Accelerated World History: Summer Reading Assignment- Primary Documents
Directions: Read the documents within this packet. While reading, highlight key terms, people, or anything that
seems interesting or important. After reading and highlight, skim the readings again and make annotations in
the margins in pen. Annotations would include main ideas within the reading, questions that may come up as
you read, clarifications you may need to understand the documents, or connections to other ideas or things you
know. There are no hard fast rules on “how many” annotations you must have, but rather make the annotations
meaningful and useful. Please, no annotation such as: “that’s cool,” “duh,” or “wow.”
Document 1
Martin Luther: 95 Theses (1517)
Out of love for the truth and from desire to elucidate it, the Reverend Father Martin Luther, Master of Arts and
Sacred Theology, and ordinary lecturer therein at Wittenberg, intends to defend the following statements and to
dispute on them in that place. Therefore he asks that those who cannot be present and dispute with him orally
shall do so in their absence by letter. In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, Amen.
1. Our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, in saying, "Repent ye, etc.," intended that the whole life of his believers on
earth should be a constant penance.
2. And the word "penance" neither can, nor may, be understood as referring to the Sacrament of Penance, that
is, to confession and atonement as exercised under the priest's ministry.
3. Nevertheless He does not think of inward penance only: rather is inward penance worthless unless it
produces various outward mortifications of the flesh.
4. Therefore mortification continues as long as hatred of oneself continues, that is to say, true inward penance
lasts until entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven.
6. The Pope can forgive sins only in the sense, that he declares and confirms what may be forgiven of God; or
that he doth it in those cases which he hath reserved to himself; be this contemned, the sin remains unremitted.
7. God forgives none his sin without at the same time casting him penitent and humbled before the priest His
vicar.
8. The canons concerning penance are imposed only on the living; they ought not by any means, following the
same canons, to be imposed on the dying.
10. Those priests act unreasonably and ill who reserve for Purgatory the penance imposed on the dying.
11. This abuse of changing canonical penalty into the penalty of Purgatory seems to have arisen when the
bishops were asleep.
13. The dying pay all penalties by their death, are already dead to the canons, and rightly have exemption from
them.
15. This fear and horror - to say nothing of other things - are sufficient in themselves to produce the punishment
of Purgatory, because they approximate to the horror of despair.
16. Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven seem to differ as perfect despair, imperfect despair, and security of salvation
differ.
21. Therefore, those preachers of indulgences err who say that, by the Pope's indulgence, a man may be
exempt from all punishments, and be saved.
22. Yea, the Pope remits the souls in Purgatory no penalty which they, according to the canons, would have had
to pay in this life.
23. If to anybody complete remission of all penalties may be granted, it is certain that it is granted only to those
most approaching perfection, that is, to very few.
24. Therefore the multitude is mislead by the boastful promise of the paid penalty, whereby no manner of
distinction is made.
26. The Pope acts most rightly in granting remission to souls, not by the power of the keys - which in Purgatory
he does not possess - but by way of intercession.
1 27. They preach vanity who say that the soul flies out of Purgatory as soon as the money thrown into the chest
rattles.
28. What is sure, is, that as soon as the penny rattles in the chest, gain and avarice are on the way of increase;
but the intercession of the church depends only on the will of God Himself.
32. On the way to eternal damnation are they and their teachers, who believe that they are sure of their
salvation through indulgences.
33. Beware well of those who say, the Pope's pardons are that inestimable gift of God by which man is
reconciled to God.
35. He preaches like a heathen who teaches that those who will deliver souls out of Purgatory or buy
indulgences do not need repentance and contrition.
36. Every Christian who feels sincere repentance and woe on account of his sins, has perfect remission of pain
and guilt even without letters of indulgence.
37. Every true Christian, be he still alive or already dead, partaketh in all benefits of Christ and of the Church
given him by God, even without letters of indulgence.
43. Christians should be taught, he who gives to the poor, or lends to a needy man, does better than buying
indulgence.
44. For, by the exercise of charity, charity increases and man grows better, while by means of indulgence, he
does not become better, but only freer from punishment.
47. Christians should be taught, the buying of indulgences is optional and not commanded.
54. Wrong is done to the word of God if one in the same sermon spends as much or more time on
79. He who says that the cross with the Pope's arms, solemnly set on high, has as much power as the Cross of
Christ, blasphemes God.
94. Christians should be exhorted to endeavor to follow Christ their Head through Cross, Death, and Hell,
95. And thus hope with confidence to enter Heaven through many miseries, rather than in false security.
Document 2:
In Praise of Folly: Desiderius Erasmus: Translated by John Wilson (1688​
)
But not to run too far in that which is infinite. To speak briefly, all Christian religion seems to have a kind of
alliance with folly and in no respect to have any accord with wisdom. Of which if you expect proofs, consider first
that boys, old men, women, and fools are more delighted with religious and sacred things than others, and to
that purpose are ever next the altars; and this they do by mere impulse of nature. And in the next place, you see
that those first founders of it were plain, simple persons and most bitter enemies of learning. Lastly there are no
sort of fools seem more out of the way than are these whom the zeal of Christian religion has once swallowed
up; so that they waste their estates, neglect injuries, suffer themselves to be cheated, put no difference between
friends and enemies, abhor pleasure, are crammed with poverty, watchings, tears, labors, reproaches, loathe
life, and wish death above all things; in short, they seem senseless to common understanding, as if their minds
lived elsewhere and not in their own bodies; which, what else is it than to be mad? For which reason you must
not think it so strange if the apostles seemed to be drunk with new wine,and if Paul appeared to Festus to be
mad. But now, having once gotten on the lion's skin, go to, and I'll show you that this happiness of Christians,
which they pursue with so much toil, is nothing else but a kind of madness and folly; far be it that my words
should give any offense, rather consider my matter. And first, the Christians and Platonists do as good as agree
in this, that the soul is plunged and fettered in the prison of the body, by the grossness of which it is so tied up
and hindered that it cannot take a view of or enjoy things as they truly are; and for that cause their master
defines philosophy to be a contemplation of death, because it takes off the mind from visible and corporeal
objects, than which death does no more. And therefore, as long as the soul uses the organs of the body in that
right manner it ought, so long it is said to be in good state and condition; but when, having broken its fetters, it
endeavors to get loose and assays, as it were, a flight out of that prison that holds it in, they call it madness; and
if this happen through any distemper or indisposition of the organs, then, by the common consent of every man,
'tis downright madness. And yet we see such kind of men foretell things to come, understand tongues and letters
they never learned before, and seem, as it were, big with a kind of divinity. Nor is it to be doubted but that it
proceeds from hence, that the mind, being somewhat at liberty from the infection of the body, begins to put forth
2 itself in its native vigor. And I conceive 'tis from the same cause that the like often happens to sick men a little
before their death, that they discourse in strain above mortality as if they were inspired. Again, if this happens
upon the score of religion, though perhaps it may not be the same kind of madness, yet 'tis so near it that a great
many men would judge it no better, especially when a few inconsiderable people shall differ from the rest of the
world in the whole course of their life. And therefore it fares with them as, according to the fiction of Plato,
happens to those that being cooped up in a cave stand gaping with admiration at the shadows of things; and
that fugitive who, having broke from them and returning to them again, told them he had seen things truly as
they were, and that they were the most mistaken in believing there was nothing but pitiful shadows. For as this
wise man pitied and bewailed their palpable madness that were possessed with so gross an error, so they in
return laughed at him as a doting fool and cast him out of their company. In like manner the common sort of men
chiefly admire those things that are most corporeal and almost believe there is nothing beyond them. Whereas
on the contrary, these devout persons, by how much the nearer anything concerns the body, by so much more
they neglect it and are wholly hurried away with the contemplation of things invisible. For the one give the first
place to riches, the next to their corporeal pleasures, leaving the last place to their soul, which yet most of them
do scarce believe, because they can't see it with their eyes. On the contrary, the others first rely wholly on God,
the most unchangeable of all things; and next him, yet on this that comes nearest him, they bestow the second on
their soul; and lastly, for their body, they neglect that care and condemn and fly money as superfluity that may
be well spared; or if they are forced to meddle with any of these things, they do it carelessly and much against
their wills, having as if they had it not, and possessing as if they possessed it not.
Document 3:
Machiavelli, ​
The Prince​
, Chapter 17
Concerning Cruelty And Clemency, And Whether It Is Better To Be Loved Than Feared
COMING now to the other qualities mentioned above, I say that every prince ought to desire to be considered
clement and not cruel. Nevertheless he ought to take care not to misuse this clemency. Cesare Borgia was
considered cruel; notwithstanding, his cruelty reconciled the Romagna, unified it, and restored it to peace and
loyalty. And if this be rightly considered, he will be seen to have been much more merciful than the Florentine
people, who, to avoid a reputation for cruelty, permitted Pistoia to be destroyed. Therefore a prince, so long as
he keeps his subjects united and loyal, ought not to mind the reproach of cruelty; because with a few examples
he will be more merciful than those who, through too much mercy, allow disorders to arise, from which follow
murders or robberies; for these are wont to injure the whole people, whilst those executions which originate
with a prince offend the individual only. ​
And of all princes, it is impossible for the new prince to avoid the
imputation of cruelty, owing to new states being full of dangers. Hence Virgil, through the mouth of Dido, excuses
the inhumanity of her reign owing to its being new, saying:​
Res dura, et regni novitas me talia coguntMoliri, et late
1​
fines custode tueri.​
​Nevertheless he ought to be slow to believe and to act, nor should he himself show fear, but
proceed in a temperate manner with prudence and humanity, so that too much confidence may not make him
incautious and too much distrust render him intolerable.
Upon this a question arises: whether it be better to be loved than feared or feared than loved? It may be
answered that one should wish to be both, but, because it is difficult to unite them in one person, is much safer to
be feared than loved, when, of the two, either must be dispensed with. Because this is to be asserted in general
of men, that they are ungrateful, fickle, false, cowardly, covetous, and as long as you succeed they are yours
entirely; they will offer you their blood, property, life and children, as is said above, when the need is far distant;
but when it approaches they turn against you. And that prince who, relying entirely on their promises, has
neglected other precautions, is ruined; because friendships that are obtained by payments, and not by
greatness or nobility of mind, may indeed be earned, but they are not secured, and in time of need cannot be
relied upon; and men have less scruple in offending one who is beloved than one who is feared, for love is
preserved by the link of obligation which, owing to the baseness of men, is broken at every opportunity for their
advantage; but fear preserves you by a dread of punishment which never fails.
Machiavelli, ​
The Prince​
, Chapter 18
3 How a prince should keep his word
How praiseworthy it is for a prince to keep his word and to live with integrity and not by cunning, everyone
knows. Nevertheless, one sees from experience in our times that the princes who have accomplished great
deeds are those who have thought little about keeping faith and who have known how cunningly to manipulate
men’s minds; and in the end they have surpassed those who laid their foundations upon sincerity.
Therefore, you must know that there are two modes of fighting: one in accordance with the laws, the other with
force. The first is proper to man, the second to beasts. But because the first, in many cases, is not sufficient, it
becomes necessary to have recourse to the second: therefore, a prince must know how to make good use of
the natures of both the beast and the man. This rule was taught to princes symbolically by the writers of
antiquity: they recounted how Achilles and many others of those ancient princes were given to Chiron the
centaur to be raised and cared for under his discipline. This can only mean that, having a half-beast and
half-man as a teacher, a prince must know how to employ the nature of the one and the other; for the one
without the other is not lasting.
Since, then, a prince must know how to make use of the nature of the beast, he should choose from among the
beasts the fox and the lion; for the lion cannot defend itself from traps, while the fox cannot protect itself from the
wolves. It is therefore necessary to be a fox, in order to recognize the traps, and a lion, in order to frighten the
wolves: those who base their behavior only on the lion do not understand things. A wise ruler, therefore, cannot
and should not keep his word when such an observance would be to his disadvantage, and when the reasons
that caused him to make a promise are removed. If men were all good, this precept would not be good. But
since men are a wicked lot and will not keep their promises to you, you likewise need not keep yours to them. A
prince never lacks legitimate reasons to color over his failure to keep his word. Of this, one could cite an
endless number of modern examples to show how many pacts and how many promises have been made null
and void because of the faithlessness of princes; and he who has known best how to use the ways of the fox has
come out best. But it is necessary to know how to color over this nature effectively, and to be a great pretender
and dissembler. Men are so simple-minded and so controlled by their immediate needs that he who deceives
will always find someone who will let himself be deceived.
Therefore, it is not necessary for a prince to possess all of the above-mentioned qualities, but it is very
necessary for him to appear to possess them. Furthermore, I shall dare to assert this: that having them and
always observing them is harmful, but appearing to observe them is useful: for instance, to appear merciful,
faithful, humane, trustworthy, religious, and to be so; but with his mind disposed in such a way that, should it
become necessary not to be so, he will be able and know how to change to the opposite. One must understand
this: a prince, and especially a new prince, cannot observe all those things for which men are considered good,
because in order to maintain the state he must often act against his faith, against charity, against humanity, and
against religion. And so it is necessary that he should have a mind ready to turn itself according to the way the
winds of Fortune and the changing circumstances command him. And, as I said above, he should not depart
from the good if it is possible to do so, but he should know how to enter into evil when forced by necessity.
Therefore, a prince must be very careful never to let anything fall from his lips that is not imbued with the five
qualities mentioned above; to those seeing and hearing him, he should appear to be all mercy, all faithfulness, all
integrity, all humanity, and all religion. And there is nothing more necessary than to seem to possess this last
quality. Men in general judge more by their eyes than their hands: everyone can see, but few can feel.
Everyone sees what you seem to be, few touch upon what you are, and those few do not dare to contradict the
opinion of the many who have the majesty of the state to defend them. In the actions of all men, and especially of
princes, where there is no tribunal to which to appeal, one must consider the final result. Therefore, let a prince
conquer and maintain the state, and his methods will always be judged honorable and praised by all. For
ordinary people are always taken in by appearances and by the outcome of an event. And in the world there
are only ordinary people; and the few have no place, while the many have a spot on which to lean. A certain
prince of the present times, whom it is best not to name, preaches nothing but peace and faith, and to both one
4 and the other he is extremely hostile. If he had observed both peace and faith, he would have had either his
reputation or his state taken away from him many times over.
Document 4:
Sir Thomas More, ​
Utopia, ​
1516
Sir Thomas More was an English lawyer, writer, and statesman. He was at one time one of Henry VIII's most
trusted civil servants, becoming Chancellor of England in 1529.
However, More was also a passionate defender of Catholic orthodoxy. More wrote in the 16th century, at the
time of the Reformation, which set out to reform the Catholic Church in Europe and resulted in the development
of Protestantism. When Henry established the Anglican Church, which allowed him to divorce Catherine of
Aragon, More resigned his chancellorship. He continued to argue against the king's divorce, the Reformation
and the split with the Catholic church. He was tried for treason and executed by beheading on July 6th 1535.
OF THEIR TOWNS, PARTICULARLY OF AMAUROT
“He that knows one of their towns knows them all—they are so like one another, except where the situation
makes some difference. I shall therefore describe one of them, and none is so proper as Amaurot; for as none
is more eminent (all the rest yielding in precedence to this, because it is the seat of their supreme council), so
there was none of them better known to me, I having lived five years all together in it.
“It lies upon the side of a hill, or, rather, a rising ground. Its figure is almost square, for from the one side of it,
which shoots up almost to the top of the hill, it runs down, in a descent for two miles, to the river Anider; but it is a
little broader the other way that runs along by the bank of that river. The Anider rises about eighty miles above
Amaurot, in a small spring at first. But other brooks falling into it, of which two are more considerable than the
rest, as it runs by Amaurot it is grown half a mile broad; but, it still grows larger and larger, till, after sixty miles’
course below it, it is lost in the ocean. Between the town and the sea, and for some miles above the town, it ebbs
and flows every six hours with a strong current. The tide comes up about thirty miles so full that there is nothing
but salt water in the river, the fresh water being driven back with its force; and above that, for some miles, the
water is brackish; but a little higher, as it runs by the town, it is quite fresh; and when the tide ebbs, it continues
fresh all along to the sea. There is a bridge cast over the river, not of timber, but of fair stone, consisting of
many stately arches; it lies at that part of the town which is farthest from the sea, so that the ships, without any
hindrance, lie all along the side of the town. There is, likewise, another river that runs by it, which, though it is not
great, yet it runs pleasantly, for it rises out of the same hill on which the town stands, and so runs down through
it and falls into the Anider. The inhabitants have fortified the fountain-head of this river, which springs a little
without the towns; that so, if they should happen to be besieged, the enemy might not be able to stop or divert
the course of the water, nor poison it; from thence it is carried, in earthen pipes, to the lower streets. And for
those places of the town to which the water of that small river cannot be conveyed, they have great cisterns for
receiving the rain-water, which supplies the want of the other. The town is compassed with a high and thick wall,
5 in which there are many towers and forts; there is also a broad and deep dry ditch, set thick with thorns, cast
round three sides of the town, and the river is instead of a ditch on the fourth side. The streets are very
convenient for all carriage, and are well sheltered from the winds. Their buildings are good, and are so uniform
that a whole side of a street looks like one house. The streets are twenty feet broad; there lie gardens behind all
their houses. These are large, but enclosed with buildings, that on all hands face the streets, so that every
house has both a door to the street and a back door to the garden. Their doors have all two leaves, which, as
they are easily opened, so they shut of their own accord; and, there being no property among them, every man
may freely enter into any house whatsoever. At every ten years’ end they shift their houses by lots. They
cultivate their gardens with great care, so that they have both vines, fruits, herbs, and flowers in them; and all is
so well ordered and so finely kept that I never saw gardens anywhere that were both so fruitful and so beautiful
as theirs. And this humour of ordering their gardens so well is not only kept up by the pleasure they find in it, but
also by an emulation between the inhabitants of the several streets, who vie with each other. And there is,
indeed, nothing belonging to the whole town that is both more useful and more pleasant. So that he who
founded the town seems to have taken care of nothing more than of their gardens; for they say the whole
scheme of the town was designed at first by Utopus, but he left all that belonged to the ornament and
improvement of it to be added by those that should come after him, that being too much for one man to bring to
perfection. Their records, that contain the history of their town and State, are preserved with an exact care,
and run backwards seventeen hundred and sixty years. From these it appears that their houses were at first
low and mean, like cottages, made of any sort of timber, and were built with mud walls and thatched with straw.
But now their houses are three storeys high, the fronts of them are faced either with stone, plastering, or brick,
and between the facings of their walls they throw in their rubbish. Their roofs are flat, and on them they lay a
sort of plaster, which costs very little, and yet is so tempered that it is not apt to take fire, and yet resists the
weather more than lead. They have great quantities of glass among them, with which they glaze their windows;
they use also in their windows a thin linen cloth, that is so oiled or gummed that it both keeps out the wind and
gives free admission to the light.
OF THEIR MAGISTRATES
“Thirty families choose every year a magistrate, who was anciently called the Syphogrant, but is now called the
Philarch; and over every ten Syphogrants, with the families subject to them, there is another magistrate, who
was anciently called the Tranibore, but of late the Archphilarch. All the Syphogrants, who are in number two
hundred, choose the Prince out of a list of four who are named by the people of the four divisions of the city; but
they take an oath, before they proceed to an election, that they will choose him whom they think most fit for the
office: they give him their voices secretly, so that it is not known for whom every one gives his suffrage. The
Prince is for life, unless he is removed upon suspicion of some design to enslave the people. The Tranibors are
new chosen every year, but yet they are, for the most part, continued; all their other magistrates are only
annual. The Tranibors meet every third day, and oftener if necessary, and consult with the Prince either
6 concerning the affairs of the State in general, or such private differences as may arise sometimes among the
people, though that falls out but seldom. There are always two Syphogrants called into the council chamber,
and these are changed every day. It is a fundamental rule of their government, that no conclusion can be made
in anything that relates to the public till it has been first debated three several days in their council. It is death for
any to meet and consult concerning the State, unless it be either in their ordinary council, or in the assembly of
the whole body of the people.
“These things have been so provided among them that the Prince and the Tranibors may not conspire together
to change the government and enslave the people; and therefore when anything of great importance is set on
foot, it is sent to the Syphogrants, who, after they have communicated it to the families that belong to their
divisions, and have considered it among themselves, make report to the senate; and, upon great occasions, the
matter is referred to the council of the whole island. One rule observed in their council is, never to debate a
thing on the same day in which it is first proposed; for that is always referred to the next meeting, that so men
may not rashly and in the heat of discourse engage themselves too soon, which might bias them so much that,
instead of consulting the good of the public, they might rather study to support their first opinions, and by a
perverse and preposterous sort of shame hazard their country rather than endanger their own reputation, or
venture the being suspected to
Document 5:
John Calvin, ​
Institutes of Christian Religion, ​
1536
CHAPTER 7.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE SPIRIT NECESSARY TO GIVE FULL AUTHORITY TO
SCRIPTURE. THE IMPIETY OF PRETENDING THAT THE CREDIBILITY OF SCRIPTURE
DEPENDS ON THE JUDGMENT OF THE CHURCH.
Section.
1. The authority of Scripture derived not from men, but from the Spirit of God. Objection, That Scripture
depends on the decision of the Church. Refutation, I. The truth of God would thus be subjected to the will of man.
II. It is insulting to the Holy Spirit. III. It establishes a tyranny in the Church. IV. It forms a mass of errors. V. It
subverts conscience. VI. It exposes our faith to the scoffs of the profane.
2. Another reply to the objection drawn from the words of the Apostle Paul. Solution of the difficulties started
by opponents. A second objection refuted.
3. A third objection founded on a sentiment of Augustine considered.
4. Conclusion, That the authority of Scripture is founded on its being spoken by God. This confirmed by the
conscience of the godly, and the consent of all men of the least candour. A fourth objection common in the
mouths of the profane. Refutation.
5. Last and necessary conclusion, That the authority of Scripture it sealed on the hearts of believers by the
7 testimony of the Holy Spirit.The certainty of this testimony. Confirmation of it from a passage of
Isaiah, and the experience of believers. Also, from another passage o Isaiah.
Document 6:
THE EDICT OF NANTES, 1562-1598
Excerpts:
Henry, By the Grace of God, King of France, and Navarre, To all Present, and to Come, greeteth. Among the
infinite Mercies that God hath pleased to bestow upon us, that most Signal and Remarkable is, his having given
us Power and Strength not to yield to the dreadful Troubles, Confusions, and Disorders, which were found at
our coming to this Kingdom, divided into so many Parties and Factions, that the most Legitimate was almost the
least, enabling us with Constancy in such manner to oppose the Storm, as in the end to surmount it, reducing this
Estate to Peace and Rest; For which, to Him alone be given the Honour and Glory, and us the Grace to
acknowledge our obligation, in having our Labours made use of for the accomplishing so good a work, in which
it hath been visible to all, that we have not only done what was our Duty, and in our Power, but something more
than at another time, would (peradventure) have been agreeable to the Dignity we now hold; as in not having
more Care, than to have many times so freely exposed our own Life. And in this great concurrence of weighty
and perilous Affairs, not being able to compose all at one and the same time, We have chosen in this order, First
to undertake those who were not to be suppressed but by force, and rather to remit and suspend others for
some time, who might be dealt with by reason, and Justice: For the general difference among our good Subjects,
and the particular evils of the soundest parts of the State, we judged might be easily cured, after the Principal
cause (the continuation of the Civil Wars) was taken away, in which we have, by the blessing of God, well and
happily succeeded, all Hostility and Wars through the Kingdom being now ceased, and we hope he will also
prosper us in our other affairs, which remain to be composed, and that by this means we shall arrive at the
establishment of a good Peace, with tranquility and rest, (which hath ever been the end of all our vows and
intentions) as all the reward we desire or expect for 80 much pains and trouble, as we have taken in the whole
course of our Life. Amongst our said affairs (towards which it behooves us to have patience) one of the principal
hath been, the many complaints we received from divers of our Provinces and Catholic Cities, for that the
exercise of the Catholic Religion was not universally re-established, as is provided by Edicts or Statutes
heretofore made for the Pacification of the Troubles arising from Religion; as also the Supplications and
Remonstrances which have been made to us by our Subjects of the reformed Religion, as well upon the
execution of what hath been granted by the said former Laws, as that they desire to have some addition for the
exercise of their Religion, the liberty of their Consciences and the security of their Persons and Fortunes. . . . For
this cause, acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance, and worthy of the best consideration,
after having considered the papers of complaints of our Catholick subjects, and having also permitted to our
Subjects of the Reformed Religion to assemble themselves by Deputies, for framing their complaints, and making
a collection of all their Remonstrances; and having thereupon conferred divers times with them, viewing the
8 precedent Laws, we have upon the whole judged it necessary to give to all our said Subjects one general Law,
Clear, Pure, and Absolute, by which they shall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore risen among
them, or may hereafter rise, wherewith the one and other may be contented, being framed according as the
time requires: and having had no other regard in this deliberation than solely the Zeal we have to the service of
God, praying that he would henceforward render to all our subjects a durable and Established peace. Upon
which we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour, as he hath alwayes visibly
bestowed upon this Kingdom from our Birth, during the many years we have attained unto, and give our said
Subjects the grace to understand, that in observation of this our Ordinance consisteth (after that which is their
duty toward God and us) the principal foundation of their Union, Concord, Tranquility, Rest, and the
Re-establishment of all this Estate in its first splendor, opulency and strength. . . .
6. And not to leave any occasion of trouble and difference among our Subjects, we have permitted and do
permit to those of the Reformed Religion, to live and dwell in all the Cities and places of this our Kingdom and
Countries under our obedience, without being inquired after, vexed, molested, or compelled to do any thing in
Religion, contrary to their Conscience, nor by reason of the same be searched after in houses or places where
they live, they comporting themselves in other things as is contained in this our present Edict or Statute.
7. We also permit to all Lords, Gentlemen and other Persons, as well inhabitants as others, making profession of
the Reformed Religion, having in our Kingdom and Countries under our obedience, high Justice as chief Lord (as
in Normandy) be it in proprietary or usage, in whole, moiety, or third part, to have in such of their houses of the
said high Justice or Fiefs, as above said (which they shall be obliged to Nominate for their principal residence to
our Bailiffs and chief Justice each in their jurisdiction) the exercise of the said Religion as long as they are
Resident there, and in their absence, their wives or families, or part of the same. And though the right of Justice
or whole Fief be controverted, nevertheless the exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed there, provided
that the above said be in actual possession of the said high Justice, though our Attorney Generall be a Party. We
permitting them also to have the said exercise in their other houses of high Justice or Fiefs above said, so long
as they shall be present, and not otherwise: and all, as well for them, their families and subjects, as others that
shall go thither.
8. In the Houses that are Fiefs, where those of the said Religion have not high Justice, there the said Exercise of
the Reformed Religion shall not be permitted, save only to their own Families, yet nevertheless, if other persons,
to the number of thirty, besides their Families, shall be there upon the occasion of Christenings, Visits of their
Friends, or otherwise, our meaning is, that in such case they shall not be molested: provided also, that the said
Houses be not within Cities, Boroughs, or Villages belonging to any Catholic Lord (save to Us) having high Justice,
in which the said Catholic Lords have their Houses. For in such cases, those of the said Religion shall not hold the
said Exercise in the said Cities, Boroughs, or Villages, except by permission of the said Lords high Justices.
9. We permit also to those of the said Religion to hold, and continue the Exercise of the same in all the Cities and
Places under our obedience, where it hath by them been Established and made public by many and divers
9 times, in the Year 1586, and in 1597, until the end of the Month of August, notwithstanding all Decrees and
Judgments whatsoever to the contrary. . . .
16. Following the second Article of the Conference of Nerat, we grant to those of the said Religion power to build
Places for the Exercise of the same, in Cities and Places where it is granted them. . . .
27. To the end to reunited so much the better the minds and good will of our Subjects, as is our intention, and to
take away all complaints for the future; We declare all those who make or shall make profession of the said
Reformed Religion, to be capable of holding and exercising all Estates, Dignities, Offices, and public charges
whatsoever, Royal, Signioral, or of Cities of our Kingdom, Country's, Lands, and Lordships under our obedience,
notwithstanding all Oaths to the contrary, and to be indifferently admitted and received into the same, and our
Court of Parliament and other Judges shall content themselves with informing and inquiring after the lives,
manners, Religion and honest Conversation of those that were or shall be preferred to such offices, as well of
the one Religion as the other, without taking other Oath of them than for the good and faithful service of the King
in the exercise of their Office. . . .
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