NGOs
Non-Governmental Organizations
PRSP
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
SD
Standard Deviation
UNDP
United Nations Development Programme
UNDEF
United Nations Democracy Fund
USAID
United States Agency for International Development
VDC
Village Development Committee
WID
Women in Development
7
ABSTRACT
There is growing recognition that the traditional monetary approach to poverty does not represent its
underlying complexity and multidimensionality thereby failing to develop appropriate strategies to alleviating
poverty. This calls for multidimensional perspectives towards poverty. Indigenization of poverty describes
the process of impoverishing indigenous people through society and state driven dispossession of their vital
resource base and Feminization of poverty refers to the process by which poverty risk is disproportionately
distributed between men and women; women often having higher risk. This study aims to look at the poverty
issue of Thami community; one of the marginalized indigenous communities of Nepal through the
Indigenization and Feminization perspectives. Susma Kshyamawoti and Lapilang VDC of Dolakha district
were chosen as sample sites for the study. Data were collected using household survey, Focus Group
Discussion (FGD), key informant interview, observation, and case study. It was found that the economic
status of the Thami people of Dolakha district is very low lacking in sustainable economic, social and political
opportunities in the society. The factor of the comparatively high poverty and marginalization levels of Thami
community is predominately structural in nature and include, dispossession of land, forest and other natural
resources and discrimination in political, cultural and economic state where the Bramin Chettri played the
dominant role neglecting the indigenous peoples' collective rights and non recognition of their mother
tongue, customary law and institution. On the other hand, the situation of women poverty in Thami
community is more entrenched on female members than male in the community. Thami women are suffering
from 'triple discrimination' based on gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status (poor). Patriarchy persists
strongly in the study area; males have dominated rights over the family properties, there is still unequal
access to women in household properties and other public resources and services, education and health
care, and incomes generating opportunities which have further pushed Thami women towards the socioeconomic and political marginalization leading them to live a vulnerable life. Hence, the pervasive ethnicity
based discrimination and treatment to Thami community has resulted in impoverishing and marginalizing
them and prevailing gender based discrimination and treatment within the community has left the women to
be more vulnerable.
Key Words: Poverty, Marginalization, Indigenization, Feminization and Thami Community
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1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Nepal is rich in socio- cultural diversity having many multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi- religious people.
The 2001 census has identified 101 different caste and ethnic groups speaking over 91 languages and
practicing eight different religious beliefs in Nepal. Among them National Foundation for Development of
Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) has identified 59 Indigenous Nationalities and which has further been
classified into five categories, namely (a) endangered, (b) highly marginalized, (c) marginalized, (d)
disadvantaged, and (e) advanced groups by Nepal Federation of the Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN). 'But
this diversity is characterized by widespread discrimination, gender inequalities and major geographical
disparities' (Bhattachan, 2001; Bista, 1991; Bhattachan and Webster, 2005:6). The indigenous nationalities
of Nepal, known as Adivasi-Janajatis, comprise approximately 37 percent of the total population (CBS,
2001) and most of them experience political, economic, social and cultural marginalization, although there
are disparities among different indigenous groups (Rights and Democracy, 2007). In development debates
at various levels there is a consensus that poverty in Nepal is so pervasive and complex on account of the
existing extremely low socio-economic indicators among the indigenous peoples. The large portions of
indigenous people live in the rural areas and engage in subsistence agriculture. In terms of socio- economic
status and human development indicators, their status falls far below the national average.
According to the census of 2001, women comprise 50.05% percent of the total population, yet gender
discrimination prevails in all society from the family to the national level. Gender based discrimination is
rooted in all aspects of social, economical and political existence and status of women in Nepal with regards
to their access to knowledge, economic resources, political power, and personal autonomy in decision
making is generally deserted. Gender based discrimination has restricted women's access to the state’s
resources (such as markets, productive services, education facilities and health care) and decision making
structures compelling them to face multiple discrimination and human rights violations in Nepal (Thapa,
2009). Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment (GSEA) Summary in 2005 reported that the poverty
relationship across different caste and gender is complex in Nepal. Women in all caste and ethnic groups
score lower on both empowerment and inclusion aspects than the men in their own group. Brahman women
are significantly more empowered than even the Dalit and Janajati men and in terms of inclusion, women
from all groups score higher than Dalit men.
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Until recently, poverty was understood in terms of monetary approach only (i.e. measuring poverty in terms
of income and expenditure pattern) which considers an individual a poor person whose consumption falls
below a minimum threshold meaning that higher the consumption greater the utility or welfare of an
individual. Poverty definition was reshaped by Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen who developed the capability
approach that defines poverty as the failure to obtain certain minimal or basic capabilities, where capabilities
are the range of choices open to the individual (Sen, 2000). This approach is increasingly multidimensional
defined in human well-being terms and goes well beyond the notion of economic well-being embedded in
the traditional approaches. Another approach to defining poverty—the exclusion approach—also takes a
multidimensional view of deprivation and incorporates the process through which deprivation occurs as well
as the outcome. The last approach defining poverty is the participatory approach which is more subjective
and allows each individual to define his/her poverty status and ensures a greater voice to the poor (UNDP,
2009). Poverty in the present context is perceived as not only having a shortfall in income or calorie intake
but also the denial of opportunities and choices that are widely regarded as essential to lead a long, healthy,
creative life and to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom, dignity, self-esteem and the respect of others.
In Nepal, poverty is highly correlated with an individual’s ethnicity, caste, language, religion or membership
in an indigenous group (Longford and Bhattarai, 2011). Poverty is a complex phenomenon made up of
series of exclusion (which is defined as a process and a state that prevents individuals from full participation
in social, economic and political life and from asserting their rights by (World Bank 2005) and gender based,
caste/ethnicity based, geographical/spatial based and social category (mainly in terms of economic status)
based exclusion are the major dimensions of social exclusion in Nepal (World Bank and DFID,
2006).However, the dominant face of poverty and social exclusion in Nepal is highly prevalent in female,
rural, illiterate and marginalized, excluded communities.
Indigenization often referred to as the gradual process of society and the state driven dispossession among
the indigenous people of their vital resource base and increasing feminization has huge account on
impoverishing rural marginalized indigenous women. It is obvious that social inclusion and mainstreaming of
particularly women from marginalized groups in the development spheres is very crucial issue in overall
development of the nation. Although the indigenization and feminization is some of the most prominent
10
issues in development discourse, the condition of marginalized indigenous women have less been analyzed
from indigenization and feminization perspectives.
Thami community is one of the highly marginalized indigenous nationalities of Nepal. This ethnic group has
been found economically deserted, academically illiterate; professionally labor, politically ignored and
deprived of all humanitarian opportunity (Adhikari, 1999) and women from this group are suffering from
multiple facets of poverty and social exclusion. Owing to the need of mainstreaming these marginalized
people in the development, understanding their issues through indigenization and feminization perspectives
is becoming increasingly significant. In this context, this study is aimed to understand the feminization and
indigenization of poverty within the Thami community and very relevant as the findings are expected to be
helpful to plan, design and implement programs effective to bring the marginalized groups in the mainstream
of development.
1.2 Research problems and issues
Poverty research in Nepal has been criticized over the past decades for being focussed exclusively on
determining the poverty line and calculating the protection of people living under the poverty line rather than
unmarking other characteristics (UNDP, 1998 & 2000). Such other characteristics may clearly refer to the
gender dimension of the poverty which has not only overlooked prevailing higher burden on women than
men but also belied the underlying fact of vastly distinct nature and class of poverty within the society.
Similarly, ethnic dimension which remains as one of the most significant characteristics of poverty in our
context has not been sufficiently explored. Thami is one of the poor and highly marginalized communities in
Nepal suffering from long history of socio-political exclusion and deprivation of access to resources and
services (Budhathoki Magar, 2008). Yet the poverty issues of the community through gender and ethnicsocio-cultural perspectives are not clearly understood.
The lives of Nepali rural women in general are characterized by early marriage, high fertility, poor health,
burden of work and low life expectancy. This representation, however, may vary across regions due to the
existence of differences in culture, religion ecology, economy and education. Such differences also exist
within the region when caste, class, ethnicity and life cycle are taken into account, even when all these
factors are considered women still work harder and than men (Bardhan, 1986). Contemporary Nepali society
is based on Hindu patriarchy which implies a society ordered by a powerful ideology of female
11
subordination, composed mainly of patrilineal particle families with control of land capital and the female
labor process firmly vested in male hands (Omvedt 1975, Mies, 1980, cited in Bardhan, 1986) and the
understanding of gender has ignored the important specification of class, caste, ethnicity, age and other
cross-cutting divides (World Bank and DFID, 2006). The issues of Janajati women has been often
overshadowed as all women are put in the same box with elite Brahmins and Chettris women regardless of
their ethnically tailored distinctive gender related issues. In contrast, Janajati women are often considered to
have been suffering from triple discrimination in the society i.e. being a woman, being a Janajati and being
a Janajati woman (NIWF, 2063, Tamang 2065 cited in Rai 2009). Being women of one of the poor and
highly marginalized community, the burden of being a poor, women, Janajati and Janajati woman is more
pronounced in Thami women leading them to a more vulnerable situation.
Likewise, the cause of the comparatively high poverty levels of certain groups of indigenous people in Nepal
is predominantly structural in nature and include, dispossession of land, forest and other natural resources,
non recognition of traditional land-use patterns and land tenure arrangements, discrimination in political,
cultural and economic spheres, non recognition of their mother tongue language, customary law, institutions
and collective rights. Empowerment of disadvantaged groups as a prerequisite for poverty reduction is well
accepted in mainstream development discourses (Bhattachan and Webster, 2005). However, empowerment
of indigenous peoples requires not only a focus on their rights as individuals (such as access to food,
livelihood, education, health etc.) but also on their rights as a group. Such group rights relate to identity,
territory land, forest, pasture, water and minerals, mother tongue language, religion, culture and indigenous
knowledge system (Bhattachan and Webster, 2005). It is obvious that without the empowerment and overall
development of marginalized communities, the poverty reduction goals of the country could not be achieved.
In the recent days, there is an increasing realization that planning and implementation of the empowerment
programs for such communities have been done with little or no understanding of their needs and problems
as well as without their involvement. In this context, this study aimed to build up understanding on the social,
economic and cultural context of a highly marginalized Thami ethnic group of Nepal and focused in
examining the poverty situation and disparity among men and women within the Thami ethnic group through
the feminization of poverty perspectives. This study also attempted to link up feminization and indigenization
of poverty focusing on the following specific research questions.
 How is the socio-economic status of Thami community shaped?
 How is the status of production and consumption in Thami community?
 What are the factors determining the indigenization, and feminization of poverty?
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 How are feminization and indigenization of poverty connected?
1.3 Goal
The main goal of this research was to explore the poverty in Thami community from feminization and
indigenization perspectives.
1.4 Specific objectives
The specific objectives of this study were:
 to investigate the socio-economic status of the Thami community,
 to analyze factors of production and consumption at household level in the Thami community,
 to identify the determining factors of the indigenization, and feminization of poverty, and
 to analyze interlink between indigenization and feminization of poverty.
.
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2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES
2.1 Research design
The research is descriptive, exploratory and analytical in nature and hence both qualitative and quantitative
approaches were used to meet the study objectives.
2.2 Population and sampling
This study was focused on Thami community of Dolakha district which is located in the central region of the
Nepal. Out of 22,999 total population of Thami in Nepal, 13,936 Thami people are living in Dolakha district
with 6911 male number and female 7025 (CBS, 2001). Two Village Development Committees (VDCs)
namely, Susma Kshyamawati and Lapilang were purposively selected for the field study where most of the
Thami people inhabit since long. Out of total Households (HHs) 1855 in the study area, household survey
was carried out in 108 sample households (54 household from each of the VDCs).
2.3. The nature and sources of data collection
Household survey, observation, focus group discussion and key informants interview were employed to
collect primary data. Semi-structured interview schedules and check lists were prepared, pre-tested and
finalized for primary data collection from the field. The secondary data were gathered from the published and
unpublished books, articles, project reports and journals as well as through the various governmental, nongovernmental, community based organization working with the community.
2.3.1. Household survey
Primary data were mostly generated through the household survey. The survey was conducted in
purposively selected two VDCs of Dolakha district namely, Susma Kshyamawati and Lapilang VDC.
Altogether 108 households (54 households from each VDC) were randomly selected for the study. Semistructured interview schedule was prepared and pretested before carrying out the field survey. The checklist
was prepared to collect the information during focus group discussion, key informants interview and informal
interview.
2.3.2. Observation
During field work some of the information from the community such as the socio-ecological settings,
settlement patterns, living status, agricultural, religious and cultural practices, health/sanitation, education,
and other resources etc. were collected through direct observation.
14
2.3.3. Informal interview
The informal interviews especially with the female respondents were also carried out during the field visits
and the interview was aimed at exploring the perceptions, thoughts, insights, experiences of female on
poverty issues in the community.
2.3.4. Key informants interview
The supplementary information supporting the research objectives were gathered from the key informants
interview in which key persons of village such as VDC secretary, other Government Organization (GOs) and
Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) representatives working with this community, male and female
ward representatives, members from elites and excluded groups of village, elderly people, teachers etc.
were consulted for generating information on feminization of poverty issues in the community.
2.3.5. Focus Group Discussion (FGD)
Altogether five focus group discussions were conducted in the study sites in order to generate the
information on various dimensions of poverty with special attention on the feminization and indigenization of
poverty within Thami family and society. The discussion was carried out in one only female group and
another mix group consisting of both male and female in each VDC.
The checklist was used during the FGD which was prepared focusing on identifying the factors of production
and consumption at household level and the factors that push the community towards vicious cycle of
poverty particularly to women and indigenous community. The possible key ways to bring the community in
the development mainstream were discussed with the participants in FGD.
2.4 Data analysis and presentation
The primary data collected from the field survey were entered, cleaned and processed through SPSS
program and analyzed and interpreted descriptively and analytically. The research findings were presented
in tables, graphs and charts. The relevant data obtained from secondary sources were also incorporated in
the report.
15
3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1 Background of the study area
Dolakha is a mountainous district lying in the northern part of Janakpur Zone within the central development
region of Nepal. It covers total of 214, 278 ha of land, of which 74,974 ha lies at High Himalaya, 85,617 ha at
High Mountain and 53,687 ha at mid mountain. Land use distribution of the district shows that 26.45% is
covered by agricultural land, 47.37% by forest area, 13.77 by shrub land/grazing land, 2.67% by snow
covered land, 6.41 by public land, 3.30 by water covered land and 0.06% by other land. Average annual
temperature of the district ranges from 19 degree Celsius to 8 degrees Celsius and elevation ranges from
762 m from sea level to 7134 m. It receives annual mean precipitation of 2043.5 ml (District profile, 2008).
According to 2001 census, Dolakha district has total population of 17,3236 residing in 35,872 households.
The total population is comprised of 48.96% male and 51.04% female with the growth rate of 2.5. Out of the
63.83 % economically active population (10-59 years) of the total population, 91.5% people are engaged in
agricultural activities, 3.8% in service, 1.4% in business and 3.3% in industries. Out of total population of
district, 17.5% population is engaged in wage labor; however, they perform it in off periods after being
engaged in agricultural activities. Agriculture is the major economic activities in the district and major
agricultural products include paddy, wheat, maize, millet, potato, vegetables and fruits (District profile, 2008).
Dolakha district has 51 village development committees and one municipality. It has only 10.65% of the
population living in city area and remaining 90.35 % are living in rural areas. The district has mixed society
composed of more than 18 castes with the majority of Chhetri population (82,796) followed by Tamang
(32,699) and Brahmin (22, 300). Thami community holds 5th position in terms of higher population with 15,
695 people (District profile, 2008).
3.2 Study area
Based on the convenience for the research and proportion of Thami people inhabiting in the VDC, Susma
Kshyamawati and Lapilang Village Development Committees (VDCs) were purposively selected as the
study sites.
Susma Kshyamawati VDC lies at the central western part of the district bordered by
Bhimeshwor municipality in the south and west, Sundrawati VDC in east and north covering approximately
21 sq. km of area. According to the census 2001, it has total population of 3547, and majority i.e. 2239 of
people are Thami people. Similarly, Lapilang VDC also lies at the central western part of the district
bordered by Sukhani and Sundarawti VDCs in south, Lamidanda VDC in east, Babare and Kalinchok VDCs
16
in north and Chokati in west and the VDC covers approximately 33 sq. km of area. It has total population of
4874 having majority i.e. 2354 of people from Thami community (NLA, 2004).
3.3 Socio-economic and demographic status of respondents
3.3.1 Population characteristics of sampled households
This study included a total of 108 household as sample for the study. Of the total population in sampled
households, about 53 percent were male and 47 percent were female members. Majority of the households
(62 percent) were nuclear family whereas 38 percent had joint family. And average family size was 5.76
which is higher than the national average of 4.70 (CBS, 2011). Thami family structure has been influenced
by patriarchal family system (Budhathoki Magar, 2008) and the higher preference on a baby boy than on a
baby girl is prevalent in the community and a woman is compelled to give number of births until and unless
she has a baby boy which was one of the major reasons behind having higher family sizes in the
community. Similarly, the limited awareness and concern on the family planning measures in the community
also prospered the family size. Age–sex distribution of the study population revealed that majority of the
households' population (57 percent) were economically active population i.e. aged between 15-59 years
followed by (36.3%) child age (age less than 15 years) population and (6.6%) aging (60 and above years)
population respectively. Based on sex, the proportion of working population was higher among female
(59.7%) compared with male (54.7%) (Chart1). The similar finding was also obtained by (Budhathoki Magar,
2008) in baseline survey result of Thami community.
Chart1. Age-sex distribution of the study population (2011)
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3.3.2 Marital status of the study population
The marital status of the study population revealed that about half of the population was married followed by
unmarried (47.1%) and widowed (2.1%). By sex, the proportion of unmarried male (50.8%) was higher than
female (42.8%) in the study population.
Table 1: Marital status of the respondents (2011)
Sex
Total
Male
Marital status
Female
Frequency
%
Frequency
%
Frequency
Percent (%)
142
47.8
143
54.2
285
50.8
4
1.3
8
3.0
12
2.1
Unmarried
151
50.8
113
42.8
264
47.1
Total
297
100.0
264
100.0
561
100.0
Married
Widower/Widow
3.3.3 Educational status the study population
Education helps individuals gaining knowledge and skill as well as is crucial for reducing poverty as more
educated people have more chances of earning income through various employment opportunities and the
increase in income improves the economic growth of the locality or country and eventually brings wider
social benefits and improves especially the situation of the poor. On the other hand, inadequate education
can be considered as a form of poverty as absence of adequate resources discourages enrolment and
continuation or survival to higher grades, and also reduces learning in schools which ultimately reduces the
ability to gain full benefit from the education (Vander Berg, 2008).
While analysing the literacy status, more than two third (66.3 %) of the study population were literate (who
can read and write) however the literacy rate was lower in female (55.3%) compared to male (76%). Out of
the literate population, the majority of the people (48.9%) had the primary level education followed by lower
secondary level (17.7%), secondary level (12.4%), non-formal education through adult literacy classes
(12.4%) and SLC and above (8.6%). The study population attaining the higher level of education was
gradually falling down after primary level which indicates inadequate opportunities and encouraging
environment for Thami students to continue to higher education after the primary level. Such a decreasing
18
educational achievement in higher levels in the study population was primarily due to the limited financial
resources of the poor Thami households for investing on higher education, and limited access on secondary
and higher secondary schools as they were located far from the villages. Due to higher competition in the
market, there were limited chances of getting good jobs and other opportunities even for the educated
Thamis, which had also increased reluctance in continuing the education to the higher levels in the
community. Many Thami children also dropped out from the schools due to language barriers as the
curriculum and teaching methods in the school were in Nepali medium that was not easily understood by
majority of Thami children. The burden of household and farm activities also prevented many Thami children
from attending schools regularly and increased the dropout rates from school. The similar finding was also
reported by (Budhathoki Magar, 2008).
Table 2: Educational status of the study population (2011)
Education status
Sex
Total
Male
Frequency
Female
Percent
Frequency
Frequency
Percent
(%)
Percent
1. Literacy Status
Literate
226
76
146
55.3
372
66.3
Illiterate
71
24
118
44.7
189
33.7
Sub Total
297
100
264
100
561
100
Non-Formal Education
18
8.0
28
19.2
46
12.4
Primary Level
114
50.4
68
46.6
182
48.9
Lower Secondary Level
43
19.0
23
15.8
66
17.7
Secondary Level
29
12.8
17
11.6
46
12.4
S.L.C. and above
22
9.7
10
6.8
32
8.6
Total
226
100
146
100
372
100
2. Education Status
Based on sex, the proportion of literate male was found higher than female at all levels except non-formal
education. Female had higher proportion than male in non-formal education due to the adult literacy classes
run by various organizations in which female were given priority. However illiteracy was higher among male
19
(76%) than female (55.3%) in the study population. Female had to take care of most of the household and
farm activities and with limited resources even the parents preferred sending their male children to the
schools than female in community which prevented many of the female children from attaining formal and
informal education. (Budhathoki Magar, 2008) also reported females having less educational opportunities in
comparison to the males.
3.3.4 Education enrolment situation of the study population
The education enrolment situation revealed that majority of the study population (65.2%) had enrolled in
schools and colleges however the enrolment rate was higher for male (73.4%) than the female (56.1%).
About 35% of the study population had no enrolment and such enrolment situation indicated a limited
opportunities for Thami children to get into the schools in their lives. Of the total enrolled population, around
three fourth (73.8%) were enrolled in public education sector, followed by community (19.1%) and private
sectors (7.1%). The major reasons for not enrolled or drop out from education were the higher involvement
in households works (37.9%) which was found higher for female, failed or lost interest in study (16.9), school
being far from home (15.9%), reluctance of guardian to send their children school (11.3%). For very few of
the children, early marriage, unaffordable and Nepali language based teaching which they did not easily
understand remained as the major hurdles restraining them from educational attainments.
20
Table 3: Education enrolment situation of the study population (2011)
Current enrolment situation
Sex
Total
Male
Female
Frequency Percent
Frequency %
Frequency %
(%)
Yes
218
73.4 148
56.1
366
65.2
No
79
26.6 116
43.9
195
34.8
Total
297
100
264
100
561
100
Public
162
74.3 108
72.9
270
73.8
Community
42
19.3 28
18.9
70
19.1
Private
14
6.4
12
8.1
26
7.1
Total
218
100
148
100
366
100
School far from home
12
15.2 19
16.4
31
15.9
Failed or lost interest in education
15
19.0 18
15.5
33
16.9
Expensive
9
11.4 7
6.0
16
8.2
Due to household work
28
35.4 46
39.7
74
37.9
Reluctance of guardian to send school
8
10.1 14
12.1
22
11.3
Early marriage
4
5.1
8
6.9
12
6.2
Nepali language problem
3
3.8
4
3.4
7
3.6
Total
79
100
116
100
195
100
If yes types of enrolled schools/ college
If no, reason for Drop out or not enrolled
3.3.5 Occupation of study population
Agriculture was the major occupation for majority of the Thami people in the study area. Out of the total
study population, agriculture was the major occupation for about half of the total population, followed by
student (32.8%), wage labor (13%) and service (3%). Few of the study population were found involved in
21
foreign employment, and business activities such as shop keeping and small hotel in the local area. Based
on sex, the proportion of male was found higher in all occupations except in agriculture (Table 4).
Table 4: Occupational status of study population (2011)
Types of occupation
Sex of family member
Male
Total
Female
Frequency
Percent (%)
Frequency
Percent
Frequency
Percent
Agriculture
127
40.3
150
61.0
277
49.4
Business
3
1.0
1
0.4
4
0.7
Wage labour
59
18.7
14
5.7
73
13
Student
108
34.3
76
30.9
184
32.8
Job/Service
12
3.8
5
2.0
17
3.0
Foreign employment
6
1.9
0
0
6
1.1
Total
315
100
246
100
561
100.0
3.3.6 Income generating status of the study population
While analysing the involvement of study population in income generating activities (IGA), only around one
third of the study population (35.3%) were currently involved in IGA and rest of the population were involved
in subsistence farming with no any further involvement in IGA. The yearly income of the income generating
study population ranged from less than NRs. 5000 to more than NRs. 50000.
22
Table 5: Involvement of Thami people in income generating activities (2011)
Involve in income generating activities
Sex
Total
Male
Female
Frequency %
Frequency %
Frequency %
Yes
129
43.4
69
26.1
198
35.3
No
168
56.6
195
73.9
363
64.7
Total
297
264
100
561
100
If yes, yearly income
Less than 5000
40
31
44
63.7
84
42.4
5000-15000
20
15.5
16
23.1
36
18.2
15001-30000
37
28.6
6
8.6
43
21.7
30001-50000
16
12.4
2
2.8
18
9.1
More than 50000
16
12.4
1
1.4
17
8.6
Total
129
100
69
100
198
100
Majority of the study population (42.4%) earned less than NRs. 5000 in a year and female had more
involvement than male for generating income up to NRs. 15000 but there was higher involvement of male
than female for earning higher income (Table 5). Only few of the study population (8.6%) earned income
more than NRs. 50000 in a year. Based on sex, the contribution of male in income generation was higher
(65.2 %) than female (34.8%). The major reasons for not involving in income generating activities were
engagement in study, poor health conditions and limited employment opportunities in the area.
3.3.7 Land holding status of the respondent households
Land is one of the most important property as well as one of the major sources of livelihoods in Nepal.
Poverty is highly correlated with the size and quality of landholdings. Shneiderman and Turin's study (2002)
reported that Thami people had large tracts of productive land in the past. The authors revealed that Thami
people were later conned out of their land by deception through unscrupulous and Hindu immigrants and
most of the fertile land were owned by the higher Hindu castes whereas less fertile and least accessible field
were left to the Thami people. The similar situation to that of the findings of Shneiderman and Turin was
23
found in this study as well. Out of total households surveyed, more than two fifth (40.7%) of the households
had less than 5 Ropanies or less than 0.25 hectare of land followed by (25.9 %) households having 5-8
Ropanies of land, and (20.4%) households having 9-12 Ropanies of land which was insufficient to produce
crops for feeding the family around the year (Table 6). Only 13% households out of the total had more than
12 Ropanies of land (more than 0.6 hectare of land). Most of the lands owned by Thami people were infertile
and marginal lands inappropriate for cultivating rice and other crops. Thami respondents in Focus Group
Discussion expressed that their ancestors had enough land in the past but along with the unification of
Nepal, Brahmins and Chhetris immigrated and settled around the Thami community eventually deceived the
shy and uncomplaining Thami community and conned them out from their land. The respondents in FGD
also expressed that Thamis had previously rights on Kipat land but they were transferred to the
Machhindranath Guthi as well as Birta Land for Brhamin and Chhetris declaring abolition of Thamis Kipat
land. Thamis becoming unable to pay land revenue/taxes were forced to leave their fertile lands to the,
Brahmins and Chhetris. Thamis were also cheated in receiving loans by unscrupulous non Thamis and
being unable to repay the loan and higher interest rates, they were forced to leave their fertile land. The
similar finding was also documented by (Budhathoki Magar, 2008).
Table 6: Landholding status of respondent households (2011)
Land in Ropanies
Frequency
Percent (%)
Less than 5 (<0.25 ha)
44
40.7
5-8 (<0.4ha)
28
25.9
9-12 (<0.6 ha)
22
20.4
More than 12 Ropanies (>0.6 ha)
14
13.0
Total
108
100.0
Yes
5
4.6
No
103
95.4
Total
108
100.0
Land ownership of women
While taking account of the ownership of land, male member of the Thami family was found dominating on
land ownership to the female. Out of the total households, majority of the households (95 percent) had land
24
ownership in the name of male member of the family whereas only few households (4.6%) had land
ownership in the name of women which indicates limited access to and control over the household
resources by female in Thami community.
3.3.8 Food sufficiency status of the respondent households
Food sufficiency status of the households based on own land is also one of the key determinants of poverty
in Nepal. Higher the food sufficiency in months from own land, better is the well being of that household.
While analysing the food sufficiency status of respondents, majority of the households (85.2%) were found
having food sufficiency for less than 6 months followed by (11.1% ) households having food sufficiency for 69 months and (3.7%) households with food sufficiency around the year (Table 7). Most of the Thami
households had limited land ownership (as mentioned in Table 6) and even those owned land were marginal
and less productive and the production of crops in such land was so low that most of the Thami family were
compelled to tackle with the food shortages for most of the months in a year. The food requirements of the
family were met mostly (54.6%) by seeking debts with the local landlords, followed by wage laboring
(35.2%), and borrowing from neighbours and relatives (8.3%). In the extreme cases when the households
faced acute food shortages, Thami people even sold their properties like ornaments, livestock and land.
25
Table 7: Food sufficiency status of respondent households (2011)
Months of food sufficiency
Frequency
Percent (%)
Less than 3 months
29
26.9
3-6 months
63
58.3
6-9 months
12
11.1
9-12 months
4
3.7
108
100.0
Seeking debt
59
54.6
Wage labor
38
35.2
Borrowing
9
8.3
Selling property (ornaments, livestock and land)
2
1.9
108
100.0
Total
Way of fulfilment of food deficiency
Total
3.3.9 Food production and consumption expenditure status of the respondent
households
Thami people being unable to produce sufficient food in their own land relied on market and other
neighbours for fulfilling the household food requirements. And while valuing the food produced and
purchased by Thami households, on an average the households produced the food (crop and livestock)
having the value of around NRs. 7331.5 and NRs. 11872 was spent by the households for fulfilling the
household food requirements in a year (Table 8).
Table 8. Status of production and consumption expenditures of respondents
(2011)
Status
Average expenditure(Rs.)
Own food production
7331.5
Food purchases
11872.7
Total
19204.2
26
3.4 Income and expenditure status of the respondent households
3.4.1 Income sources of the respondent households
Thami community relied on various sources for their livelihoods. In terms of involvement of households in
generating cash income from various sources, agriculture stood in the first position as majority of the
households (53.7%) were dependant on agricultural farming for their livelihoods followed by wage laboring
(16.66%), job (10.18%), and handicrafts and other forest products selling (9.25%). And the average total
income of the households from the various sources was found to be Rs. 75103 per year. The major share of
the average total income was also obtained from agriculture (48%) followed by wage labouring (25%), job
(12%), and selling of handicrafts and other forest products (7%). There was a little share in the average total
income from business, foreign employment and share and manufactures sectors in the respondent
households. Within the households earning from agriculture, the major portion of the income was obtained
through vegetables and fruits selling followed by selling of livestock and livestock products.
Table 9: Sources of income of the respondent households (2011)
Types of income sources
Frequency
Average income in year (Rs.)
Agriculture/Farming
58 (53.7)
36049 (48)
Handmade and forest products selling
10 (9.25)
5257 (7)
3 (2.7)
1577 (2.1)
Income from job
11 (10.18)
9012 (12)
Wage labor
18 (16.66)
18776 (25)
Foreign employment
6 (5.5)
3380 (4.5)
Share and manufacture
2 (1.8)
1051(1.4)
108 (100)
75103 (100)
Income from business
Total
Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage
3.4.2 Expenditure of the respondent households in last years
While analysing on the pattern of household expenditure, 90-100% of the total households spent their
income on fulfilling the basic needs of life such as purchasing of the food and other consumables, clothes,
personal make up items, education fees and newspapers, health checkups, water and light bills, and the
27
agricultural inputs. And 60-80% of the total households spent the income on transportation, gas and
firewood, land and house tax, and religious ceremonies. Whereas very few of the households (10-30% of
the total) incurred the cost for house repairing and rents. The expenditure pattern of the respondents
revealed that the households on an average spent Rs. 89109 in a year for meeting various requirements of
the household. The average expenditure of the households was higher than the average income of the
households (Rs. 75103) as mentioned in Table 10. On an average, the highest portion of the expenditure
(29% of the total income) was incurred on purchasing food items and other consumables, followed by
education (11.6%), clothes (10%), and health checkups (8.3%) respectively.
Table 10: Expenditure pattern of respondent households (2011)
Area of expenditure
Frequency
Average expenditure in year
(Rs.)
Purchasing of food and other consumables
108 (100)
25898 (29.1)
Gas and firewood
86 (79.6)
5505 (6.2)
Purchasing clothes
108 (100)
8870 (10)
Personal makeup (soap, detergents and make up items)
106 (98.1)
3821 (4.3)
Transportation
87 (80.6)
4949 (5.6)
Education fees and newspaper
98 (90.7)
10298 (11.6)
Health check up
105 (97.22)
7381(8.3)
Repairing house
34 (31.5)
6929 (7.8)
Taxation of house and land
94 (87.0)
567 (0.6)
Water and lights bill
103 (95.4)
1028 (1.2)
Religious ceremonies
65 (60.2)
6574 (7.4)
7 (6.5)
4800 (5.4)
Agricultural inputs expenditure
105 (97.2)
2489 (2.8)
Total
108 (100)
89109
Rental house
Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage
28
3.4.3 Contribution in income generation of respondent households by sex
Both male and female member of the responding households were found participating in various income
generating activities. Even though many of the respondents accepted that there is no remarkable gender
discrimination in Thami community, the survey results revealed that the male member of the household had
higher involvement in share and manufacture (100%), foreign employments (85.7%), job (80.8%), wage
laboring (61.5%), business (66.7%), livestock selling (58.5%) and homemade and forest products selling
(57.1%) and vegetable selling (50%), activities. The involvement of female on the other hand was found
higher on farming, vegetable production (76.8%), and livestock production (36.8%) activities (Table 11). This
indicated the domination of male over female especially on the activities which is productive, energy
requiring and directly associated with cash earnings whereas female were found to be engaged in
household and agricultural activities.
Table 11: Contribution in income by sex in respondent households (2011)
Types of income sources
Frequency
Contribution in percentage
Male
Female
Both
Total
Farming
93 (86.1)
2.2
31.2
66.7
100.0
Vegetables production
56 (51.9)
5.4
76.8
17.9
100.0
Vegetables selling
38 (35.18)
50
30
20
100.0
livestock production
19 (17.6)
31.6
36.8
31.6
100.0
Livestock selling
41 (38)
58.5
29.3
12.2
100.0
Fruits selling
2 (1.9)
50.0
50.0
-
100.0
Handmade and forest products selling
7 (6.5)
57.1
42.9
-
100.0
Income from business
3 (2.8)
66.7
33.3
-
100.0
Income from job
26 (24.1)
80.8
11.5
7.7
100.0
Wage labor
65 (60.2)
61.5
15.4
23.1
100.0
Foreign employment
21 (19.4)
85.7
14.3
-
100.0
3 (2.8)
100.0
-
-
100.0
Share and manufacture
Total
108 (100)
Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentage
29
3.5 Membership status of respondents in various organizations
The membership of any organization may help in social capital building as well as empowerment of the
community. While analysing the membership status in the respondents, around 90 percent of the
households were found to be involved in various kind of organizations. The major types involved
organizations were saving and credit (87.5%), agricultural groups (6.3%), forest user groups (5.2%) and rest
were cooperatives (Table 12).
Table 12: Status of membership in organizations by respondent households (2011)
Membership status
Frequency
Percent (%)
Yes
96
88.9
No
12
11.1
Total
108
100.0
Agricultural group
6
6.3
Saving and credit
84
87.5
Forest users group
5
5.2
Cooperatives
1
1.0
Total
96
100.0
If yes, types of organization
The membership status of the respondents in various organizations was encouraging however very few of
them had key positions in decision making bodies or committees. The respondents in FGD expressed that
with the emergence of various community based or local organizations, the participation of Thamis in such
groups has increased; however the active participation and the representation for Thamis in decision making
bodies of the organizations are yet not achieved. The members in the organizations comprise Thamis and
non-Thamis and the key positions are mostly occupied by the non-Thamis (Brahmins and Chhetris). And
such organizations have their own objectives which do not deal with the empowerment and right-based
issues of Thamis.
30
3.6 Traditional knowledge and skills of the respondent households
During the 'Kipat period' Thamis were reported having traditional knowledge and skills of weaving rough
clothes from Allo (nettle) fibres and sheep wools, bamboo handicrafts which were believed to be
disappeared gradually due to lack of market for such products and financial resources of the community for
product upgrading (Value addition) (Budhathoki Magar, 2008; Shneiderman and Turin, 2002). While
analysing the indigenous knowledge and skills of the respondents, about 70 percent of the households were
found to have traditional or indigenous skills of making various products whereas 32% respondents had no
such indigenous knowledge. Out of the total households practicing traditional knowledge, majority of the
households had traditional knowledge of making furniture and bamboo handicrafts followed by alcohol
preparation (21.1%), weaving clothes (14.5%), collection and utilization of medicinal herbs (5.3%) and ethnic
priest (2.6%) (Table 13).
Table 13: Status of indigenous knowledge and skills of respondent households
(2011)
Practicing indigenous skills
Frequency
Percent (%)
Yes
76
70.4
No
32
29.6
Total
108
100.0
Weaving rough clothes (Radi pakhi)
11
14.5
Alcohol preparation
16
21.1
Collection and utilization of medicinal herbs
4
5.3
Ethnic priest
2
2.6
Making furniture /bamboo handicrafts
43
56.6
Total
76
100.0
Types of practicing knowledge
31
Way of improving indigenous skill
Technology, Skill development and value addition
55
72.4
Marketing development support
8
10.5
Raw materials production support
7
9.2
Subsidy and other financial support
2
2.6
Above all
4
5.3
Total
76
100.0
training
The traditional skills and knowledge of making various products was found disappearing in the successive
generations of Thami community. The respondents in the FGD expressed that almost all Thamis in the past
were skilful in weaving clothes from the nettle and sheep wool, collection and utilization of wild medicinal
herbs, and making furniture and bamboo handicrafts which in the recent days has been gradually
disappearing and very few of the Thamis make use of such skills. They expressed that it was due to the
market forces by which various items of clothes, medicines and handicrafts are now available in the market
at a reasonable price that created the limited demand on the products that were made by the Thamis
ultimately increasing reluctance in continuing the traditional practice. According to the FGD participants, the
traditional skill and knowledge was also not circulated sufficiently to the younger generations and they had
also limited interest in such practices which was also one of the reasons of gradual disappearance of the
traditional knowledge in the community. While asking the respondents on possible ways of improving such
traditional skills, most of the respondents (72.4%) expressed a need of technology, skill development and
product upgrading training followed by market development support for Thami`s products, raw material
assurance support and subsidy and other financial support.
3.7 Access to and control over resources and associated activities by sex
Gender is now increasingly recognised in the development literatures as one of the major factors influencing
access to and control over resources in rural households (Gurung, 1995; Devkota, and Scheyvens, 2000;
Acharya et. al., 2007). The term ‘resources’ often used broadly includes financial (income, savings, credit),
technical/educational/social (education, trainings), physical (land, buildings, equipments, tools) and political
32
(participation in institutions, organizations, and other decision making bodies) (Devkota and Scheyvens,
2000). While analysing the gender differences in access to and control over resources, and various other
livelihood related activities in Thami community, complete male domination was found in property, income
and representation related resources and activities such as access to cash handling, off-farm income
earning, land ownership, benefit sharing, education and training, and political participation. Female had less
access to all the resources and activities however there was higher level of participation of both male and
female for household and farm activities such as in farm production, and basic needs fulfilling activities
(Table 14).
Table 14: Access to and control over resources by sex in respondent households
(2011)
Types of resources
Access to (percentage)
Control over (Percentage)
Total
Male
Female
Both
Total
Male
Female
Both
Total
Land use and ownership
44.4
13.9
41.7
100.0
48.1
14.8
37.0
100.0
108
Farm production
30.4
22.2
47.2
100.0
40.7
22.2
37.0
100.0
108
Wage labouring
Cash handling
Education and training
49.1
75.9
59.3
13.0
20.4
25.9
38.0
3.7
14.8
100.0
100.0
100.0
48.1
57.4
49.1
22.2
17.6
37.0
29.6
25.0
13.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
108
108
108
Benefits sharing
59.3
23.1
17.6
100.0
45.0
25.0
30.0
100.0
108
income
75.0
13.9
11.1
100.0
53.7
13.9
32.4
100.0
108
Basic needs fulfilment
34.1
25.4
40.5
100.0
45.4
24.1
30.6
100.0
108
Political participation
67.6
20.4
12.0
100.0
59.3
14.8
25.9
100.0
108
Organizational
51.9
31.5
16.7
100.0
39.8
32.4
100.0
108
27.8
involvement
In case of control over resources and decision making, male had some sort of domination on all the
resources and associated activities over female. However both male and female had relatively good control
over land, farm productions, off-farm income, benefit sharing basic need fulfilment and wage labouring
activities.
33
3.8 Status of physical assets in the study sites
The settlement pattern of the Thami community in the study area was observed during field visit to the study
site. Most of the houses were made up of stone roofs and almost all households had electric light facility.
One of the key informants reported that Thamis in the recent days have also the influence of modern
developments taking place around the city areas and consider having big house as the social prestige and
reputation and even sell their land and other properties for making good houses rather than investing on
other productive works and conserving their own traditional cultures. There was facility of communication in
almost all Thami areas, and also road links to the villages however still there are few places in Thami areas
where motor able roads was lacking. More than half of the respondents (57.4%) had their own separate tap
and the rest were dependant on the public taps for drinking water. Firewood was the major sources of the
fuel for cooking for majority of the households as the village was nearby the community forests and the
people could easily manage firewood for cooking. Out of the total respondents, around 80% of the
households had their own toilets.
3.9 Poverty perception; indigenization and feminization perspectives of poverty
3.9.1 Perception of poverty in Thami community
A series of interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted during the field study in order
to explore the perception of poverty and its underlying causes among Thami people. Various perceptions on
poverty were reflected by the respondents during the discussions and interactions. Majority of the
respondents (85%) in a FGD considered poverty as inability of households to fulfil the basic needs of life (i.e.
Gaans, Baas and Kapaas / Food, proper shelter and clothes) as well as educate their children, and obtain
basic health and sanitation services for the family members. They expressed poverty as having higher family
size and illiteracy rate, as well as poor landholding and participation and representation in political and other
decision making authorities. Some of the respondents expressed poverty as social, economic, political
marginalization, and powerlessness i.e. state of not being able to do anything or having nothing (property,
knowledge and idea, health etc) to do when needed. The lack of confidence (self expression), limited
awareness, and easily abiding to whatever elite and other people say was also considered as the poverty by
the respondents. Most of the respondents stated limited resources and opportunities for income generation
and employment and poor educational attainment and awareness as the major factors for higher incidence
34
of poverty in the community. The cultural practices like early marriage, alcohol demanding rituals and higher
expenses in consumption of alcohol in such rituals were also believed as the major factors of poverty
incidence in Thami community. Similarly the respondents asserted the dispossession of land of Thamis by
cheating and deception through non-Thamis particularly Brahmin and Chhetries in the past and the
continuous socio-economic and political marginalization and deprivation as one of the major reasons of
having such a miserable situation of Thamis.
3.9.2 Indigenization perspective of poverty
Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious country with diverse culture. The 2001 census has
identified 101 different caste and ethnic groups speaking over 91 languages and practicing eight different
religious beliefs in Nepal. Among them National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities
(NFDIN) has identified 59 Indigenous Nationalities and which has further been classified into five categories,
namely (a) endangered, (b) highly marginalized, (c) marginalized, (d) disadvantaged, and (e) advanced
groups by Nepal Federation of the Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN). But this diversity is characterized by
widespread discrimination, gender inequalities and major geographical disparities' (Bhattachan, 2001; Bista,
1991; Bhattachan and Webster, 2005:6).The indigenous nationalities of Nepal, known as Adivasi-Janajatis,
comprise approximately 37 percent of the total population (CBS, 2001) and most of them experience
political, economic, social and cultural marginalization, although there are disparities among different
indigenous groups (Rights and Democracy, 2007). In comparison to the national average of 31 percent
population falling below the poverty line in Nepal, poverty pressure is high among the Dalits and Janajati as
46% of the Dalit, 44% of the hill Janajatis and 41% of the Muslim community are found to be below the
poverty line on the other hand it was just 18% for Brahmins which shows that there is unequal availability of
opportunities, access in the national development sectors and an unequal state system (NPC, 2007; IDCJ
and IDeA, 2009).
Poverty in Nepal is not just an economic issue. It is deeply related to the religious, cultural, regional and
gender disparity in social inclusion (IDCJ and IDeA, 2009). Despite constitutional recognition in 1990 of
Nepal as a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual state, centuries of Brahman and Chetri hegemony has resulted in the
exclusion of these ethnic groups from mainstream social, economic and political processes (Bhattachan,
1995; Lawoti, 2005; Bhattachan and Webster 2005:6).Economic and social relations in Nepal continue to be
governed by this deeply entrenched ethnic, caste and gender-based hierarchy, which has resulted in the
disproportionate representation of indigenous peoples among the country’s poor (Bhattachan and Webster,
35
2005). The feudal socio-economic and political structures have excluded the general masses of Dalits,
indigenous nationalities, Madhesis, women and religious minorities from the development mainstream. They
are underrepresented in decision-making processes at all levels and lack proper access to justice and the
state’s resources (Thapa, 2009).
Social discrimination faced by ethnic groups in Nepal is a historically built phenomenon. It started with the
introduction, or even prior to, the territorial unification processes launched by Gorkhali rulers during the
formation of the present state. Along with the territorial unification, the hill culture developed by Chhetri
rulers and their Brahman advisors were imposed in the newly annexed territories (Subba et al, 2002: 25)
and the rulers seized and took control over the resources on which the ethnic communities depended for
their income (Pandey et. al., 2006). During the early period of territorial unification, the Gorkhali rulers
followed a strategy to ease the problems faced by the ethnic communities by allowing them to keep their
traditional rights over the land of their respective areas intact through offering 'Kipat land' (communally
owned land). However the rulers in the subsequent periods advocated the conversion of Kipat land into a
taxable category and thus subsequently abolished the community-based landownership system through the
formulation of legal provisions (Regmi, 1978: 532-628). Such a transfer of right to the state deprived many of
the indigenous communities from their traditional rights over these resources. Together, it also allowed the
state to transfer the land of their habitat into the hands of non-ethnic castes of the country. This process
encouraged the systematic decomposition and dissolution of ethnic areas by the settlement of Hindu highcaste population (Kramer, 2003; Caplan, 1970; cited in Pandey et. al., 2006).
The second strategy followed by the state towards the ‘Hinduization’ of ethnic communities was by bringing
them into the framework of the caste system. The Muluki Ain (Civil Code) enacted in 1854 redefined the
structure of the caste system in Nepal and inserted all ethnic groups within the hierarchy of the caste order.
It labelled the ethnic communities as a caste of liquor drinking population and placed them below the
Brahmans and Chhetris in the caste order by assigning them a lower ritual status. It also divided them into
slavable and un-slavable categories and opened the way of their subjugation by creating a legal
environment that allowed the enslavement of those social categories. The law also imposed a number of
other values of Hindu religion upon these ethnic communities such as prohibition of cow slaughter and
consumption of beef in the country and considered cow slaughter as a crime, and ethnic communities who
were traditionally the consumer of this animal had to deserve capital punishment if they slaughter a cow.
36
Even the punishments for the same crime differed between the higher and lower castes, the latter being
punished more harshly than the former (cited in Pandey et. al., 2006).
Thirdly, the 'Hinduization' promoted of Khasa (Nepali) language spoken by Hindu caste and the rulers issued
orders to their local level functionaries to promote the use of Nepali language in their respective areas
(Subba et. al, 2002: 32-33). After 1950, a number of developments occurred in the socio-political settings of
the country. In 1951, the oligarchic rule of the Ranas was replaced through the introduction of a multiparty
system. In 1960, the “party-less” Panchayat political system replaced the previous government. In 1990, the
multi-party type of political system was reinstated again and the 1990 constitution recognized Nepal as a
“multiethnic, multilingual’ and “democratic” Kingdom and committed to ensure equality for all citizens. At the
same time it took little concern of other religions and defined Nepal as a “Hindu” state (Pandey et. al., 2006).
With the modern development process, there has been continuous effort to mainstream the indigenous
people by halting and reverting the process of marginalization but often resulting not enough impacts.
National Commission on Indigenous and Ethnic Communities Act, 2001, Constitution of the Kingdom of
Nepal 1990, Muluki Ain (National Code) 1963, Local Self Governance Act 1996 and international covenant
and convention on indigenous peoples that was ratified by Nepal and the concerns for ‘equality’, and cultural
and religious rights of the disadvantaged, minority and indigenous peoples have been given some attention
but there was no specific mention of the traditional rights on natural resources for the indigenous peoples
and no mention of the territorial rights on the ancient land having ties with these people.
To improve the living standard of indigenous people, first time, the eighth plan period raised the issues of
backward communities comprising of indigenous and ethnic groups. Similarly, Ninth plan period under the
institutional arrangement proposed indigenous people uplift National Academy and Indigenous Council. Due
to the failure to bring desired result as specified in the Eighth and Ninth plan period, the long term vision
boost up in the Tenth plan for indigenous peoples and ethnic groups to achieve their all round development
in areas of economic growth, education, social and cultural upliftment by mainstreaming ethnic diversity and
national development on the basis of equality (NPC, 2007). The Three Year Interim Plan (2007/08-2009/10)
also targeted to improve the economic, social, human and cultural status of the excluded communities (Dalit,
Adibashi Janajaties, Women, Madheshi, Mushlim) by mainstreaming them into development. In the recent
document some reservation on various communities of local governments for the marginalized peoples,
including indigenous peoples, has been mentioned. Apart from that there is no mention of rights of
indigenous peoples. The participation of indigenous peoples in all these plans, programs and decision
37
making positions is mostly none and minimal in some sectors (Bhattachan, 2005). Indigenous peoples’
participation in prioritization of problems, analysis of potentials, planning, access to resources, resource
mobilization, implementation and sharing of benefits and evaluation are nominal (Bhattachan and
Chemjong, 2006). In the recent days, many non-governmental national and international development
organizations have also been making their effort to mainstreaming and uplifting the indigenous people.
Despite of the various efforts of the government to mainstream the excluded group in Nepal, significant
improvement in such group has yet not been realised.
3.9.3 Poverty in Thami community through indigenization perspective
Thami community is one of the highly marginalized indigenous nationalities of Nepal and comprises only
0.10 percent (i.e. 22,999) of the total population of the country (CBS, 2001). The Thami population is
concentrated in remote rural areas of different district of the country such as Dolakha, Sindhupalhwok,
Ramechhap, Sunsari, Khotang, Sindhuli, Ilam, Jhapa and Morang (CBS, 2001) and especially this
community is densely populated in Dolakha District. The most distinguishing features of these communities
are their miserable economic condition, food insecurity, limited or no access to educational and health
services, low educational status, extreme socio-political disempowerment and exclusion and restricted
access to resources and opportunities (Budhathoki Magar, 2008; Adhikari, 1999).
Poverty (both income poverty relating to the resources and income level of households and human poverty
relating to the opportunities and choices to lead a long, healthy, and creative life, and to enjoy a decent
standard of living, freedom, dignity, self-esteem, and respect from others) issues through indigenization
perspective was discussed with the participants during the FGD of this study. The participants expressed
that along with other indigenous nationalities in Nepal, Thami community has also been affected by the
discriminatory rule and practices of the state and rulers at different periods in the history of Nepal. The
participants stated that Thami community has been continuously suffered from the state rulers and their
discriminating policies and practices since the beginning of territorial unification in Nepal. Thami community
in the past is reported having huge land areas under Kipat land which were later confiscated by the state
rulers and Bhramin, Chhetris immigrants through imposition of taxes and encroachments. Shneiderman and
Turin (2002) also reported that Thami people had large tracts of productive land in the past but they were
later conned out of their land by unscrupulous immigrants through deception and cheating. The less fertile
and least accessible land were then left to the Thami people and the most fertile land were owned by the
higher Hindu castes. Land ownership is the most important source of food security and household income.
38
Most of the Thamis have now small and marginal landholdings and face food shortages for most of the
months of a year. Agriculture is the primary occupation for majority of the Thamis but being unable to meet
their consumption requirement from own farming, they work as wage labourers and seasonal agricultural
labours in other’s or landlord’s land and engage themselves in their traditional occupations and other
activities. The literacy status in Thami community is low and the educated people having higher degrees in
the universities are negligible in the community. Due to poor educational attainment, they are less aware of
their social, historical, cultural, economic and political voices and rights. Such social and economic
marginality has hindered them from developing adequate courage and confidence to fight for their rightful
claims in society. There is still lack of representatives from the community in all levels of decision-making
positions of state structures. They lack adequate access to the productive resources and other opportunities
required for making a living. Many of Thamis had sound indigenous knowledge and skills of weaving rough
clothes, making bamboo handicrafts and collection and utilization of medicinal herbs. But due to limited
resources, business skills and supports from the government, neither they could upgrade it for generating
sustainable income nor motivate younger generations to adopt it. Along with such knowledge and skills, the
mother language and other cultural practices, rituals are also gradually disappearing across the generations
and the tradition and cultural identity of Thami is in the verge of extinction. Overall, majority of Thami people
are experiencing a lack of resources and other opportunities and services which has hindered them from
having access to knowledge, transmitting their culture to future generations, living a dignified and a healthy
life. As a consequence, Thami community is still recognized as economically deserted, academically
illiterate, professionally labor, politically ignored and deprived of all humanitarian opportunity in the country.
3.9.4 Feminization perspective of poverty
Men and women, undeniably always comprise the two halves of the population in every society. However,
the rights and opportunities accorded to women have never been at par with the rights and opportunities
accorded to men of the said societies which has forced women in many contexts to bear a subordinate
position. This can be seen in a number of sectors, namely the economic, political, social, and cultural life of
each society (Pandey et. al., 2006). In societies throughout the world, women face restrictions on their
choices and opportunities that men do not. In Nepal, gender dimension of feminization of poverty is
prevailed throughout the country which has affected health and education outcomes leading to economic
insecurity of women. Income (female and male’s share : 30% and 70%) and adult literacy (female 34.9%
39
and male 62.7%) are big gaps between women and men, and maternal mortality rate (281 per 100,000 live
births) is one of them highest in the world (IDCJ and IDeA, 2009).
The gender dimension is equally an important issue in the prevailing poverty among the marginalized
indigenous peoples further exacerbating the situation particularly of the women of these communities.
Gender relations are complex, dynamic and socially embedded, having many interlocked dimension, social
and cultural traditions of women’s exclusion from community management confers authority and prestige on
men, women may often exercise considerable influence in certain areas of community life, but it is men who
hold virtually all formal and informal position of power and decision making under patrilineal systems (Kelkar
& Tshering, 2004:3)
The term Feminization of Poverty emerged in 1970s and popularized in 1990s. The term ‘Feminization of
Poverty’ coined in 1970s by Diana Pearce refers to the concentration of poverty among women, particularly
female headed households than men. Feminization of poverty describes both unequal state of men and
women’s poverty rates and the processes by which women’s risk of poverty is exceeded that of men’s
(Pearce, 1978 and 1984). The feminization of poverty is a process, higher poverty is a state, it is also a
relative concept based on women–men (or female and male/couple headed households) comparison, where
what matters are the differences (or ratios, depending on the way it is measured) between women and men
at each moment, since the concept is relative, the feminization does not necessarily imply an absolute
worsening in poverty among women or female headed households. Understanding the relationship between
women and poverty is critical of the feminization of poverty approach in the way poverty is conceptualized
and measured. From this perspective, the form in which women’s poverty manifests itself depends on
cultural contexts far more than it does for men, suggesting that it cannot be understood through the same
conceptual lens as for men (Kabeer, 1996). Feminist approaches to women’s poverty begin with the premise
that pervasive gender inequalities and biases within households, labor markets, legal codes, and political
systems throughout the world, render women more vulnerable than men to poverty (Meer, 1990, cited in
Moghadam, 2005).
In Nepal, most households (77%) are headed by men, but the proportion of female-headed households has
risen from 16% in 2001 to 23% in 2006. The rise in female-headed households is more predominant in rural
areas, and can be attributed in part to the out-migration of the male population. However, even with this rise,
40
less than 1% of all households report female ownership of all the main assets in Nepal – house, land, and
livestock. Land is inherited almost universally from father to son. Only 11% of households report any land in
female legal ownership, with 6% suggesting “some” ownership (DFID and World Bank, 2006; USAID, 2007).
Gender-based violence is common in Nepal. SAATHI (1997) reported the occurrence of domestic violence
in around 70 to 80% of all households in Nepal (USAID, 2007).
Traditional gender roles still continue to exist, which has confined around sixty percent of female to involve
them in unpaid work. Female employment is though high (71%), but most women are employed in the
agriculture sector and 68% are not paid or paid only in kind. Of men aged 15 to 49, about half (52%) are
working in agriculture, and 70% of them earn cash or cash plus in-kind payments. The proportion of men
employed in a non-agricultural or “modern” occupation is 21%, but only 6% for women (CBS, 1999; USAID,
2007). Moreover, there exists discrimination even for wages to be paid. Women are paid significantly low
compared to male counterparts (World Bank, 2006). A huge income-gap persists between men and women
both in terms of opportunities for employment and income generation and in the proportion of earned
income. Females comprise 31 percent of all paid workers as against 69 percent males and the estimated
earned income is 0.345 for females as against 0.485 for males. As a large part of women’s work is not
considered economic activity, only 45.2 percent of women, in comparison to 68.2 percent of men, are
classified as economically active. The economic contribution of women is largely unnoticed because their
traditional role is taken for granted and not accorded economic value (Thapa, 2009). The work burden of
Nepalese women in the reproduction, household and employment is among the highest with the lowest
human and gender index in the world. The life expectancy of women is now slightly higher than men (60.7
versus 60.1), but female performance on all health indicators remains poor. Women have a subordinate
status vis-à-vis men and senior women in the family, and reproductive roles and cultural practices
encourage early marriage and child bearing, as well as food restrictions during pregnancy and menstruation
(USAID, 2007).
The Government of Nepal has also made notable efforts with regard to gender equality and women’s
empowerment. The government in its first Five-Year Plan in 1956which pursued a welfare approach focused
on women’s reproductive role. This was continued in subsequent plans until the Sixth Five-Year Plan (1980–
1985) introduced an approach with an efficiency and equity orientation (often referred to as women in
development approach). However, a paradigm shift from women in development to gender and development
was evident in the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1997–2002), the subsequent Tenth Five-Year Plan (2002–2007),
41
and the current Three-Year Interim Plan (2008–2011). These periodic plans have pursued gender equality
and women’s empowerment through a gender mainstreaming strategy. The Ministry of Women, Children
and Social Welfare (MWCSW) is the key ministry for the promotion of gender equality and women’s
empowerment which also coordinates initiatives related to children and social welfare. The Department of
Women Development under the MWCSW looks after women’s and children’s programs and implements
them through its Women Development Offices, which are the key gender focal points in the districts (ADB,
2010).
In the recent years, some progressive changes have been made as a result of the changed political
environment and extensive policy dialogue between government, civil society organizations, and
development partners. The Local Self-Governance Act introduced the mandatory representation of women
in local government. The Interim Constitution of Nepal (2007) also included the provisions that support
gender equality and social inclusion. In 2007, the government took several policy actions to increase the
representation of women and excluded groups in political institutions and the civil service. The Constituent
Assembly Member Election Act allocated seats to women, Dalits, ethnic groups, Madhesis, and the
differently abled among others for the 240 electoral seats under the proportional electoral system. Similarly,
the 2007 amendment to the Civil Service Act reserved 45% of vacant posts for excluded groups giving
priority to women (33%), ethnic groups (27%), Madhesis (22%), Dalits (9%), differently abled (5%), and
backward regions (4%) to increase the effectiveness and responsiveness of the civil service (UNDEF, 2011).
Nepal has undertaken a number of international commitments to non-discrimination, gender equality, and
social justice. Nepal has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) in 1991. The 1995 Beijing Platform for Action has also provided impetus to address
gender inequality. Other important international agreements related to gender equality include the outcome
of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) and ICPD+10, which set out
commitments to ensuring women’s reproductive health and rights as well as other health services. The 2000
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set out targets for poverty reduction, universal primary education,
gender equality and women’s empowerment, and maternal health. The United Nations Security Council
Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 establishes legal standards to ensure the meaningful participation of women in
the peace process. Nonetheless, there are still many legal provisions, discriminatory institutions and
structures, ideology, and social norms that continue to discriminate against women. The established
42
patriarchal values and dominance of Hindu religion and culture treated women as a second class citizen
from the very beginning. The 1854 Civil Code did not provide any protection for women concerning their
property rights. The 1990 constitution stated no discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion
but the constitution continued to include discriminatory provisions, particularly in relation to citizenship and
nationality, inheritance, ownership, marriage and family, employment, and education (ADB, 2010). The
impact of these forms of discrimination resonated women in all spheres of their social, political, and
economic life, including access to resources such as ownership of land, educational attainment, employment
opportunities, and participation in decision making activities in both public and domestic sectors of their life
(Pandey et. al. 2006; Upadhyaya and Sharma 2010, ADB, 2010).
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Gender Empowerment Measure, which considers
whether women are active in public and economic life, indicates that women’s participation and
representation remain lower than that of men in the political, economic, and professional domains in Nepal
(UNDP, 2009). Although there has been an increase in the proportion of economically active women, their
earned income is about one-third that of men and women continue to have low access to property
ownership, financial credit, and political power. The Gender-related Development Index, which adjusts the
Human Development Index (HDI) to reflect the extent of gender disparity, shows that gender disparity is high
overall, but highest in rural areas, the mountains, and the mid-western development region in Nepal. Due to
legal and socio-cultural norms in Nepal, women and socially excluded groups experience poverty and
inequality to a greater degree (ADB, 2010).
3.9.5 Poverty in Thami community from feminization perspective
As gender dimension of feminization of poverty is prevailed throughout the country in Nepal, it has also a
significant effect on women of Thami community in the study areas. A number of focus group discussions
were conducted and issues on feminization of poverty in the community was discussed with the participants.
The respondents in the discussion expressed that there is no such remarkable gender discriminating
practices in the community but while discussing on some specific issues of gender roles and relations in
FGD as well as during household survey, some sort of gender discrimination was found persistent in the
community. While asking Thami female if they know about their rights on land ownership, nationality and
citizenship rights they said they are not familiar of their rights on these aspects. Landholding size is a fixed
asset and often considered as the source of social, economic and political power. Land is one of the most
43
valued belongings of those who posses it. While discussing on the land ownership in Thami community, it is
found that land is mostly controlled and owned by male and inherited strictly to only male member of the
family. Such denial of women from land ownership and inheritance increases the vulnerability of women in
Thami community to poverty and exposes them to further discrimination. Although there are various saving
and credit groups at village level from where women can have easy access to the credits but if they still do
not have the easy access to the bank credits located at the district headquarters.
In education attainment, the girls in the family were hardly sent to schools in the past and the educational
status of male was significantly higher than female. But in the recent days, there is no such a big
discrimination in girls and boys in educational attainment and they are equally sent to schools by the family.
However if a family lacks the capacity to afford the cost of education to the children or if the burden of
household work increases then the family pays higher preference on male children in sending school
whereas female in supporting the family in household works.
While discussing in the FGD, the participants said that there are only few girls achieving the higher level
education than male and it was due to poor economic condition of the families. However the early marriage
practice which is though vanishing from the community is also another factor which restricts girls from
attaining education.
Female works in Thami community is mostly concentrated to agricultural farming and maintaining the
household which is largely unpaid (such as planting, weeding, manuring, harvesting, and threshing of crops;
raising children, preparing foods, collecting fuel wood, fodder and water) whereas men are involved in sale
of crops, livestock, medicinal herbs, bamboo handicrafts and other income generating activities like job,
business, foreign employment and off-farm activities. Mostly it is the male member who goes for wage
labouring in the villages, nearby market centres or even to distant places for few days. Female also goes for
wage labouring but within the village not at distant places. However even for the same level of work, there is
disproportionate wage rate having higher wages for men and lower to the female in the village. The wage
and other income received by female is mostly spent on meeting household basic needs such as food,
clothes, health and child education however male spend their income according to their will.
The Thami women due to lack of ownership of land and other productive resources, a lower level of
educational status as well as confinement to domestic and agricultural work has a limited hold in areas of
decision-making at both household and public domain. Although mutual consultation may take place in
44
deciding various issues but it is mostly the men who makes final decision in most of the household activities
in the community. There are various village level organizations such as community forest user groups, water
user group, school management committee etc. where male dominate in the lead positions and although
some seats in such organizations are allocated to women, those are also mostly occupied by female of elite
group rather than from Thami community. The women have also been suffered from domestic violence.
Some of the key informant reported that there is higher preference of son or baby boy (chhora) and if a
woman does not give birth to a baby boy, then she is misbehaved, hatred and has to even accept SAUTA. A
proverb 'Ek aankha ke aankha, ek chhora ke chhora' is common in the community which means just like
having only one eye does not look good and have clear vision, having only one son is also not good and
secured. Birth of baby boy is welcomed for three or more generations but a daughter is enough for single
generation. Husband is regarded as god and polygamy practice is common in the community. In other side,
if women flee with other man, he should pay price (Jaree) to the previous husband. The female also get less
care during pregnancy. The workload inside and outside house is heavy for women which makes less time
available to women for health and sanitation. The practice of keeping private property (PEWA) by women
which is prevalent in ethnic communities in Nepal was hardly practiced in Thami community. In the same
way, unlike the practice of liquor making and selling common in other ethnic community, majority of Thami
women did not follow this practice which prevented them from earning and saving of cash. The limited
awareness and access to resources and opportunities to Thami female has increased their dependency on
male.
CASE STUDY
Manu Thami 34 (Name Changed) lives in Susma Kshyamawoti VDC of Dolakah district. She was born in
Limbu Community of the Shakhu VDC of Taplejung district. At the age of 18 years, she left her village and
came to Kathmandu with her friends without mentioning family and started to work in a carpet (Galaicha)
factory. During her struggling time in Kathmandu city, she met a boy from Thami community and finally they
got married in 1996. After that she went to Susma Kshyamawati village with her husband. After a year of
marriage they had a son was and then 2 daughter in every two years. Her family was very poor. They did
not have sufficient land for farming and they always had to struggle for hand to mouth. They had to go for
wage labor. Her misery didn’t allow contacting to her parents back in Taplejung. Initially, she was unknown
about the culture and behavior of Thami people. She was beaten by her husband almost every day. In
2061, her husband eloped with his Vauju (brother’s wife). It augmented her misery. Wage labor was the only
45
option to survive with children. She did not see the future of children and education living alone in that
miserable condition. One of the village's teacher requested Manu to marry an old widow man of 70 above.
He also lived alone but owned some land and property. Man accepted the proposal with a condition that he
should accept her children. Finally she was compelled and did second marriage with old man in 2061 for the
betterment of her children's' life. After 3 years of marriage, she gave birth to a son from old man who is now
3 years old. Elder son who is 15 years now is dumb and two daughters are 12 and 10 years now. Now all
her children are in local school. As a housewife she is responsible for household work, harvesting farming
and caring children and the old husband. Still, she doesn’t have time to go to her maiden house (Maita) to
meet her parents.
In conclusion, this case study shows that the society is highly dominated by male and hence female are
deprived of their rights and liberty. They are forced to bear the burden posed by male dominated society.
Poverty is prevalent in the community and the female are the one suffered the most due to their subordinate
position, division of labor, no decision making rights, and lack of education.
3.9.6 Inter-linkage between indigenization and feminization of the poverty
Women, Dalits, Janajatis, Muslims, and Madhesis continued to be excluded from access to resources and
services, political representation, educational and economic opportunities in Nepal due to little concern of
the state and its rulers on addressing the issues of exclusion and inequality. The primacy given to Hindu
ethos flourished the entrenchment of the high caste in the power structures in Nepal. According to the
population census 2001, upper castes (Brahman and Chhetri) constitute 35.4% of total economically active
population but their dominance is reflected well in government (executive, legislative and judiciary), politics,
security forces, bureaucracy and mass media, education, and overall economy of the nation and Dalits,
Indigenous nationalities, Madhesi and Women are socially excluded groups often called as the 'Minority
Groups' based on 'domination' and 'discrimination' in Nepal (Gurung, 2003; Bhattachan, 2003). Besides
several legal and institutional measures initiatives of the government as well as non-government sector,
discrimination against indigenous nationalities and women at the societal level still continues to exist in
Nepal. Nepal still lacks a conducive environment to enable marginalized Indigenous Nationalities and
women to participate in the national development processes by virtue of which the poverty, inequality and
discrimination based on caste, ethnicity, language, religion, gender, class and region persists in Nepal
(Gurung, 2003; Bhattachan, 2003; Bennet, 2005; USAID, 2007).
46
Poverty is a deprivation of resources, capabilities or freedom which is commonly called the dimension or
spaces of poverty. Though women constitute about 51 percent of the total population in Nepal yet women
continue to face discrimination in social, economic, cultural and political domains. Nepalese society is
predominantly patrimonial, and prevalent patriarchal cultural values and other social, economic and political
factors prevent women from access to education, skill development, employment and decision making and
enjoying their most basic of human rights (Rights and Democracy, 2007). Due to this, women continue to lag
behind in their income and asset levels, educational achievement and human development indicators, which
restrict them from deriving benefit from any new opportunities created by development interventions.
Thami community as being one of the indigenous nationalities of Nepal is also exposed to socio-political
exclusions that are deeply seated in the Nepalese society since long. The discriminatory legal and other
socio-cultural norms established in the country provided limited access to resources and opportunities to the
Thami community which restricted them from moving out of the poverty circle and pushed them towards the
socio-economic and political marginalization instead. The community is now recognized as one of the highly
marginalised indigenous communities of Nepal and they are living a miserable life with poor economic and
social condition, poor participation and representations in state structures, food insecurity, and limited
access to education, health and other services. Often exclusion is multi-dimensional i.e. economic, social,
cultural, geographic, and rural and each aspect reinforces the other (Acharya et. al., 2007). As like other
women in Nepal, Thami women are also suffering from the various discriminatory legal provisions and social
norms but being a woman from highly marginalized indigenous group of rural area, Thami women suffers
from 'triple discrimination' based on gender, ethnicity and economic status (poor) and the severity of
suffering is likely to be even higher than that of other women. The Hindu cultural and patriarchal norms and
values have also influenced Thami community and women in Thami community have limited access on
ownership and control over household resources, and participation in household decision making. The lack
of awareness, education is also common in the Thami women and the preference of family is still higher for
education to a male children. They are confined to only household and agricultural works which restricts
them from income generation opportunities and even if they earn, the income is invested for fulfilling familial
needs rather than meeting own desires. The participation of Thami women in the political domain is almost
negligible and even they have limited capacity to raise their voices in the public spheres. Such
deprivation/exclusion with unequal access to household properties and other public resources and services,
47
education and health care, and incomes generating opportunities have further pushed Thami women toward
the socio-economic and political marginalization leading them to live a vulnerable life. However the
marginalization of the women of Thami community is highly associated with the marginalization of the
community itself and unless the community is empowered, the socio-economic and political status of the
Thami women is unlikely to be developed.
48
4. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 Summary
Thami is one of the highly marginalised indigenous communities of Nepal. In order to find out the poverty
situation in the community focussing on feminization and indigenization perspectives, this study was
conducted in of Susma Kshyamawoti and Lapilang VDCs of Dolkaha district and included 108 Thami
households as the sample for the study. Of the total population in sampled households, about 53 percent
were male and 47 percent were female members. Majority of the households had nuclear family and more
than two third of the study population were literate. However the literacy rate was lower in female compared
to male. Out of the literate population, the majority of the people had the primary level education followed by
lower secondary level, secondary level, non-formal education, and SLC and above respectively. Based on
sex, the proportion of literate male was found higher than female at all education levels except non-formal
education. The school or college enrolment was higher for male than the female and in public schools than
in community or private schools/colleges. The major preventing factors achieving education to Thami
children were their higher involvement in household works, limited interest due to failure in the examinations,
as well as location of school which was far from their home. Similarly few of the Thami student could not
continue their education due to early marriage practice, inability of family to bear the cost of education and
Nepali language based teaching methods which they was not friendly to them. Besides education,
agriculture was the major occupation for most of the households followed by wage laboring and engagement
in job/services respectively. The study population had limited involvement of the foreign employment, and
business activities. Based on sex, the proportion of male was found higher in all occupations except in
agriculture.
Around one third of the study population were found currently involved in some sort of income generating
activities (IGAs) whereas majority were continuing subsistence farming with no any further involvement IGA.
The yearly income of the income generating study population ranged from less than NRs. 5000 to more than
NRs. 50000. Only few of the study population earned more than NRs. 50000 a year and it was mostly
earned by male members. On the other hand, majority of the study population mostly the female members
had earning less than NRs. 5000 in a year upto NRs. 15000. Based on sex, the contribution of male in
income generation was higher than female in Thami community.
The landholding status of the Thami people was very poor. More than two fifth of the households had less
than 5 ropanies (<0.25 hectare) of land which was insufficient to produce sufficient foods for the family
49
around the year. Only few of the households had more than 12 ropanies of land (more than 0.6 hectare of
land). The domination of male was found in land ownership and more than ninety percent of the households
had land ownership by male member. More than three fourth of the households were found having food
sufficiency for just six months or even less. Only few of the households (3.7 percent) had food sufficiency for
round the year from their own land. On an average the households produced the food (crop and livestock)
having the value of around NRs. 7331.5 whereas NRs. 11872 was spent by the households for fulfilling the
household food requirements in a year. The household food requirements of the family were mostly met by
seeking debts with the local landlords, wage labouring, and borrowing from neighbours and relatives.
Agriculture was the major source of income and livelihoods for more than half of the total followed by wage
labouring, job and other income generating activities such as handicrafts and other forest products selling.
The average total income of the households from the various sources was found to be Rs. 75103 per year
whereas the average expenditure of the households on various purposes was Rs. 89109 which indicates a
poor economic condition of Thami community in meeting various household needs. More than ninety
percent households spent their income on fulfilling the basic needs of life such as purchasing of the food and
other consumables, clothes, personal make up items, education fees and newspapers, health check-ups,
water and light bills, and the agricultural inputs.
While analysing the participation of male and female member of the Thami household in various income
generating sources, the higher involvement of male was found in share and manufacture, foreign
employments, job, wage labouring, business, livestock selling, homemade and forest products selling and
vegetable selling activities whereas female were involved higher than male in farming, vegetable production
and livestock production activities.
The participation of Thami households in various kinds of organizations was significant. Due to presence of
various organisations such as saving and credit, agricultural groups, forest user groups and cooperatives at
the local level, more than ninety percent of the total households were found to be involved in such
organizations. Majority of the households were found having indigenous or traditional knowledge of making
various products such as furniture and bamboo handicrafts, alcohol preparation, weaving clothes , collection
and utilization of medicinal herbs whereas about one third of the respondents had no such indigenous
knowledge. Such indigenous knowledge is found to be disappearing among the younger generations. While
50
analysing the access to and control over the resources by sex, domination of male was found in property,
income and participation (or representation) related resources and activities such as access to land
ownership, benefit sharing, cash handling, off-farm income earning, education and training, and political
participation. Whereas female were found having higher access to and control over the household and farm
activities such as in farm production, and basic needs fulfilling activities.
Thami community perceived poverty as inability of households to fulfil the basic needs of life (food, proper
shelter and clothes) as well as educate their children, and obtain basic health and sanitation services for the
family members. Higher family size and illiteracy rate, as well as poor landholding and participation in
political and other decision making bodies were also considered as a characteristic of a poor in Thami
community. Poverty is also understood as social, economic, political marginalization, and powerlessness i.e.
state of not being able to do anything or having nothing (property, knowledge and idea, health etc) to do
when needed in the community. The lack of confidence (self expression), limited awareness, and easily
abiding to whatever elite and other people say was also considered as the poverty by the community. The
limited resources and opportunities for employment and income generation as well as the poor awareness
and educational attainment were reported as the major factors for higher incidence of poverty in the
community.
While analysing poverty in Thami community from the indigenization perspective, Thami people stated that it
was the discriminating policies and practices of the states and rulers at various periods which not only
confiscated their Kipat land and pushed them into the marginalization but also restricted them from having
access to resources and other opportunities and services which hindered them from uplifting their socioeconomic conditions, having access to knowledge, transferring their culture to future generations, living a
dignified and a healthy life. And while exploring poverty from feminization perspectives, as like other women
in Nepal, Thami women are also exposed to various gender discriminatory legal provisions and social norms
and being a woman from highly marginalized indigenous group of rural area, Thami women are suffering
from 'triple discrimination' based on gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status (poor). There is still
unequal access to women in household properties and other public resources and services, education and
health care, and income generating opportunities which have further pushed Thami women towards the
socio-economic and political marginalization leading them to live a vulnerable life.
51
4.2 Conclusion
Thamis 'the original inhabitants of Dolakha district' are still living under conditions of abject poverty and
social deprivation. Since the poverty is complex and multidimensional nature, the income (having limited
income and consumption, physical assets and other resources), and human poverty (limited opportunities
and choices to lead a long, healthy, and creative life, and to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom,
dignity, self-esteem, and respect from others) is common in Thami community and the poverty is more
entrenched on female members than male in the community. Landholding size is considered as the major
source of livelihood and associated with social, economic and political power in Nepal. However, Thami
people have limited landholding often marginal and unproductive which is not enough to produce sufficient
food for the family members around a year and food scarcity for about six months of a year is common to
majority of the Thami households. Male domination in land ownership and other household resources is
prevalent in the community. The level of educational achievement in the community is also low and it is
lower particularly for the female members of the community which has further worsened the situation of
Thami women.
Agriculture is the major occupation for Thami community however due to limited landholding, most of the
Thami people are involved in wage labouring for the livelihoods. Only few of the Thami people especially
male members of the family are involved in income generating activities such as job, business, livestock
selling, homemade and forest products selling and vegetable selling activities while most of others (mostly
female) are dependent on subsistence farming for their livelihoods. There is greater contribution by male in
family income than female. However, the average income of the Thami people is not enough to fulfil the
household needs and they meet their needs by debts with the local landlords, wage labouring, and
borrowing from neighbours and relatives. Thami people have also been practicing furniture and bamboo
handicrafts preparation, alcohol preparation, weaving clothes, collection and utilization of medicinal herbs as
alternatives for income generation but such indigenous knowledge is gradually disappearing among the
younger generations because of market influence, and limited promotion of such knowledge and skills.
Due to patriarchal norms and values deeply rooted in the country, gender discrimination also exists to some
extent in the community. Domination of male is common in access to and control over the resources and
activities related with income and social prestige. Male has domination on land ownership, benefit sharing,
52
cash handling, off-farm income earning, education and training, and political participation. There is limited
access and control of women on land and other household properties, as well as they have limited
opportunities in education and training, income generation as well participation in decision making. Thami
women have though higher access to and control over the household and farm activities such as in farm
production, and basic needs fulfilling activities than men.
Social, economic, and political marginalization is deeply rooted in the community. There is also limited
awareness among the Thami people (both male and female) on their social, cultural and political rights
which has restricted them from having access to various resources and opportunities including their
participation in the various organizations at decision making levels. Such exclusion from social, economic,
and political spheres has further aggravated the poverty situation of Thami people. And having unequal
access to household properties, education, health care, incomes generation and other opportunities within
the community, Thami women are bound to live a miserable life further pushing them towards socioeconomic and political marginalization. Poverty is prevalent in the community and the female are the one
suffered the most due to their subordinate position, division of labor, no decision making rights, and lack of
education.
53
4.3 Recommendation
Based on the findings and conclusions of this study, following recommendations have been made for
developing policy and programmes for mainstreaming the Thami community including women in the
mainstream of the development.

The government should mainstream the gender and social inclusion issues in designing, planning,
implementing and monitoring of all its programs and interventions to ensure the equitable participation of
women and the indigenous community at all of its structures

There should be targeted interventions to promote Thami culture, religion and indigenous knowledge and
skills along with the social, economic and political empowerment of community having emphasis on women

Higher level of education among the Thami community including Thami women should be promoted

Awareness raising and capacity building programs among Thami women should be promoted for
empowering them on their rights as well as socioeconomic upliftment

Skill development training on agricultural as well as off-farm activities should be promoted for increasing the
opportunities of community in income generation and employment with timely monitoring

The empowerment programs run by different government and non government organization should be long
term goal oriented rather than short term program oriented.

The government should support in building institutional capacities of Thami community to raise their voice on
their rights
54
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Annex: 1 Photo
A Thami man is making a doko
Field enumerator is taking an interview
An innocent Thami child
60
Annex:2 Questionnaires
Checklist for Focus Group Discussion on the feminization of poverty
1. What is your understanding of poverty? How is the social, economic and political status of women in
your society; access to healthcare, education, income sources and political representations etc.
2.
Are women getting opportunity to participate in community based organization; regarding women
leading organization, involvement in community development program, in local politics etc?
3. What are the income sources of women: income generating activities, occupation, and wage labor,
business, traditional knowledge and practices etc.?
4. What do you know about the legal practices of women rights: ownership of land and property of
family, decision making rights in household level?
5. Is there discrimination in division of labor between men and women; wage discrimination, burden of
work, engagement in non productive work, devalued and non paid work?
6. How is the health condition of women in your community; regarding nutrition of food, maternal
mortality, regular health checkup, Health and sanitation etc? ( See health data in Health post)
7. Do your traditional norms and values hinder to enhance the capacity of women? marriage practices
in average age group
8. Do you think that your customs and religion play the key role to contribute to the female poverty?
Such as Patriarchy and Hindu culture and discriminatory legal provision etc.
9. Is there any possible way out to reduce the poverty among women?
Checklist for Focus Group Discussion on the indigenization of poverty
1
What is the status of indigenous people in your community regarding access to food, livelihood,
education, and healthcare?
2
Is there any discrimination in political, cultural and economic spheres within the society or
among indigenous and non indigenous people (leadership and participation in local politics,
festival celebration, employment opportunity working areas )
3
What is your perception on collective rights such as rights related to identity, territory (land,
forest, water, mother tongue language, religion/ culture and indigenous knowledge practices
and customary law) rights related to indigenous people etc)
4
Do you have rights in access and control over above mentioned issues in your community?
61
5
Which language do you prefer to speak? Do you face any problem while speaking your native
language?
6
What are the factors of production in your household? Such as land ownership, agricultural
production and livestock, income sources: employment opportunity and manpower / labor force
and knowledge and skill, natural resource management: forest and waters,
7
What is the situation of consumption patterns of these resources, past and present status? Who
have the more access to consumption over those resources among indigenous or non
indigenous people?
8
What is the changing pattern of production and consumption of indigenous people? Why?
9
Who is responsible for production at household's level? Male or female? Who spend money?
access to decision making rights in household matters ( male or female )
10 Who is the most vulnerable group in your community; male or female / other caste and
ethnicity?
11 Are there any possible way out to reduce the poverty among indigenous people? What is your
perception on it?
Check list for key informant Interviews on feminization and indigenization of poverty
1. What Poverty Means to you? What is the impact of poverty in women / in Indigenous people?
2. What is your perception about living standard of Thami People in the society? Why Thami
people are living as highly marginalized community of the Nepal?
3. Are there any NGos/ INGOs working for Thami community, what they are working for Thami
people (development program on health, education, and skill development etc)
4.
What is the impact of development program in the community?
5. What is your perception about the female poverty in Thami community? Are they changing their
living standard or living in even degrading? why?
6. Who is the most poorest of the poor in the society?( Male or female/ caste and ethnicity )Why?
7. What role should be played by government to improve the status of Thami people? / Female of
this community?
8. What is your perception on the difference between others caste women and Thami women?
9. Are there any possible way out to reduce the poverty among women / among indigenous
people?
62