January 2016
Migration in Slums of Kolkata: Examining Migrants’ Labour Market Outcomes
Working Paper for National Institute of Urban Affairs under SHRAMIC (Strengthen and
Harmonize Research and Action on Migration in Indian Context) Portal
Arpita Banerjee
Abstract
Migration is an integral part of human existence where people move from one politically welldefined area to another. The movement may vary from temporary/circulatory to relatively
permanent nature and involves change in residence between two places. Although several
propositions have put forward to explain why people move, the ‘push-pull’ paradigm remains to
be dominant. That is migration is primarily from peasant based/economically depressed areas to
industrialized zones or from peripheral to core areas.
Citing several reasons regarding people’s spatial mobility, studies have shown that job
opportunities, higher wages, better infrastructural conditions prevalent in the destination,
especially cities motivate migration. Upon migrating into cities, the rural/urban poor migrants
find a niche in city slums which offers low cost living and working arrangements.
Based on primary survey in the slums of Kolkata, the present study reveals that poor migrants
are mainly drawn from economically depressed areas of West Bengal and Bihar. The migrants
primarily belong to lower strata of the society and are dominantly illiterate or informally
educated. Although, these people find work for major part of the year, a large number of them
are self-employed. Wherever, they are into regular salaried jobs, the migrants are engaged in
petty manufacturing, factory workers, retail trade, hotels and restaurants, transport sector and
as domestic maids, all of which promise scant upward mobility. Additionally, working hours are
too long – ranging from 8 to 16-17 hours in a day. The workers suffer from various labour
market issues like insecurity of jobs, late and non-payment of wages, intermittent availability of
work, absence of job contract and social securities. Additionally, payment in piece-rate basis
adds greater flexibility to the employers. Equally miserable is their housing conditions where the
migrants reside and work.
Besides, being engaged into urban labour market, the poor male migrants maintain circulatory
movement to their native places for agricultural and MGNREGA work. Such evidences points
towards migrants’ anchorage to land as well as diversifying income to mitigate financial crisis.
The paper suggests that the poor migrants mostly find employment in the informal sector of the
city’s economy. Yet, they dispense important functions to the city dwellers in terms of security
guards, domestic servants, drivers, barring which a city life is difficult to imagine.
2
Introduction
India’s population has been considered as one of the least mobile populations of the world.
Migration rates in India are desperately low in comparison to most of the European and North
American countries (Khullar 2000). The phenomenon has historically been established.
According to Davis (1951) who analysed place of birth statistics from 1931 Census, in United
States, 23 percent of the native population lived outside the state in which they were born while
in case of India, this figure stood at around 4 percent. At the very census, some 90 percent were
enumerated in the district in which they were born and of the rest, around 7 percent were born
in the neighboring districts. This had been supported by Zachariah (1964) during his study of
interstate migration in India between 1902 and 1931. Although higher than earlier decades,
migration rate in India has remained almost constant, since 19711. Presently, migration rate in
India is 30.7 percent (Census 2001). However, the latest data on migration for 2011 is yet
unpublished.
In absence of continuous recording of the details of people’s movement, estimates of in and out
migration from Census of India, one can also gain sufficient insights from data provided by
National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO). Migration data in India by NSSO was first
collected in 9th Round (1955). Including 9th and subsequent Rounds (11th Round, 1956 and 12th
Round, 1957) migration particulars were collected for the labour force population only. In 13th
Round (1957-1958) onwards more detailed information in migration were collected. In the 18th
Round (1963-1964), survey on internal migration was conducted on a much larger scale with a
view to provide estimates comparable to the Census data on internal migration. In the 28th
Round (1973-1974) survey on birth, death and disability, migration particulars of the usual
members of the sample households were also collected. Collection of migration data was
integrated with regular quinquennial survey on employment and unemployment on 38th Round
(1983), 43rd Round (1987-1988) and in 55th Round (1999-2000). During 49th Round, migration
particulars is collected with housing conditions in India. 64th Round (2007-2008) is the latest
data on migration in India which highlights on migration particulars along with employment and
unemployment characteristics of the migrants.
According to NSSO, a member of sample household is treated as a migrant if s/he had stayed
continuously for at least six months or more in a place (village/town) other than the village town
where s/he was enumerated. The village/town where a person had stayed continuously for at
least six months or more prior to moving to the place of enumeration (village/town) was
referred to as ‘last usual place of residence’ of that migrated person. According to NSSO,
migration rate in India is 28.5 percent (2007-08), an estimate somewhat lower than Census of
India.
Additionally, the latest available round of NSSO (64th Round, 2007-08) provides informational on
short term migrants. Short term migrants are those who had stayed away from village/town for
a period of one month or more but less than six months for employment purposes.
Although, there are many factors guiding migration, the ‘push-pull’ paradigm remains dominant.
That is push of the origin areas like unemployment, lack of work opportunities, poverty, lower
wages and pull of the destination like work opportunities, higher wages, better civic amenities
etc. (Yang 1979; Sridhar and Reddy 2011). That is to say, migration for employment purposes is
the principal cause, especially for men. They undertake both short and long duration movements
1
According to Census of India, migration rate in 1971 was 30.6 percent, which increased marginally to
31.2 percent in 1981, then declined to 27.7 percent in 1991 and again increased to 30.7 percent in 2001.
3
in nearby and distant place with the main objective of betterment of life. Even though, the
migrant undergo a lot of discomfort and difficulties, which accompanied such movement, they
are prepared to take risks in an alien land so as to make a living for their families.
The poor migrants are not regularly employed, they are intermittently employed or unemployed
and they find out meager existence in retail or in petty manufacturing. In short, the migrants are
mostly absorbed into the informal sector of the urban economy. Migrants from poor socioeconomic background have less access to formal education. Moreover, due to caste/class overlap
they are more vulnerable both as workers as well as migrants (Papanek 1985; Srivastava and
Sasikumar 2003). Yet, lack of proper employment, lack of non-agricultural employment in rural
areas, low and inadequate wages, low to marginal land-holding, coupled with a desire to change
their life situation has driven them towards urban areas (Lingam 1998a; Singh 2007).
Many of the illiterate migrants are compelled to crowd in city slums and remain there as low
grade workers (Mukherji 2001). Since, the migrants enter into the city for employment reasons;
they cannot afford the luxury of remaining unemployed even for a short period. More often than
not, they take up jobs, perhaps unmindful of the wages and it comes mainly from the informal
sector (Duriasamy and Narasimhan 1997). Hence most of the men and women crowd in the
informal sector of the economy where the wages are low, competition severe and insecurity predominate. If they are engaged in household production, the equipment used is very rudimentary
and employs very few workers. Thus, the levels clearly indicate the low skill intensity and
marginality of various activities.
Within the informal sector, migrants, especially women are engaged in manufacturing of various
sorts that require minimum skill, engage in petty trade, construction activities, and also in other
services like domestic help, scavengers etc. Although these migrants fill a big gap in the urban
demand of such works, they remain marginal to the overall economy in the country in the sense
towards their contribution in income generation (Premi 1980). Not only they are concentrated
in the informal sector of the economy with low income, the working conditions faced by them
are too severe with poor working conditions, longer duration of work including mental and
sexual harassment at the work sites. They are cheap and docile sources of labour for low grade
and repetitive work and thus are largely preferred by the employers (Srivastava 1998; Ghosh
2002; Oishi 2002).
Within this context, the present work throws some light on poor migrants residing in slums of
Kolkata. These migrants include both long terms migrants who are almost settled in the city as
well as short term migrants, especially men who moved alone in the city and maintain a
circulatory movement between the village and the city. The study tries to trace the origin of the
migrants, reasons for their movement into the city and deeply explores their labour markets
issues and outcomes like work participation rate, work status, working hours, occupational
mobility of the workers etc. and its class/caste intercepts.
Prior to, detailing out the life trajectory of the migrants, the paper discusses the trends and
patterns of migration in a broader context of urban India, West Bengal and Kolkata. The study
also throws some light on the migrants’ labour market participation and its outcomes.
Accordingly, the paper is divided into three sections. Following the introduction, the paper
works out the trends and patterns of migration in urban India, West Bengal and Kolkata in the
first section. Moreover, this section also looks at the migrants’ labour market participation in
three different contexts and tries to analyse the differential impact of a mega city in providing
livelihood opportunities to the migrants. The second section contextualizes the intricate
relationship between slum development and influx of poor migrants to Kolkata from various
literatures. Further, this section focuses on the migrant slum dwellers in Kolkata (based on
4
primary survey) and discuses their labour market outcomes in both qualitative and quantitative
terms. The final section concludes the study.
I Trends and Patterns of Migration in India, West Bengal and Kolkata
Urbanisation and migration in any particular area are closely related to each other. The
contribution of migration in the urbanisation process depends on the nature and pattern of
mobility (Bhagat and Mohanty 2009). According to the 2011 Census, percentage of population
living in urban areas increased from 28 to 31 percent from 2001 to 2011. While assessing the
contribution of net rural-urban migration to the urbanisation process (1991-2001), Kundu
(2003)2 estimated its proportion to be 21 percent. More recently, Bhagat and Mohanty (2009),
using the actual migration data from Census 2001 and adjusting for the natural increase of intercensal migrant population arrived at the same conclusion. However, according to them, if the
unclassified decennial migrant population in urban population is classified as rural-urban
migrants then the contribution of migration would increase to 22 percent. Turning our attention
to the recent data of 2011, Bhagat (2011) has worked out the component of urbanisation into
natural increase, net rural-urban classification and rural-urban migration. He has shown that the
component of natural increase of urban population has declined from 62 to 44 percent in 19811991 to 2001-2011; a substantial increase in the urban population thus seems to be due to ruralurban (re)classification and net rural-urban migration (Bhagat 2011). However, Kundu (2011b)
attributes this rise in urban population mainly to large increase of new towns rather than ruralurban migration.
In the absence of recent migration data from Census 2011, no clear statement can be concluded
in this regard. Thus, the present study is based on data findings from latest round of National
Sample Survey Organization, 2007-08. Quite opposed to Census figures, where urban migration
rate varies across the years, figures from NSSO suggest a constant increase at all India since
19933. Interestingly, in urban West Bengal where the migration rate was higher than India in the
initial year shows decline and in 2007-08, this figure is lower than urban India. Kolkata4 shows
lower migration rate as compared to urban west Bengal and India. Studies have pointed out that
development of other urban centres like Assansol, Durgapur and Siliguri in the state absorbs
large part of local workers. Moreover, the state receives less inter-state urban migrants with the
declining importance of Kolkata with simultaneous growth of other mega cities like Delhi and
Mumbai in the country (Roy 1994; Kundu and Gupta 2000) (Table 1).
2
Kundu (2003) had earlier estimated the contribution of net rural-urban migration along with natural
increase, (net) population of new towns, increase due to expansion of existing towns and merger of towns
into them.
3
According to Census of India, urban migration rate in 1971 was 40.0 percent, which decreased to 38.8
and 32.3 percent in 1981 and 1991 respectively and again increased to 41.8 percent in 2001.
4
While considering Kolkata, the entire district which is totally an urban area is taken into account. No
separate district wise data for Kolkata is available for 1993 and 1999-00.
5
Table 1: Urban Migration Rate in India, West Bengal and Kolkata
Urban India
Urban West Bengal
Kolkata
NSS Rounds
Male Female Persons Male Female Persons Male Female Persons
1993 (Jan-Jun)
23.9
38.2
30.7 28.2
40.7
34.0
NA
NA
NA
1999-00 (Jul-Jun) 25.7
41.8
33.4 28.5
47.0
37.4
NA
NA
NA
2007-08 (Jul-Jun) 25.9
45.6
35.4 23.3
48.2
35.3 26.1
36.6
30.9
Source: National Sample Survey Organization, Migration in India, various years
The declining attraction of West Bengal to the migrants is also noticed in terms of accessing
economic opportunities. That is in India (2007-08), where 22 percent of the urban migrants
move for employment purposes, in West Bengal this figure drops to 18 percent. More explicitly,
56 percent men moved for employment purposes in urban India as contrast to only 48 percent in
West Bengal. That is lesser number of male migrants choose West Bengal as an option for
livelihood. Figures for Kolkata suggest a completely different picture. About, 49 percent of the
total migrants moved for work purposes and for men the figure is a high as 69 percent –
suggesting, wide range of economic spectrum offered by the city in providing livelihood
opportunities to the migrants. Similarly, work participation rate of migrants in Kolkata (44.5
percent) is much higher than West Bengal (34.7 percent) and in India (37.3 percent).
The findings further suggest that the city not only provides greater job opportunities to its
migrants, it also assures secured jobs. That is to say the share of regular salaried wage workers
among the migrants is highest in Kolkata as compared to that of urban India and in West Bengal.
Highest share of regular salaried workers is noted among women migrants in Kolkata, which
calls for further exploration of the data to find out the avenues of employment of these women
workers (Figure 1).
This higher incidence of work participation rate and engagement into regular salaried jobs in
Kolkata becomes clear once we look at the educational attainments of the migrants. The urban
areas as a whole and specifically cities offer low job prospectus to illiterate or semi-literate
migrants. For example, about 19 and 22 percent of migrant workers in urban India and West
Bengal are illiterate as compared to only 17 percent in Kolkata. Further, more than one-fourth
and slightly less than one-third of migrant workers in India and West Bengal have educational
attainments up to middle standard. Such condition gets aggravated in large cities like Kolkata
which require more skill and education. That is to say, large proportions of migrant workers in
Kolkata have educational attainment up to middle standard (38 percent) as compared to India
and West Bengal.
Moreover, given lower level of educational and skill attainments, labour-market entry for
illiterate women migrants in the city is particularly difficult. That is, only 12 percent of women
workers in Kolkata are illiterate. In contrast, more than one-third of women workers in Kolkata
are graduate and above which further entails their large presence in regular salaried jobs (Raju
2010) (Table A1).
6
11.9 19.9 14.2 13.0 10.8 12.3 15.5 11.7 14.8
India
Self-employed
employed
West Bengal
Regular salaried
14.5
29.2
Persons
Male
Persons
Female
Male
Persons
47.2 40.1
32.3 44.6 35.8 37.0
32.3
73.9 56.0
Female
42.0 47.5
55.8 35.5 50.0 50.0
52.2
Female
100.0
80.0
60.0
40.0
20.0
0.0
Male
Migrant Workers (percent)
Figure 1: Work Status of Migrant Workers, 2007
2007-08
Kolkata
Casual labourers
Source: Unit Level data of NSSO, Migration in India, 64th Round (2007-08)
As pointed out in the previous paragraph, that Kolkata provides more of employment
opportunities; it is of utmost importance to find out the exact avenu
avenues
es of employment workers
are engaged into. Considering all work statuses, sectoral segregation of the workers revel that
urban areas provide least scope for primary activities. Nearly on
one-fourth
fourth of the migrants are into
manufacturing sector in India which increases to nearly one
one-third
third in West Bengal and in Kolkata.
Another sector which provides livelihood possibilities to the migrants are wholesale and retail
trade, hotels and restaurants. Inte
terestingly,
restingly, educational sector which provides employment to
11-15% of the total women workers in India and West Bengal employs 34 percent of women in
Kolkata. Higher education of graduate and above must have influence
influenced these women to migrate
and work as teachers in the city. For example, as high as 63 percent of the regular salaried
women workers in educational sectors are graduate and above. At the other end, nearly 22
percent of women workers work as domestic maid in Kolkata which is as low as 9 percent
per
in
India and 18 percent in West
est Bengal (Table A2).
Discussion on migrant workers remains incomplete, unless one explores the nexus between
migration and caste/class overlap. Distribution of population across four quartile classes by
Monthly Per capitaa Consumption Expenditur
Expenditure reveals that migration rate is lowest in the first
quartile class and it systematically increases from lowest to highest order quartile classes (Table
2).
7
Table 2: Migration Rate across Quartile Classes in Urban India,
West Bengal and in Kolkata
India
Male
First quartile
Second quartile
Third quartile
Forth quartile
Total
West Bengal
Female
Persons
12.6
38.8
25.8
19.9
43.8
29.6
Male
Kolkata
Female
Persons
15.0
42.3
29.0
31.4
20.4
47.1
48.0
38.3
29.1
40.5
52.4
46.1
25.9
45.6
35.4
Male
Female
Persons
24.6
29.0
26.7
32.8
28.4
30.0
29.1
51.7
39.4
24.9
37.0
29.9
29.7
53.3
41.2
26.4
43.1
34.7
23.3
48.2
35.3
26.1
36.6
30.9
Source: Unit Level data of NSSO, Migration in India, 64th Round (2007-08)
Such an observation holds true for India, West Bengal and in Kolkata. Interestingly, as Table 2
suggests, migration of poor men is much higher in Kolkata as compared to India and West
Bengal, suggesting inflow of men for employment reasons. A further cross-classification of the
data reveals a clear consensus that migration rate of the poorer people is dominated by
Scheduled Caste as compared to the rich and upper classes in both India and in West Bengal.
However, no such pattern is noted in Kolkata. Migration in Kolkata is dominated by nonScheduled Caste irrespective of quartile classes. A delve into their labour market shows that
work participation rate of the poorer people is highest in urban West Bengal only. No such
relationship emerges at all India level and in Kolkata. Further, as pointed out in earlier,
proportion of casual labourers in highest in Kolkata, the present study further affirms this
proposition. Data reveals that casual labour is highest among the poorest male migrants in the
city while their counterparts in urban India and in West Bengal are principally self-employed.
This suggests how the poor migrants are drawn into the city and they find employment in the
informal sector. An in-depth study of this is carried out in the next section of this paper (Table
A3) .
The above discussion calls to few inferences.
Firstly, the cities like Kolkata provide greater livelihood options and placement into most
secured category of employment. But, one needs to look at it critically, as regular salaried job
encompasses great variety of jobs ranging from administrators, teachers to domestic maid.
Given lower educational and skill attainments, finding work in the city seems to be difficult for
the poor migrants in Kolkata. Where ever, they are employed, they principally work as casual
labourers – suggesting multiple vulnerabilities as migrants, as poors, as illiterates and as wage
labourers.
Secondly, majority of the migrants are engaged into manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade
and in transport sector, while women are typically concentrated into educational sectors or as
domestic maids – typically designated as ‘feminine’.
Thirdly, growing demand of city life and increased participation of women in productive
activities necessitates requirement of domestic help which can best be filled up by migrant
women workers. Although, coming under the purview of regular salaried workers, these women
workers are at the lower rung of the economic hierarchy with least hope of economic mobility.
8
II Migration and Slum Development in Kolkata
The rural-urban migration of men which is often linked to the strategy of livelihood has gone
down systematically over the years. For example, it reduced from 32 percent in 1999-2000 to 31
percent in 2007-2008. Such a trend has been due to the process of urbanisation under
globalising processes making the cities less affordable to the poor as well as slum clearances
which have made the living of migrants somewhat difficult in the urban areas. At the same time,
the capture of land by urban elite, infra-structural development under ongoing urban missions,
pricing, and non-affordability of basic amenities by the poor, aspects of elite capture in
governance etc. are explanations for this sluggish rural-urban transformation. Even though there
exists limited livelihood opportunities in rural areas, for this type of urban development
manifests the exclusionary urbanisation in the country, prohibiting or discouraging in-migration
of persons from the low social and economic categories from gaining a foothold in the cities and
a stifling dynamics of development at the lowest level of urban hierarchy (Kundu 2011a and
2011b; Mahadevia 2011). This suggests that in spite of several investments taking place in urban
areas they are gradually becoming places of alienation for the rural poor, although there is an
increase in seasonal and circulatory labour mobility (Srivastava and Bhattacharya 2003;
Srivastava 2011).
That said, urban migration rate of the poorer people is lower at all the levels as compared to the
richer classes – which is also well justified in the previous section of the study. However,
migration rate of poor men moving towards Kolkata is some what higher than India and in West
Bengal. Such findings definitely suggest that Kolkata throws open certain opportunities to the
poor people. Within this background, the main question posed is where do these people head
towards or where in the city they find shelter and work?
Several studies have shown that the slums and pavements give refuge to a large number of poor
migrants. For example, in a study of Mumbai slum, Narayanan et. al. (2008) observed that 92
percent of the residents were migrants. In another study of Kolkata slums, Mukhopadhyay
(1993) has shown that majority of the households are composed of rural migrants who typically
speak Hindi. That is, the city of Kolkata provides living and employment opportunities to the
migrants from lower economic rungs of the society. They reside in slums and are variously
engaged in the field of transportation – van, rickshaw pullers, manufacturing – small scale and
other services like metal, textile, timber, food and other products and small scale trading of
goods. Sometimes there is existence of trading and manufacturing units within the slums5 and
even the slum dwellers are employed outside their residential areas as sweepers and in other
menial jobs (Roy 1994; Dey and Dasgupta 2010).
Against this backdrop, the study tries to analyse how migration and slum development is
intricately related in Kolkata. Dated back to more than three hundred years, the city of Kolkata
was founded by the British as a port city in 1690 mainly to travel conveniently to their
homeland, but also to serve as an easy way to import finished goods and raw materials. In 1772,
Kolkata became the capital of British India, and retained the status till 1912 when the British
government moved the capital to Delhi.
5
In the entire declared bustee areas of Kolkata, there are some 3736 complete industrial establishments of
metallic products, leather products, timber paper, printing and binding, food stuff dairy products, earthen
goods etc (Roy 1994).
9
With the growing importance of the city, communication system was well developed and for
further improvement docks were built. It must be noted that up to 1866, the port of Kolkata had
a very small hinterland comprising only Howrah, Hooghly, 24 Parganas and small part of eastern
Bengal but by 1900, Calcutta’s port catered to the needs of entire Bengal, Bihar, Assam and a
portion of north western provinces (Bayly 1985; Tan 2007). With the rise in trade, the growth of
ports and commerce attracted rural poor to Kolkata in search of jobs. Since the communication
system did not allow them to commute daily they had to live in the city itself in unsanitary and
sub-human conditions which gave birth to so-called slums. The slum and the city of Kolkata were
born as twins. Since the days of company’s rule, the city started drawing people from its
immediate hinterland. This resulted in building up of degraded human settlements at different
locations (Kundu 2007).
Growth of Slums: Past and the Present
Drawing mainly upon the work of Roy (1994), the origin of Kolkata’s slums can be classified
under two broad categories: slums which developed during the early period of British rule
particularly before the industrial development and urbanisation and secondly the slums
developed after the process of industrialisation. In the first phase, the bustee dwellers came to
serve the English families. The lavish style of living of the imperial rulers drew large number of
villagers to the city. Their dwellings were developed very near to the English quarters as their
services were demanded from early morning to late night. Their dwellings could be seen ‘within
the walking distance of most posh areas’ (Roy 19994: 6). The second phase of slums resulted
from the industrialization process. The rapid growth of British capital led to the development of
jute and engineering industries in and around the city. Moreover, the introduction of railways,
postal facilities, banks etc. led to the diffusion of population over forty miles on the banks of river
Hooghly. Lying of the tram tract in the city attracted many to migrate to Kolkata and to work in
Tram Company. This group of slum dwellers was mostly found in the central part of the city
(op.cit.).
As a result of industrialisation and rapid urban growth, workers from all over the eastern and
northern India, poured into the city in search of employment and income. The workers
employed in these sectors were late-comers; they did not get shelter in the central part. Their
slums could be seen in Khidderpore dock area of the western fringe, Manicktola and Beliaghata
in the eastern fringe and Cossipore on the extreme north. The bustee communities in the city not
only maintained their own occupational identity, but also tried to maintain their own residential
and linguistic identity along with their occupations. The largest group of bustee dwellers that
arrived at the city were from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Consisting of Hindus and Muslims, they
spoke Hindi and occupy the bustee areas in northern, eastern and southern reaches. Muslim
population especially the lower caste Muslims lived as tenants in the slum districts on the east
and north-east (Roy 1994).
During 1951-61, as many as 7, 34,000 people had entered the city (Roy 1994). These groups of
migrants were from different parts of West Bengal as well as from other parts of the country like
Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Assam and from South India. These groups of migrants were mostly
employed in jute and engineering industry. They were unskilled labourers. They all migrated for
the purpose of earning and most of them sought shelter in bustee areas of the city. The growth of
migration not only had a contribution to the city’s population growth; but also had led to the
increase in number of non-bengali population in the city.
Although, it is difficult to gauge, the extent of presence of poor migrants in the slums of Kolkata
from secondary data, a primary survey has been used. According to Census, 2001 data, average
10
slum population in Kolkata is 32.5 percent, much higher than West Bengal (18.4 percent) and
India (14.9 percent). Ward wise in Kolkata, slum population ranges from 5-10 percent to 99-100
percent (Census, 2001). Out of the total 141 wards in Kolkata, a single ward which houses nearly
99 percent of slum dwellers has been taken into consideration, so as to gain larger sample of
migrants6.
Slum Migrants in Kolkata: Evidences from Field Survey
The Rural/Urban Background of the Migrants
The migrants7 in the surveyed area are mainly rural in their origin. Out of the total migrants, 81
percent are from rural background while the rest are from urban areas. Gender-wise, more men
are from rural areas than women. For example: 91 percent of men are rural in origin as
compared to 73 percent of women. Rest of the men (9 percent) and women (27 percent) came
from other urban centres. Rural background therefore, remains to be the pre-dominant areas for
the men to move into the slums of Kolkata. Although a debate exists whether it is the large or
small/landless peasants who move, studies conducted in different parts of India reveal that
mobility is an option both for the rich and the small farmers. A study by Karan (2003) indicates
the highest incidence of mobility among the land-owning class (more than 5 acres) followed by
landless households. However, a distinction has to be made in migratory pattern of two classes –
the better off migrants move over longer distances who also happen to be relatively more
educated and can afford the financial costs involved in such move. The landless classes
undertake short move which is temporary in nature (Connell et al. 1976; Yadava et al. 1996). The
present study confirms this proposition. About 30 percent of the male migrants are landless.
Even if, they possess land, nearly all of them (98 percent) are marginal farmers with landholding
less than 1 hectare. Similarly, caste, as a social institution often determines people’s mobility
whereby large scale movements of the Scheduled Castes from the villages are noticed. In the
present study about, 66 percent of the migrant men belong to SC (Deshingkar and Start 2003).
This suggested that, the migrants are not only rural, but also are marginalised in several aspects.
As far as women migrants are considered, it is observed that barring a very few, almost all of
them are associational migrants. The evaluation of their relative standing with respect to men
becomes somewhat difficult. Land ownership has not been taken into account as it is difficult to
discern their land rights both in spouse’s as well as in natal places (Parliwala and Uberoi 2008).8
No major difference exists along the axis of caste as irrespective of rural/urban origin, most of
the women belong to non SC/OBC castes.
State/districts of Origin
In the present context, it is observed that since Kolkata forms a single district and it is entirely an
urban area, there is no intra-district migration to Kolkata. Only inter-district and inter-state
6
To delineate ward-wise slum population in Kolkata, Census 2001 data has been used. This data has
further helped to identify the study area. The survey was carried out from January-July, 2010.
7 Overall 432 migrants were surveyed: 202 men and 230 women.
8 Since, land is not a portable asset, a daughter’s inheritance in land rights, even when legally recognised
by the state, are difficult to assert against the claims of male agnates if a women is required to move away
from her natal locality upon marriage. Or, in the obverse, daughters may be violently asserted so as to
prevent daughters from inheriting land (Parliwala and Uberoi 2008).
11
mobility exist. Table 3 reveals that the city draws migrants from rural hinterlands of different
states (Premi 1980; Pais 2006; Sivaramakrishnan 2011)9. Also, rural people do traverse large
distance from different states to Kolkata to avail the opportunities of a mega city rather than
being absorbed in small towns of their own states. It can therefore be argued that inter-state
urban migrants might find employment in their own areas, whereas migration to large cities
remains to be the only option for rural poor.
Table 3: Streams of Migration and their Rural-Urban Location
Streams of Migration
Men
Women
Persons
i) Rural
5.9
17.4
12.0
ii) Urban
0.5
9.6
5.3
Total Intra-State
6.4
27.0
17.4
iii) Rural
84.7
57.0
71.1
iv) Urban
8.9
16.1
11.6
Total Inter-state
93.6
73.0
82.6
Total (i+ii+iii+iv)
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: Based on Fieldwork, January-July, 2010.
The women migrants represent a slightly different picture. About one-forth of women migrants
are from the state itself, rest are inter-state migrants – drawn mainly from rural areas. This is
mainly because; some proportion of women will accompany their husbands contributing to their
share in total rural migration stream. At the same time, women also moved for marriage and
were thus drawn from other areas too.
The district level analysis reveals that within West Bengal, migrants are mainly from South 24
Parganas (men 4 percent; women - 8 percent). All of these migrants are from rural areas.
Probable reasons cited for this flow of migrants are the lack of development in agriculture in
saline and marshy soils and high level of poverty in the State (27 per cent of rural population lies
below poverty line in 1999-00) (West Bengal Human Development Report 2004). Women from
this region mainly migrate with their husbands. Overall, migrants are mainly from adjoining
regions in Kolkata or from those districts that forms a concentric circle around the city. None of
the migrants had moved from far off districts like Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri etc.
Inter-state mobility comprises a large share of migrants to this area. Among the states, Bihar
seems to be the main sending area followed by Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand. Very few migrants,
especially men move from far off states like Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Haryana and
Maharashtra (Figure 2 and 3). A further cross-classification of the data at the district level
reveals that within Bihar, Jamui emerges as the largest migrant sending district of the State (men
49 percent; women 7 percent). Lower level of urbanisation, Gross District Domestic Product,
cropping intensity coupled with social backwardness in the district has made it the main out-
9
Studies carried out in India reveals that million plus cities receive more of inter-state migrants. By virtue
of its connectivity with the outside world, cities have become important places for investment. Even, the
manpower and their skill need to be supplemented from across its boundaries. For example, Mumbai, is as
much the product of investment and work force from across the country as from within Maharashtra.
Studies reveal that, large part of Mumbai has grown, as its attracted migrants from poor rural hinterland
other than Maharashtra i.e. inter-state rural migrants forms a large part of the migrants
12
migrating area (Economic Survey, 2007)10. In the present study, 56 percent of men migrants
from Jamui reported that factors such as poverty, lack of rural non-farm employment as well as
non-remunerative nature of agricultural work mainly drives them towards Kolkata. Although,
much lower in proportion as compared to Jamui, men migrants are also drawn from districts like
Lakhisarai, Munger, Nalanda, Saran etc.
Figure 2: Source Areas of Men Migrants
Figure 3: Source Areas of Women Migrants
Source: Based on Fieldwork, January-July, 2010
To sum up, the influence of Kolkata as a hub to attract migrants seems to be confined to the
eastern part of the country. Within the state its impact is restricted to its immediate districts,
especially to the depressed and adjoining district of South 24 Parganas. Kolkata’s impact is not
felt in far off northern districts. In case of Bihar, it is observed that migration field is scattered
through out the entire state although the spatially closer eastern and southern districts such as
Jamui, Lakhisarai, Munger, Banka etc. seem to be affected more. A few do come to Kolkata from
10
Overall more than one-forth of the migrants are from Jamui and in case of men this figure is nearly half. A probe into
secondary sources of data reveals that as a whole Bihar is a state which suffers from considerable low per capita
income. Within the state of Bihar too there exists considerable discrepancy. If the Per capita estimates of Gross District
Domestic Product is considered at constant prices of 1999-00 of 2005-2006, then, Patna (Rs. 37,737), Munger (Rs. 12,
370) and Begusarai (Rs. 10, 409) are the most economically prosperous districts while Jamui (Rs. 5516) is one of the
most under developed. Moreover, this particular district is not economically sound in agriculture – only 20 per cent of
its land is net sown. The irrigation facilities are at minimal; cropping intensity is lowest at 1.10 in the entire state.
Apart from the economic development, Jamui lags behind in terms of social sectors too. 92.5 per cent of its population
lives in rural areas as compared to 89.5 per cent for the state as a whole. Moreover, the proportion of Scheduled Caste
and Scheduled Tribe is 17.4 and 4.8 per cent as compared to 15.0 and 0.9 per cent in the state. Religious minorities
comprise 12.2 per cent of the district’s population (Economic Survey 2007). Hence, the low socio-economic condition
leaves the people with no other alternatives, but, to seek work in Kolkata. The already poor people find a refuge in the
city slums.
13
far-off districts of Saran, Siwan and Nalanda. For women no such pattern emerges and they are
drawn from various regions owing to their associational character.
Reasons for Migration
The structuralist perspective held in terms of centre-peripheral region; industrialised – peasant
based; west and north – east and south etc. explains much of men’s mobility. Some people move
out in response of ‘push’ factors of the areas of origin (appalling poverty, lack of rural non-farm
employment etc.) while others being ‘pulled’ to seize the existing opportunities in a distant land
(availability of jobs, higher wages as compared to that of the rural areas etc.). However, this
dimension of movement is more applicable in case of men, while women’s movement is guided
by socio-cultural norms such as marriage, family movement etc. (de Haan 2001; Karan 2003).
In this section an attempt has been made to find out the reasons for migration. Field insights
reveal a variety of reasons, not clearly demarcated in secondary data sources. As a whole,
migration reasons are categorised into economic, social and others.
Table 4 reveals that employment remains to be the prime motive of migration for men (68.8
percent). As compared to push of the origin areas (like poverty, lower wages, non-availability of
work etc.), men are pulled towards the city i.e. in search of work, to take up better job in the city
etc. Apart from being pushed or pulled towards Kolkata, other economic factors also operate more importantly, where the migrants continue the same occupation of their predecessors.
However, most of the men moving alone into the city continue the same occupation. For them,
the chain migration and work in the city forms a large part of remittances, on which their
household consumption as well as agricultural works depends.
Table 4: Reasons of Migration
Reasons of Migration
Men
Persons
Women
Push factors
Agricultural work is not remunerative
7.9
0.0
3.7
Non availability of non- farm employment
6.4
0.0
3.0
Low wages/income in origin area
4.5
0.0
Poverty
5.0
0.0
2.3
35.6
3.0
18.3
1.5
0.0
0.7
4.5
0.0
2.1
27.2
0.0
12.7
Marriage
0.0
53.5
28.5
Family Migration
0.0
40.9
Educational Purposes
4.5
0.0
22.5
2.1
Health/treatment facility
0.0
2.6
2.9
100.0
0.0
100.0
2.1
Pull Factors
In search of work
To take up a better job in the city
Other Employment Reasons
Business
Continuity of Occupation
Social Reasons
Others
Total (i+ii+iii+iv+v)
Source: Based on fieldwork, January-July, 2010.
14
1.4
0.7
100.0
A further cross-classification of the data shows that the male migrants ‘pushed’ towards the city
are comparatively of younger ages, unmarried and possess comparatively lower landholding
with respect to those pulled towards the city. That is, those men pushed towards the city seems
to have less anchorage to the village in terms of land holding, family and thus, migration for work
is readily accepted at distant places. On the contrary, those men pulled towards Kolkata are
better-off and migrate only when they have better opportunities. Although, self-employment
remains to be the main avenue of employment among men, yet it is noted that comparatively
higher percentage of men pulled towards the city are in regular salaried jobs. Those migrants
who are pushed towards the city had migrated alone in the city. On the contrary, large
proportion of migrants pulled towards the city has moved with family, suggesting that men with
a family in the city are better off. After gaining a foothold in Kolkata, they have brought their
families or might have moved with the entire family. Apart from these two streams, men moving
into the slum for other employment purposes resemble characteristics like that of pushed
migrants (Table 5).
Table 5: Demographic, Socio-economic Factors of Men Moving for Employment
Selected Indicators
Men Moving For Employment Purposes
Others
All
Employment
Migrant
Pushed
Pulled
Reasons
Men
31.1
37.9
32.9
34
Unmarried
20.8
9.3
23.4
19.3
Married
79.2
89.3
76.6
80.2
Total
100
98.6
100
99.5
Illiterate
20.8
38.7
17.2
26.2
Literate
79.2
61.3
82.8
73.8
Total
Average Land Holding Size
(in hectares)
100
100
100
100
0.24
0.34
0.23
0.26
68.8
59.7
79.4
68.2
Regular Salaried
2.1
15.3
0
7.7
Wage labourers
29.2
25.0
20.6
24.1
Mean Age (in years)
Marital Status
Educational Standard Attained
Workers
Self-employed
Source: Based on Fieldwork, January-July, 2010
The large scale migration of men for work also give insights about the type of facilities Kolkata is
offering to them. In this context, it needs to be mentioned that chain-migration into the city is
quite common through generations - the migrants whether they are pushed, pulled or moved for
work arrive in the city due to their acquaintance with this place. Thus, they prefer Kolkata
because of its known environment rather than establishing a new set up in an unknown milieu.
About, 54, 47 and 55 percent of the men who are pushed, pulled and moved for other
employment category preferred Kolkata for this purpose. Besides this, concentration of work,
services, availability of raw materials as well as market for finished products are the main
reasons for preferring Kolkata. However, it is quite interesting to note that those men who are
pulled to the city respond more to such incentives (23 per cent) as compared to those who are
pushed (15 per cent) and moved for other employment reasons (15 per cent). Moreover, the city
15
is preferred for its good administration, cheap living as compared to any other mega city, which
provides congenial environment for the poor people to migrate and work. At the same time,
cultural similarity and physical proximity with the native place is an important reason for
selecting this city as their workplace.
A large part of women have moved into the city as associational migrants. Their movement is
mainly triggered by marriage and family reunion. For example, more than half of the women
migrants have relocated themselves for marriage, where they have moved immediately after
marriage. The rest joined husband as a part of family strategy, after staying for sometime in the
origin areas. The incidence of simple family reunion reveals diversity. Women are called upon
from villages based on the needs and convenience of their men counterparts such as
arrangement of housing, to maintain a single family unit to minimize living costs, as well as to
take care of their husbands in terms of food, cooking etc.
Labour Market Participation of the Migrants
Since, this study is about the poor migrants in the slums, it is expected that they are more likely
to be employed in urban informal sectors. This is because, employment in the organised segment
in tertiary activities in the cities require skilled workforce which can be approximated to formal
education, which the poor migrants lack. Apart from skill factor, the poor migrants cannot afford
to remain unemployed for a longer period in the urban areas as the cost of living is much higher
than its rural counterparts. At the same time, social ties and kinship bonds do not promise a long
term financial support. Moreover, with an increase in rural-urban migration rate, the supply of
labour in urban areas expands further. In the face of limited employment prospects in the high
productivity sector, the poor migrants get residually absorbed in low productivity sectors of
informal economy. The migrant slum dwellers are left with no other option but to work more or
less as manual labour (Mitra 1994).
With this observation as a backdrop, the study seeks to analyse the labour market participation
of the migrants and its gendered composition.
Work Participation Rates in the Study Area
Work participation of the migrants comprise of primary and secondary work. The main work in
which the migrants are engaged for relatively longer time span in a year and devote longer hours
is designated as primary work. Apart from the primary work the respondents were further
asked whether they have taken up other work – which could be carried out simultaneously with
the main work. Such work could be for a shorter time span or in lean seasons for two to three
months when there is a slack in the primary work. These are the secondary workers. The poor
migrants take up multiple tasks mainly for three reasons: a. uncertainty in labour market; b.
higher living costs in the city and c. remittances that the workers usually sent to their origin
areas. Overall, about 97 and 34 percent of men and women are workers in primary status
respectively while the corresponding figures of men and women engaged in secondary work are
18 and 4 percent respectively. Since, very few women work in secondary status, their labour
market participation is not discussed in detail. Only the secondary work statuses of men are
taken into account. The following paragraphs give a succinct account of labour market
participation of the migrants.
16
Primary and Secondary Work
Taking the primary work into consideration, it is observed that men’s workforce participation is
much higher as compared to that of women. As argued, spatial mobility does enhance work
force participation rate – this observation holds true for both men and women. It is observed
that in pre-migration stage, slightly lower than half of the men were workers; about a third were
attending education and one-tenth of them were into various other activities like neither seeking
job, not attending educational institutes etc. But, almost all of them entered labour market after
shifting to the city. Thus, where migration for work remains to be the prime motive, they enter
labour market either by discontinuing education or from other status. Only in two cases these
men were found to continue education even after migration. They belong to much younger age
group and are attracted to Kolkata by its better educational facilities.
As already pointed out before only 18 percent men are workers are secondary status. Out of
these men almost all of them moved alone in the city (89 per cent), migrating mainly from rural
areas and are marginal farmers.
Although fewer women cite employment as the reason for moving to the city, their postmigration work status contradicts the claim. That is, their actual labour market participation is
higher than what the stated reason suggests. The present study confirms the fact: overall 3
percent women moved for work purposes whereas one-fourth were workers before migration
which increased to more than one-third after relocating to the city (Table A4).
Even though, it is a widely held notion that poor women will work to support their families, the
relationship does not always work and women despite being poor may remain out of the labour
market on the grounds of family restriction and religious orthodoxy etc. (Das 2006; Ullah 2007).
Women’s work force participation is constrained due to disapproval from husband, in-laws,
socio-religious stigma attached with paid work. This puts women in the role of maintaining
family as a social institution while economic identity, decision making powers and economic
control are entrusted in the hands of men. The common belief - ‘husband’s earning is sufficient
enough to maintain the family’ - upholds against the workforce participation rate of these
women. Also, the core notion of ‘purdah’ as a protector of family honour which resides in the
virtue and modesty of its women seems to operate; it is believed that constant surveillance is
necessary to ensure women do nothing to bring shame on their kin’ (Seeley et. al. 2006:173).
Such a reality is well brought out symbolically by a woman – ‘it is a shame for the family where
women work outside’. Thus going out of the house for work is frowned upon and women are
usually encouraged in home based low paying works (Khan 2007).
Work Status
The primary work status is classified into self-employed, regular salaried and wage labour. Selfemployed includes own account workers, employers and unpaid labourers;11 regular salaried
workers are those who are employed permanently in any occupation and wage labourers
includes persons who are irregularly placed in the labour market. However, not much variation
exists in the respondents’ job types; the only exception is in the number of days worked. That is,
men in regular salaried jobs are permanently employed as opposed to wage labourers who find
11
Although, unpaid family work come under the purview of secondary work status, where the work is intermittently
conducted. But a probe into the working hours of the unpaid family helpers reveal that women contribute much
longer time in helping their men counterparts. Due to this they were classified as primary workers.
17
work intermittently. With this broad classification, the work status is discussed below in both
pre and post-migration period (Table 6).
In the pre-migration period, self-employment emerged to be the main avenue of employment
especially among the men. Roughly one-third of men were wage labourers. Regular salaried
workers are quite uncommon. Post-migration period exhibits a divergence of work status.
Although, self-employment continues to be the prime entry point for the men, the emergence of
employers suggests that these men were successful in setting up their own small business and
also hire wage labourers, most often temporarily in peak seasons. Unpaid family labour is almost
absent –indicating that men’s labour is always paid especially when they migrate for work.
Increase in regular salaried work is very negligible among men.
So far as women’s labour market participation is concerned more than half were self-employed –
mainly as own account and unpaid family labour. Regular salaried jobs were quite uncommon
among the women and a large proportion of them were wage labourers. Like men, women also
experienced shift in work status after relocating to Kolkata. In urban labour market, women find
entry as self-employed workers. Within self-employment, unpaid helpers seems to have
increased – suggesting poor women provide support and help to their husbands in lieu of (extra)
hired hand so that one can reap maximum profit from mere work (Sen 2004). There emerge
several conceptual questions as far as the usual categorisation of workers such as ‘unpaid family
labour’ is concerned. It will be seen that this so-called family labour which is not paid end up
working usual hours – about 5.2 hours/days. Their intersection with women is particularly
worrisome. That is, even if women are unpaid helpers, their working hours are flexible,
stretching through out the day along with domestic duties.
Table 6: Pre and Post-Migration Work Status
Men
Work Status
a)own account worker/partnership/
dependent sub contract workers
Pre
Women
Post
Pre
Post
55.1
45.1
46.4
39.2
b) Employer
0.0
22.1
0.0
1.3
c) Unpaid Family Helper
4.1
1.0
10.7
22.8
59.2
68.2
57.1
63.3
7.1
7.7
5.4
35.4
33.7
24.1
37.5
1.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Total (a+b+c)
ii) Regular Salaried
iii) Wage Labour
Total (i+ii+iii)
Source: Based on Field work, January-July, 2010
At the same time, regular salaried jobs also show a rather radical increase in post-migration
period indicating that city provides more assured sort of employment. However, critical insights
are necessary to find out exact avenues of employment of these women, engaged even in the
most assured sort of job.
The migrants are further cross-classified by their work status with number of days worked
during the last reference year. The study shows that migration has enhanced the average
number of days worked – both among men and women where men find employment for greater
number of days (280 days) in a year as compared to women (259 days). Regular salaried jobs
provide employment for major part of the years and number of days worked by women (343) is
18
higher than men. This is suggest that regular salaried men are employed in factories, offices etc.
where they are entitled for paid leaves/holidays. But, by virtue of their engagement as domestic
maids, regular salaried women migrants enjoy minimum paid leaves and other securities. This
increases their number of days worked. Increase in number of days worked is most prominent
among men wage labourers (248 days in post-migration period as compared to 123 days in premigration period). In pre-migration period, most of wage labourers were into agriculture which
provides them seasonal work while the diverse job base of a mega city provides greater
opportunity even in daily work such as construction and head loaders etc.
Type of Work
In pre-migration period most of the self-employed men were cultivators in own farms as well as
they worked as unpaid helpers (91.2 percent). Since, other avenues of employment are rare in
rural settings, very few of them were engaged in manufacturing such as carpentry, printing and
binding (3.5 percent). While in wholesale and retail trade, men were engaged in trading of
animals, grocery shop and vending of garments (5.3 percent).
Although regular salaried job is quite uncommon in pre-migration period, more than half was
employed in factories and more than one-tenth were in sales and retail services. As wage
labourers, agriculture attracted a large proportion of men (67.6 percent) followed by cobblers in
(14.3 percent).
Since, the city does not provide any scope of agricultural activities, agricultural labourers ceased
to exist and a total shift is noticed from agricultural to non-agricultural sectors. Manufacturing
(76 percent), retail trade (13.2 percent), transport (7 percent) etc. emerge as the prime entry
points for the migrants although few occupations employ large number of migrants both as the
self-employed and as wage labourers. Shoe-making and trading in animal are two such
occupations. Here, the workers exist as own account workers and employers. Simultaneously,
there are workers who are hired for the entire year/particular period, based on the seasonality
of work and are weekly paid. These two occupations consist of a large part of the slum area and
its inhabitants. For example, of the total self-employed workers in manufacturing, 97 percent are
cobblers. Similarly, of the total wage labourers in manufacturing 75 percent work in the above
mentioned occupation. Similarly wholesale and retail trades engage large number of selfemployed and wage labourers. These men are engaged in trading of animals, animal skin and
hides. These occupations not only engage large number of migrants but also involve longer
working hours. For example, average working hours for cobblers is 16 hous/day, while the
animal sellers work for nearly 12 hours. Apart from these two main occupations, self-employed
men are also engaged in transport sector, in small hotels, fast food seller etc. (Mukhopahyay
1998; Subramaniam 2001; Dey and Dasgupta 2009).
The regular salaried workers comprise salesman of various sorts – working in showrooms, meat
shops etc (35.3 percent). Apart from this, manufacturing employs people in different petty
businesses such as leather, printing, binding and small publishing etc (23.5 percent). While in
transport sector people are engaged as private car drivers (17.6 percent). Rests of the men in
regular salaried jobs are in government and private sectors (11.8 percent).
As far as women migrants are concerned, it is observed that their employment avenues are
limited as compared to men. Even though post-migration exhibits diversification of employment
avenues, yet, they are concentrated in certain occupations that can typically be described as
‘feminine’. In pre-migration period, the self-employed women were cultivators in own farms and
also worked as unpaid helpers (43.8 percent). Apart from this, some women in wholesale and
19
retail trade sector worked as fruit/vegetable seller (12 percent). Petty manufacturing like
purse/bag making, jari, embroidery work, bidi rolling and agarbatti making employed nearly 50
percent of the women.
As indicated before, regular salaried job is quite uncommon in rural settings both for men and
women. Within this arena, some women are engaged in factories in making bangles and in other
miscellaneous manufacturing (66.7 percent). Lastly as wage labourers, most of the women were
agricultural labourers (95.8 percent).
Like men, post-migration period of the women opens up various employment opportunities. As
self-employed, they work both as unpaid helpers to their husbands or as dependent subcontract
workers – where they are paid. As already indicated, in manufacturing they are engaged in
making shoe laces, sewing, tailoring, spinning and cutting of threads etc (58 percent). In hotel
and restaurants, they work as unpaid helpers in husband’s small hotels/home-based canteens
while in other cases they are active participants in the labour market as fast food seller (10
percent). In wholesale and retail trade, women are engaged mainly as unpaid helpers in grocery
and other small retail shops (12 percent). Apart from these, a slightly less than three-forth of
women are in to some elementary occupations like making of paper packets, differentiating
papers etc. Such works are repetitive, can easily be carried within home and requires no
particular skill. These types of occupations have both supply and demand perspective. On one
hand, since the poor women are the sources of cheap and docile labour, they are entrusted with
such petty works. On the other, these small scale jobs provide them meager earning which forms
an important part of household income.
Regular salaried work is quite common among women. However, they work mainly as domestic
maids (70.4 percent). This sort of work which was quite uncommon in the villages becomes an
easy entry for poor and illiterate women in the cities as it is more or less an extension of
household work and importantly it does not requires any particular skill and educational level
(Gulati 1997, 2006; Neetha 2011).
The secondary occupation of the men migrants reveals an interesting feature – as high as 75
percent of the men, especially who moved alone in the city were cultivators or agricultural
labourers in the villages. These men move to and fro between the areas of origin and Kolkata
whereby they return to their native places during the agricultural season. Such a trend is mainly
observed among the cobblers where the work of shoe-making cannot be carried out in the city
during the monsoon period. By doing so, the risk of remaining unemployed is diversified and the
link with the village is never severed. Thus, these people represent characteristics more of
temporary migrants where by both the city and village offers them livelihood options (de Haan
2000; Mendola 2006; Korra 2011). Apart from this, other migrant workers are variously
engaged as cobblers; insurance agents; trading of animals, shoe seller, fast food sellers etc.
Occupational Mobility in Pre and Post -Migration Period
Much has been talked about the occupational mobility in pre and post-migration period. Often it
is argued that men experience a positive occupational mobility while for women it is negative i.e.
their post migration work status is not in synchrony with their pre- migration status (Ogaya
2006).
In the present study, about 49 percent men are those who worked both before and after
migration. Out of the total workers who have continued their status as workers in pre and postmigration period, about three-fourth were engaged in agriculture followed by 15 percent in
20
manufacturing; 5 percent in retail trade; 2 percent in other services and 1 percent in
construction activities. Post migration period reveals that petty manufacturing is the dominant
source of employment for them. Moreover, manufacturing sector also incorporated labourers
from retail trade; construction and other services. Apart from shifting to manufacturing from
other sectors, there are also instances where the workers have remained into the same
occupation. For example, within manufacturing, most of the cobblers continued the same
occupation. Very negligible proportion of workers was engaged in retail trade. Similar to that of
manufacturing, few men who were in retail trade business continued to do so especially that of
animals, grocery shops etc (Figure 4).
Like men, women also shifted from one occupation to another. In the pre-migration period 68
percent women were in agriculture; followed by 23 percent in manufacturing; 5 percent in each
of the educational and health sector. Post migration period reveals emerging of two main
avenues of employment for women: manufacturing and work in private households as domestic
helps and other services. Large proportion of women who were agricultural labourers shifted to
these sectors after migration. Though, manufacturing engage some women who were in the
same sector before, while the rest are drawn from educational (private tutor) and agricultural
sector (agricultural labourers). These women are engaged in making parts of the product,
requiring very less skill like shoe laces, stitching, embroidery etc. As pointed out earlier, work as
domestic maids emerges to be the new avenue of employment in the city providing regular
employment to women as compared to 30- 45 days in a year in case of agricultural work –
revealing comparatively secured source of earning (Figure 5). Whether this shift entails upward
or downward occupational mobility is somewhat difficult to judge because in most of the cases
the context of work is different. However, migrants have pointed out how city life has brought in
better work opportunities and earning as well as more congenial environment in relation to
work as compared to rural areas. It is essentially because in rural context, the work and nonwork boundaries often blur making one feel under constant pressure (Raju and Bagchi 1993). A
women migrant from Samastipur, Bihar narrated, ‘it is really difficult for me to work for 12-13
hours in the field in the sun, while in the city working as domestic helper within the house is much
comfortable. Also I have definite working hours’.
21
Figure 4: Occupational Mobility of Continuing Men Workers
Domestic Helpers
Figure 5: Occupational Mobility of Continuing Women Workers
Domestic Helpers
22
Interrelationship between Work Status and Duration of Residence in the City
In calling out the inter-relationship with duration of residence in the city and work status, the
study reveals that average duration of stay for regular salaried men is slightly more – about 18
years as compared to 16 and 13 years for self-employed and wage labourers respectively. In case
of women no such pattern emerges although it is observed that self-employed women have
longer duration of stay in the city with mean duration of 16 years as compared to regular
salaried and wage labourers (mean duration of 14 and 12 years respectively). It is possible that
the kinds of jobs available now are more diversified than earlier making younger women seek
them whereas older women might not experience change in work status with increased duration
of stay (Bardhan 1989) – a proposition that requires further substantiation not attempted here.
It has been argued that as the duration of residence increases; men in general achieve mobility
towards relatively secure employment and earnings (Lingam 1998). Also, as has also been
argued by Mazumdar (1987), even informal sector entry in self-employed jobs might not be easy
because of capital requirements. The self-employed men are relatively older, longer term
residents as compared to wage labourers and might have invested their savings from relatively
high wages to found their own shops and business. Although, how the self-employed migrants
invested their savings to form their own shops and business is outside the purview of the
present study, a probe into their age reveals that self-employed men are indeed older than wage
labourers.
Interrelationship between Work Status, Location of Work Place and Distance Commuted
About 90 percent of the self-employed women workers work from home as against 77 percent of
men. Most of these self-employed home based women workers are unpaid helpers to their
husbands or ‘dependent sub-contract workers’ (Chen et.al 1999: 605)12. They are engaged in
petty manufacturing of shoe laces, making of paper packets and in some elementary occupations
of counting and packing; women working outside the household are mainly domestic helpers
and factory workers.
Not only women work within household premises due to domestic responsibilities, there are
certain occupations, engaging large number of men, which is carried out within home – making
the division between ‘private’ and ‘public’ blur. Moreover, often the slum dwellers cannot afford
a separate working place and carry out certain occupations (like shoe-making; small scale
manufacturing of bags etc) within home. In contrast, there are occupations which need a
separate accommodation (metallic alloys, car gear and battery, tin containers etc.) and others
i.e., vending, selling fast foods, driving etc can be carried out in open places/streets.
12
The conflicting views about the desirability of home-based work arise from two contradictory theories.
The first depicts home-workers as a relatively advantaged group of individuals who have chosen to work
at home to gain flexibility and to better control their time. According to this approach, homework allows
family members to take care of children/elderly/disabled. That these home-workers must forgo fringe
benefits is not considered important, because they typically receive such benefits from their spouse’s
employers. The other theory portrays home-workers as exploited group – working as low wages, with few
benefits, in substandard working condition and often relying on children for supplementary labour
(Edwards an Field-Hendrey 1996).
23
The distance covered between home and work place becomes more meaningful for those who
traverse daily a fixed distance between their home and place of work as compared to those who
are home-based workers and workers with no fixed working place13. However, even those who
work outside, away from homes, prefer to work within one km from their residence; the
frequency diminishes as the distance increases. Thus, the slum dwellers do not travel larger
distances – they find employment near to their dwelling (Nambier 1965 cited inBruijne and
Schenk 1992)14.
Walking is the main option for those who work within 1 km. from their residence. Time taken for
such commuting ranges from 2-15 minutes. However, sometimes migrants commute larger
distance of 2-5 kms by walking. At a greater distance, migrants traverse by auto, rickshaw, van
etc. to reach the work place (Table 7).
Table 7: Distance Traversed, Mode of Commuting and Time Taken to Commute
Time Taken to
Commute (in minutes)
Location of Work
Place
Percentage
of Migrants
Mode of Commuting
Range
Average
Men
Less than equals to 1
km
40.4
Walking
2-15
5.4
2 to 5 kms
21.1
Walking/bicycle/scooter/auto/bus
10-30
13.8
Scooter/auto/bus
10-25
16.3
Truck/taxi/auto/van rickshaw etc
varies
More than 5 kms
5.3
Distance not fixed
33.3
Total
100
Women
Less than equals to 1
km
73.5
Walking
2 to 5 kms
20.6
Mainly walking
More than 5 kms
2.9
Bus
Distance not fixed
2.9
Walking
Total
varies
2-15
9.8
10-45
22.1
30
30
varies
varies
100
Source: Based on Fieldwork, January-July, 2010
13
The home based workers do not cover any daily commuting distance. Sometimes, they move to and fro
to collect raw materials etc. which has not been covered as the particular movement is not fixed and they
might visit different places according to their needs. At the same time distance traversed was not fixed for
some occupations like scrap gathers, drivers of various sorts.
14
Nambier (1965) in his study of Madras Slums found that 30 per cent of the population lived up to 1 mile
from his/her working place while another 40 per cent had no fixed work place as they almost walked to
their work places which is situated nearby.
24
Social Security Covers
As most of the slum dwellers are engaged in informal sector, it is expected that they will be
devoid of any social security measures like provident fund, medical, pension benefits, paid leave
etc. In the present study, almost all of the men migrants do not receive any social security
benefits, excepting two respondents, where they are engaged in private and government
organizations. They receive multiple benefits like medical, Provident Fund, Pension Schemes,
paid leave etc. The conditions of the women migrants do not differ much. Only three women
migrants receive medical benefits. These women are essentially factory workers.
In terms of job contract, it is observed that since the workers are employed casually or for
certain time period, they do not enter into legal contract. The job is based on trust and often the
person seeks employment under the same employer for years. Thus, it can be pointed out that
social security measures are almost absent except in cases where the person is employed in
governmental or private sector.
Combined with the absence of social security measures, the migrants are exposed to labour
market insecurities. About 15 and 22 percent men and women respectively reported that they
often faced problem with their employers. These include absenteeism, improper conduct of
work from the labourers while delay or non-payment of wages on the part of the employers.
Apart from these labour market insecurities, another 15 percent men reported that they suffer
from job loss, intermittent availability of work etc. (Kundu 2001). None of the migrant workers
reported any form of discrimination, physical or sexual abuse in labour market. These matters,
however, require close scrutiny which is outside the purview of the present analysis. Thus a
large part of the poor migrants remain outside the purview of social security measures.
Although, both men and women have comparable outcomes, women workers are largely homebased. They not only work under no social protection whatsoever, their work is done either after
they finish their household chores are simultaneously adding to their overall workload. They
remain ‘invisible’ in statistics (Oberai and Chadda 2001: 14).
Migrants’ Living Conditions, Adjustments with the City Life
The slums are often referred to as the ‘black holes’ of Calcutta (Biswas-Diener and Diener
2001:329). Because of dire poverty, the people of slums live in miserable conditions. The shanty
place, narrow alleys and unhygienic living conditions are manifested in their living standards
and the housing conditions. Each household mostly stays in a single room with no private
bathroom and kitchen facilities and the household assets they posses are minimal.
In the selected slum of Kolkata, the houses are juxtaposed one after another and are poorly lit
and ill ventilated. Based on the wall, roof and floor materials, the slum households are divided
into three types: pucca, semi-pucca and kutcha15. Out of the 380 households about 58 percent
respondents resides in pucca houses; 39 percent in semi-pucca and 3 percent in kutcha houses.
15
The households are divided into three types based on the floor, wall and roof material. Where the
household is entirely concretised (floor – concrete; roof – concrete, asbestos and wall – concrete) it is
designated as pucca. Where the walls and the floor are pucca, but the roofs are covered by earthen tiles,
the households are semi-pucca in nature. In cases, where the households are entirely constructed by
25
The pucca, semi-pucca and kutcha status of the house does not necessarily reflect a better
condition as the following analysis reflects. When the household type and number of living
rooms (except the kitchen), are further cross-classified, it is seen that as a whole, 90 percent of
the migrant families stay in a single room, 8 percent has two rooms and only 2 percent of the
households have 3 rooms. Almost all the kutcha houses have single room, while the incidence of
having more than one room does not vary much among semi-pucca and pucca household
dwellers. For example, about 7 percent of semi-pucca houses have two rooms as compared to 9
percent of pucca houses. Almost all the paraphernalia are adjusted in a single room and in
majority of the cases, the household lacks a kitchen.
The private toilet facilities are almost absent in the slum. Only 11 percent households have
separate toilet/bathing facilities within their homes, the rest use the public provisions. A close
connection with the type of huts reveals that, none of the kutcha households have their own
toilet/bathroom facilities. About 5 and 15 percent of the semi-pucca and pucca households have
their own bathroom/toilet facilities respectively.
Household ownership is a very rare feature of the slums. Only 9 percent of the slum residents
own the house and the rest are rented. Further enquiry reveals that more than half of the kutcha
household dwellers own their accommodation while the ownership is only 9 and 6 percent for
the semi-pucca and pucca dwellers respectively.
An in-depth interview with the migrants reveal that on one hand they had to undergo the pain of
seclusion from their near and dear ones, on the other hand they had constantly negotiated in the
new world for livings. They faced major constraints in terms of living arrangements, unhygienic
slum conditions, congestion, accessibility to water services, unknown city environments etc.
Women upon arriving in the city found difficulty with those activities that are typically womencentric. This includes fetching water, adjusting all household chores in a single room. All these
pose a new challenge for them. As a migrant puts in:
When I was married and migrated to in-laws place, I was taken aback by the room size. In our
village, we have big and separate rooms serving different purposes. But, here it is a small single one.
In the initial years, I found difficulty in adjustment – even the mundane things such as hitting myself
with bed and other furniture use to upset me. But, after seven years of marriage, I am well adjusted
to this living condition
27 year old migrant from South Twenty Four Parganas, West Bengal
Further, the single room accommodation in the slum is often held as a deterrent factor where
‘preservation of personal space for women is not possible, lack of space makes women more
vulnerable to (male) outsiders’.
Not only in day-to-day life, integrating into city life involves stress and strain at a wider context.
New environment not only cause discomforts of various sorts for them, but the migrants
undergo friction from the larger society where trhey inhabit. Often acceptance in the new society
is not smooth and the migrants experience a feeling of alienation in settling in the new city. This
happens specially with the inter-state migrants, who seek employment in the city. These people
are under constant friction with local people who call them as ‘outsiders’, ‘Beharis’who have
kutcha material (floor – earthen; roof – earthen tiles, plastic, polythene sheets, grass/straw/thatched
leaves etc and walls – bamboo canes, mud, plastic, polythene sheets, grass, reed thatch etc) it is designated
as kutcha households.
26
crowded in the city. At times, women respondents narrated that they are ‘detained in fetching
water’ and in other activities. At times, women are taunted as ‘mulkis’, lacking civic sense and
consider them ‘misfit’ in urban life. Such incidents of non (violent) regional strife is common in
other parts of India (Bhavani and Lacina 2010; Rajan, Korra, Chyrmang 2011).
In spite of these shortcomings, the city has enabled the migrants to live a better life. Men
migrants who are drawn from poor rural background find employment to be the main
turnaround of their lives. City work has helped them to survive. A migrant from Jamui puts in:
‘We were very poor in the village. I have moved at a very early age with my brother. The city provided us with
work. Now our family including the parents is better off and we can spend money whenever necessity,
otherwise we would have starved’. That is migration is undertaken with a hope for better life in a
new world even as several socio-cultural as well as financial constraints may have to be put
aside.
III Conclusion
The present study proposes to enquire into the migration pattern in the slums of Kolkata with
particular focus on labour market. Prior to exploring this, an overall profile of migrant workers
in India, West Bengal and in Kolkata in general is discussed so as to contextualize the case of
poor migrants in the slums of Kolkata. A primary survey on slum migrants in Kolkata is sought to
find out the nature and extent of migration, migrants’ living and working conditions with special
reference to their labour market outcomes.
The study reveals declining importance of West Bengal over the years in pulling the migrants
towards it as compared to urban India. Further, the proportion of migrants to Kolkata is even
lower, principally because of declining importance of the state and the city in particular with a
constant economic expansion of the cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore etc.
Although, lesser number of migrants moved into Kolkata, higher shares of them is motivated to
find work in the city and are actually employed as compared to India and West Bengal. This
suggests higher economic spectrum of the city in providing employment to the migrants.
Further, higher share of migrant workers in Kolkata are in regular salaried jobs which is mainly
due to their higher educational attainments. A large number of women migrants, who are
qualified with graduate and above are drawn in to regular salaried jobs to work in educational
sector.
It is well documented that migration rate of the poor is sufficiently lower as compared to the rich
higher classes as the cities are particularly alienated towards them because of higher living costs.
Yet, migration of poor men is comparatively higher in Kolkata as compared to urban India and
West Bengal as a whole. These poor male migrants are typically engaged as casual labourer in
the city, in sharp contrast to self-employed in India and in West Bengal. The above finding
critically points towards greater accessibility to labour market opportunities to the poor
migrants in the city.
Turning our attention to the poor slum migrants in Kolkata (from primary survey), the study
suggests that migrants in Kolkata are typically drawn from economically backward rural area of
both West Bengal and from other states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh. The study once again
reinforces the concept of push-pull paradigm in migration theories where by the migrants are
pushed towards the city due to lack of employment, work opportunities, poverty, lower wages
and push of the destination like work opportunities, higher wages, better civic amenities etc.
27
That is to say, migration for employment purposes is the principal cause, especially for men.
They undertake both short and long duration movements in nearby and distant place with the
main objective of betterment of life for their families.
Nearly 69 percent of the men migrants have moved into the city for employment purposes.
Those male migrants who respond to the negative factors in the origin areas are comparatively
young, unmarried and have less anchorage to their villages in terms of land holdings. In contrast,
those migrants who respond to the positive factors of the city are better off in economic terms.
They migrate in the city, only when they have better job opportunities.
In sharp contrast to men, more than 90 percent of the women moved in the city for marriage
purposes and for family reunion. These women migrants have either relocated themselves for
marriage where they moved immediately after marriage or as a part of family reunion, after
staying for sometime in the village.
Labour market particulars of the migrant population suggest their concentration in the urban
informal sector. The study pointed out that labour market participation of the migrant men
increased almost twice as compared to their pre-migration period. In contrast labour market
participation of women increased from 24 to 34 percent. Further, the study suggests that there
is a major increase in self-employment of the migrants, both men and women. The study also
narrates some success stories of the migrants where they have set up their own petty business
and have hired labourers. About 22 percent of all migrant workers are employers. In sharp
contrast to men, only 1 percent of the migrant women in the slums are employers. Women
workers are heavily concentrated as home-based dependent sub-contract workers (40 percent)
and 23 percent are unpaid household helpers to their husbands/sons etc. Slums of Kolkata
promises very little scope for regular salaried jobs for men. But, more than one-third of the
women migrants are in regular salaried jobs, predominantly working as domestic maids and as
factory workers.
One positive labour market outcome which clearly emerges in the study is an increase of average
number of working days both for male and female as compared to their pre-migration work
status. For example, men in the city find work for 280 days in a year as compared to 177
days/year before migration. The corresponding figure for women is 259 and 171 days
respectively. Such findings suggest that labour market insecurities of the migrants have declined
to a large extent. Also the working condition in the city changes which entails both positive and
negative impacts.
Moreover, the study suggests, that those men who maintain a circulatory pattern between the
village and the city also diversifies their sources of income. Explicitly, men migrants who move
alone in the city take up farm-employment or MGNREGA jobs in the village where there is a slack
of work in the city.
The study concludes that the migrants experience occupational mobility. In pre-migration
period, they were mostly engaged in agricultural jobs in the village. While in the city, they work
in manufacturing, in retail trades, in transport and construction sector or as domestic maid.
Whether, such a structural shift in jobs entails upward mobility is difficult to gauge as the
context of work in rural and urban setting is different. However, one can conclude that mobility
from no work in the village to work in the city is definitely an upward mobility.
Although, the migrants experience an increase of work opportunities in the city, they undergo
several difficulties in their working and living condition. The slum areas offer limited space to
carry out essential day to day work in the household. The limited space is more constrained
when it becomes a working space. Moreover in slum areas women are more vulnerable to male
28
outsiders. Besides this, migrants undergo several stress and strain while integrating with the city
life. They are under constant friction with the local populace. In spite of these shortcomings, the
city has enabled the migrants to live a better life.
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32
APPENDIX
Table A 1: Migrant Workers by Educational Attainments in Urban India, West Bengal and Kolkata
India
Educational Standard Attained
Illiterate
Informally
educated
Below Primary
Male
Female
West Bengal
Persons
Male
Female
Kolkata
Persons
Male
Female
Persons
11.2
39.6
19.3
15.6
35.2
21.6
18.0
12.0
16.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
2.8
2.6
2.8
3.0
6.4
3.6
6.0
7.0
6.2
10.9
9.0
10.3
17.7
13.7
17.0
primary and Middle
29.4
21.9
27.2
33.6
27.7
31.8
39.7
31.1
38.2
Secondary and higher
secondary
Diploma/certificate
26.3
12.0
22.2
16.1
9.0
13.9
10.7
2.3
9.2
4.4
2.6
3.9
2.4
0.3
1.8
1.7
0.0
1.4
Graduate and above
21.8
16.0
20.1
18.6
16.2
17.8
9.3
34.5
13.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Total
Source: Unit Level Data of NSSO, Migration in India, 64th Round, 2007-08
Table A 2: Migrants workers by national Industrial Classification of Work in Urban India,
West Bengal and Kolkata
India
National Industrial Classification of Workers
Agriculture, hunting fishing, forestry etc
Minig and quaring
Manufacturing
Male
West Bengal
Female
Persons
3.1
18.7
7.4
0.8
0.3
Male
Kolkata
Female
Persons
1.4
2.6
1.8
0.6
1.2
0.2
Male
Female
Persons
0.1
0.0
0.1
0.9
0.0
0.0
0.0
27.1
26.3
26.9
32.8
40.3
35.0
36.0
16.8
32.9
Electricity gas and water supply
1.1
0.3
0.8
2.0
1.0
1.7
2.5
0.0
2.1
Construction
9.3
5.3
8.1
7.9
0.4
5.7
8.4
1.2
7.2
Wholesale, retail trades, hotel and resturants
21.8
13.3
19.4
22.9
5.0
17.6
24.7
6.6
21.8
Transport, storage and communication
11.7
1.6
8.9
12.7
1.7
9.5
13.7
0.8
11.7
Finance related
7.9
4.1
6.8
5.5
2.4
4.6
4.7
8.1
5.3
Public administration, defence and
compulsory socal securit
Educational sector
7.9
3.1
6.6
5.0
3.0
4.4
2.9
0.0
2.4
3.6
11.1
5.7
2.6
14.9
6.3
0.2
33.9
5.6
Health and social network
1.9
4.6
2.7
1.3
5.2
2.5
0.0
0.7
0.1
2.6
3.2
2.8
2.2
5.1
3.1
1.4
9.2
2.7
1.2
8.2
3.1
2.3
18.0
6.9
5.3
22.7
8.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Other community, social and personal service
activities
Activities of the private households as
employers
Total workers
Source: Unit Level Data of NSSO, Migration in India, 64th Round, 2007-08
33
Table A3: Migrants’ Work Status by Quartile Classes
Work Status
first
quartile
second
quartile
India
third
quartile
forth
quartile
Total
first
quartile
second
quartile
West Bengal
third
quartile
forth
quartile
Total
first
quartile
second
quartile
Kolkata
third
quartile
forth
quartile
Total
Men
self-employed
regular salaried
casual labourers
Total Workers
41.4
35.7
31.9
28.4
32.3
55.1
37.5
31.6
29.4
37.0
48.5
33.0
30.5
26.5
32.3
31.3
44.0
56.8
67.9
55.8
13.1
44.8
60.0
70.1
50.0
0.9
48.9
57.6
72.6
52.2
27.2
20.3
11.3
3.7
11.9
31.8
17.6
8.4
0.5
13.0
50.7
18.1
12.0
0.9
15.5
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Women
self-employed
47.7
50.2
48.1
31.6
44.6
60.7
54.4
35.5
24.5
47.2
18.1
2.6
27.6
5.8
14.5
regular salaried
18.2
25.5
38.7
65.3
35.5
27.9
32.4
48.5
72.1
42.0
81.9
97.4
43.4
94.2
73.9
casual labourers
34.1
24.3
13.2
3.1
19.9
11.4
13.2
16.0
3.4
10.8
0.0
0.0
29.0
0.0
11.7
Total Workers
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: Unit Level Data of NSSO, Migration in India, 64th Round, 2007-08
Table A4: Workforce Participation in Pre and Post-Migration Period
Premigration
Men
Postmigration
Premigration
Women
Postmigration
Workers
48.5
96.5
24.3
34.3
Attending Education
30.2
1.0
5.2
0.0
Seeking Work
Attending Domestic
Duties
5.9
0.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
70.0
65.7
15.3
2.0
0.4
0.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Others
Total
Source: Based on Field work, January-July, 2010
34