Revista de la Universidad del Este
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ÁMBITO DE ENCUENTROS
JUNTA EDITORA
DIRECTOR
Dr. Manuel S. Almeida
JUNTA EDITORA
Dra. María M. Arana/Universidad del Este
Dr. Alex Betancourt/Universidad de Puerto Rico-RP
Dr. Gabriel De La Luz/Universidad de Puerto Rico-RP
Profa. Érika Fontánez/Escuela de Derecho-UPR
Dra.Yolanda López/Universidad del Este
Dr. Jaime Partsch/Universidad del Este
Dr. Guillermo Rebollo/Universidad del Este
Dra. Josefa Santiago/Universidad de Puerto Rico-Bayamón
JUNTA ASESORA
Dra. Mildred Huertas/Vicerrectora, UNE
Luis Iturralde/Vicerrector Asociado de Investigación, UNE
Rosario Del P. Meléndez/Directora, Programa de Comunicaciones, UNE
DISEÑO
Adaris García
IMPRESIÓN
Imprenta Sistema Universitario Ana G. Méndez
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SUMARIO
ARTÍCULOS
A NOTE ON JESÚS T. PIÑERO AND THE POLEMICS OF
U.S. CITIZENSHIP FOR PUERTO RICANS DURING THE
DECADE OF 1940
09
CHARLES R. VENATOR-SANTIAGO
THE IMPACT OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN THE
PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF HISPANIC
WOMEN 25
50
ÁNGEL A. TOLEDO -LÓPEZ, PH. D.
LUIS JAVIER PENTÓN HERRERA
SECURITY AS A GLOBAL PUBLIC GOOD (GPG)
SUSANA HERRERO
POESÍA
61
ARQUITECTURE
THERE ARE A FEW PEOPLE I’D LIKE TO THANK
HISTORICITY
SUPERBOWL
67
DOWN UNDER
NO, WE DON’T
THE STUFF MY DREAMS ARE MADE OF
“SHE WALKS IN BEAUTY LIKE THE NIGHT”
TIMING TIME
THE CAGE
SOMMER BROWNING
LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
CREATIVO
INVESTIGATIVO
REFLEXIVO
7
RESEÑAS
76
79
91
94
8
THE FALL OF THE OTTOMANS:THE GREAT WAR IN THE
MIDDLE EAST
EUGENE ROGAN (2015; BASIC BOOKS). 486 PP.
ISBN:978-0465023073
MARÍA DEL PILAR ARGÜELLES
IMPERIALISMO JURÍDICO NORTEAMERICANO EN PUERTO
RICO (1898-2015). LA DEPENDENCIA COLONIAL, EL ESTATUS,
LA CORTE FEDERAL, VIEQUES, EL IDIOMA Y LA CULTURA: LA
IMPOSICIÓN DEL DERECHO Y EL PENSAMIENTO JURÍDICO
ESTADOUNIDENSE.
CARMELO DELGADO CINTRÓN (2015; PUBLICACIONES
GAVIOTA). 617PP.
ISBN: 978-1-61505-195-3
JAIME L. RODRÍGUEZ CANCEL
NOTA SOBRE LOS AUTORES
DESCRIPCIÓN DE LA REVISTA Y NORMAS PARA
SOMETER TRABAJOS
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A NOTE ON JESÚS T. PIÑERO AND THE
POLEMICS OF U.S. CITIZENSHIP FOR PUERTO
RICANS DURING THE DECADE OF 1940
CHARLES R. VENATOR-SANTIAGO
Recibido: 4 de mayo de 2016
Aceptado: 19 de junio de 2016
Resumen
El congreso reemplazo la cláusula de la ciudadania de la Ley Jones del 1917
y extendió la ciudadania por jus solí o por nacimiento a Puerto Rico en
1940. Mientras que los nacidos en Puerto Rico antes del 1940 adquieren
una ciudadania por naturalización, las personas que subsecuentemente
nacieron en la isla han adquirido una ciudadania nativa o natural de Estados
Unidos. Desde una perspectiva histórica, la década del 1940 se ha convertido
en el periodo mas importante de los debates contemporáneos sobre la
extension de la ciudadania a Puerto Rico. Esta reseña examina algunas de
las formas en las que Jesús T. Piñero, tanto en su capacidad de Comisionado
Residente como en su rol de gobernador de Puerto Rico, participa en la
definición de los debates que se llevan acabo durante esta década.
Palabras Clave: Jesús T. Piñero, Ciudadania, Puerto Rico
Abstract
In 1940, Congress enacted legislation replacing the citizenship provision of
the Jones Act of 1917 and extending the rule of jus soli or birthright
citizenship to Puerto Rico. Whereas all persons born in Puerto Rico prior
to 1940 acquired a naturalized citizenship, all persons subsequently born in
the island acquired a native or natural-born citizenship. Historically, the
1940s became the most consequential period for the contemporary
debates over the citizenship status of Puerto Ricans. This note examines
some of the ways that Jesús T. Piñero shaped the contours of the latter
citizenship debates in both his role as Resident Commissioner and later
Governor of Puerto Rico.
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Key Words: Jesús T. Piñero, Citizenship, Puerto Rico
Contemporary debates about the citizenship status of Puerto Ricans should
be anchored on the legal debates that took place during the 1940s. Prior to
the enactment of the Nationality Act of 1940 (54 Stat. 1137), persons born in
Puerto Rico acquired naturalized forms of U.S. citizenship tantamount to
derivative forms of parental or jus sanguinis citizenship.i In contrast, persons
born in Puerto Rico after January 13, 1941 acquired a birthright or jus soli
form of citizenship conferring a native or natural-born citizenship status. Yet,
while Congress essentially replaced the Jones Act of 1917 (39 Stat. 951), it has
not changed the citizenship legislation adopted during the 1940s. In both his
capacity as Resident Commissioner and Governor, Jesús T. Piñero was a
participant in some of the key debates of the period.
This note tries to contextualize Jesús T. Piñero’s role in the
citizenship debates over the status of Puerto Ricans during the 1940s. The
note is divided in four parts. Part I explains why the Jones Act of 1917 and its
ensuing amendments only conferred a naturalized form of citizenship on
Puerto Ricans. Part II explains how the Nationality Act of 1940 replaced the
Jones Act and began to confer a natural or native-born citizenship status on
persons born in Puerto Rico. Part III provides an overview of the Pagan
Amendment of 1948 (62 Stat. 1015), an amendment to both the Jones and
Nationality Acts, which affirmed the distinction between naturalized and
native-born citizens in Puerto Rico. Part IV provides three examples of
Piñero’s role in the latter debates.
The Collective Naturalizations of the Jones Act
In 1916, Congress enacted legislation providing for the collective
naturalization of the inhabitants of Puerto Rico (Cabranes 1979). The
citizenship provision (§5) of the so-called Jones Act of 1917 contained four
important clauses. The first clause collectively naturalized the citizens of
Puerto Rico as well as all insular-born inhabitants of the island who were
temporarily absent from Puerto Rico on April 11, 1899. The second clause,
however, enabled Puerto Rican citizens to choose to retain their current
status. Upwards of 288 individuals rejected the U.S. citizenship and chose to
retain their Puerto Rican citizenship [Ex Parte Morales, 10 P.R. Fed. 395, at 397
(1918)]. The third clause granted Puerto Ricans temporarily absent from the
island a grace period of six months to request the Jones Act citizenship. The
fourth clause also granted the island-born children of alien parents several
grace periods (6 months to 1 year) to acquire a Jones Act citizenship (39 Stat.
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951, 953). Although Congress had previously enacted legislation enabling
individual inhabitants of Puerto Rico to acquire a U.S. citizenship via
naturalization, the Jones Act was the first law to provide for the collective
naturalization of the island’s inhabitants.
Soon after the Jones Act took effect in the island, local Federal and
Municipal courts began to treat Puerto Rico as an incorporated territory or
a part of the United States for constitutional purposes [In the Matter of
Garffer, 9 P.R. Fed. 544, 546 (1917); In the Matter of Tapia, 9 P.R. Fed. 452
(1917); and Muratti v. Foote, 25 D.P.R. 568 (1917)]. As Efrén Rivera Ramos has
noted, central to the local courts’ rationales was an interpretation of a
Supreme Court precedent first mentioned in Downes v. Bidwell [182 U.S. 244,
332 (1901)] and later affirmed in Rassmussen v. United States [197 U.S. 516,
522 (1905)], which established that a congressional law providing for the
collective naturalization of the inhabitants of a territory was tantamount to
the implicit incorporation of the territory (Rivera Ramos 2007: 89). The
territorial incorporation of Puerto Rico would have meant that the
Citizenship Clause of the 14th Amendment would have extended the rule of
jus soli to the island and birth in Puerto Rico would have been tantamount to
birth in the United States. However, in People of Porto Rico v. Tapia [245 U.S.
639 (1918)], without explanation, the Supreme Court established that
despite established precedents, the collective naturalization provision of the
Jones Act did not incorporate Puerto Rico. This meant that Jones Act only
conferred a derivative form of parental or jus sanguinis (blood right)
citizenship on the inhabitants of Puerto Rico. Given the patrilinial imperatives
of U.S. naturalization laws persons born in Puerto Rico could only acquire a
U.S. citizenship through their father.
Between 1918 and 1940, Congress enacted corrective legislation
amending §5 of the Jones Act on three occasions (Álvarez González 2009).
Congress first amended the Jones Act in 1927 (§5a) enabling aliens, the
children of aliens, and Puerto Rican citizens residing in Puerto Rico to
naturalize and acquire a U.S. citizenship (44 Stat. 1418).The 1934 amendment,
also known as §5b, provided for the retroactive naturalization of persons
born in Puerto Rico and extended the Cable Act of 1922 (42 Stat. 1021) to
the island (48 Stat. 1245). The latter clause enabled Puerto Rican women,
who had been previously denaturalized as a result of their marriage to an
alien, to reacquire their U.S. citizenship (Venator-Santiago 2012). The third
amendment, also known as §5c, provided also provided for the retroactive
naturalization of all persons born in Puerto Rico after April 11, 1899 (52 Stat.
377). None of these amendments changed the territorial status of Puerto
Rico. All affirmed the ability of Puerto Ricans to acquire a naturalized
citizenship.
In sum, four points merit emphasis. First, the collective naturalization
CHARLES R.VENATOR-SANTIAGO
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provision did not change the territorial status of Puerto Rico. It followed that
subsequent the enactment of the Jones Act persons born (and residing) in
Puerto Rico could only acquire a derivative form of parental or jus sanguinis
citizenship Third, persons who acquired a U.S. citizenship under the terms of
the Jones Act and its amendments only acquired a naturalized citizenship.
Finally, the repeated enactment of amendments to §5 providing for the
retroactive naturalization of Puerto Ricans did not solve the consistent
problem of statelessness in the island. The limitations of the Jones Act
citizenship ultimately prompted President Franklin D. Roosevelt and later
Congress to replace the Jones Act naturalization with the extension of
birthright citizenship to the island.
Replacing the Jones Act
In 1933, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt convened an
interagency committee to develop legislation that would organize and bring
coherence to the disparate number of immigration, naturalization, citizenship
and nationality laws in the United States.The proposed legislation also sought
to clarify the citizenship status of the inhabitants of the territories, including
the status of Puerto Ricans. At the behest of the Roosevelt administration,
Congress subsequently enacted the Nationality Act of 1940 (54 Stat. 1137).
The new law contained two important citizenship provisions designed to
replace the Jones Act.
The first provision, also known as §101(d), changed the territorial
status of Puerto Rico for the sole purpose of the extension of jus soli or
birthright citizenship to the island. More precisely, §101(d) established that
the “term ‘United States’ when used in a geographical sense means the
continental United States, Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands
of the United States” (54 Stat. 1137). The implications of this provision were
twofold. First, for the purposes of the new law, Puerto Rico ceased being an
unincorporated or “outlying” territory and acquired the same territorial
status as the other incorporated territories, namely Alaska and Hawaii.
Second, as the President’s Committee noted in their report to Congress, the
intent of §101(d) was to establish birth in Puerto Rico would “have the same
effect as birth in the continental United States” (President’s Report 1938, 4).
Stated differently, birth in Puerto Rico would henceforth be tantamount to
birth in the United States for citizenship purposes.
In addition, §202 retroactively extended the rule of jus soli to Puerto
Rico back to the formal ratification of the Treaty of Paris. Specifically, §202
provided that “(a)ll persons born in Puerto Rico on or after April 11, 1899,
subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, residing on the effective date
of this Act in Puerto Rico or other territory over which the United Sates
exercises rights of sovereignty and not citizens of the United States under
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any other Act, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States” (54
Stat. 1137, 1139). Again, explaining the intent of this provision, the President’s
Committee Report stated “…this section will in effect apply the rule of jus
soli to Puerto Rico as of the date of its annexation to the United States,
treating Puerto Rico for such purposes as an incorporated territory of the
United States” (President’s Report 1938, 14). Read together with the latter
provision, the Nationality Act established that persons born in Puerto Rico
after January 12, 1941, the date in which the law took effect, would now
acquire a native or natural-born citizenship status.
The 1948 Amendment to the Jones Act
As Charles R. Venator Santiago (2013) has previously documented,
soon after the enactment of the Nationality Act, then Puerto Rican Resident
Commissioner Bolivar Pagán, introduced H.R. 6165, a bill seeking to exempt
Puerto Ricans from its denaturalization provision. Under the terms of
§404(c), any naturalized citizen residing outside of the United States for a
period longer than 5 years would be automatically denaturalized or
expatriated (54 Stat. 1137, 1170). Central to Resident Commissioner Pagán’s
concern was the notion that the law denaturalized any Puerto Rican
merchant residing in the Western Hemisphere (e.g. Dominican Republic,
Cuba, Mexico, and Venezuela) and who acquired his or her citizenship prior
to January 12, 1941 (H. Rept. 2373).Although Resident Commissioner Pagan’s
bill was favorably reviewed by Federal lawmakers World War II delayed
passage of the bill until 1948.
Available documents at the Archivo General de Puerto Rico suggest
that most denaturalization cases throughout this period involved five types
of issues, namely:
1.
Puerto Ricans residing in Latin America were generally seeking a
evidence of their U.S. citizenship (birth certificates and other documentation)
in order to return to Puerto Rico;
2.
Puerto Ricans who worked or engaged in commercial activities in
Latin American countries were denaturalized for violating Section 404(c);
3.
Puerto Ricans residing outside of the U.S. for a period longer than
5 years were denaturalized for violating Section 404(c);
4.
Puerto Rican born to children of Spanish parents (mostly fathers)
and residing in a Latin American country were seeking access to a U.S.
citizenship;
5.
There is some indication that some Puerto Rican women who lost
CHARLES R.VENATOR-SANTIAGO
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their citizenship as a result of marriage (coverture) to a non-U.S. citizen
prior to 1934 were seeking to regain their U.S. citizenship.
Moreover, notwithstanding the language of §202, the general
consensus of the period suggests that persons born in Puerto Rico prior to
the enactment of the Nationality Act of 1940 possessed a naturalized
citizenship, whereas those born after were considered native or natural born
U.S. citizens.
Evidence of this interpretation is readily available in the legislative
record of the Pagán Amendment for the period of 1941 to 1948. For example,
in a letter dated January 24, 1942 to Representative Samuel Dickstein, then
Chairman of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, U.S.
Attorney General Francis Biddle explained that “persons born in Puerto
Rico after January 12, 1941, are native-born citizens of the United States,
persons born in Puerto Rico prior to that date are not deemed native-born
citizens of the United States but are considered naturalized citizens pursuant
to the provisions of §5 of the act of March 2, 1917 (Jones Act)” (H. Rept. 2373,
2). Lawmakers and directors of other Federal agencies also agreed with this
interpretation. Moreover, during the committee hearings for H.R. 6165,
Edward Shaughnessy, the Commissioner for the Immigration and
Naturalization Services, explained “for the purposes of the Code, however,
they (Puerto Ricans born between 1917 and 1940) are referred to as
naturalized citizens” (Hearings, H.R. 6165, 7-8). Suffice it to say that during
the 1940s, whereas law and policy makers agreed that persons born in
Puerto Rico prior to the enactment of the Nationality Act of 1940 acquired a
naturalized citizenship, they also agreed that persons born in the island after
the act took effect acquired a native-born citizenship.
On June 25, 1948, Congress amended §404(c) Nationality Act and §5
of the Jones Act creating a special immigration exception for persons born in
Puerto Rico prior to January 12, 1941 (62 Stat. 1015). The exception
protected Puerto Rican born citizens from automatic denaturalization for
residing outside of the United States for more than 5 years. More importantly,
the law affirmed the native or natural born citizenship status of Puerto
Ricans. Like the jus soli provisions of the Nationality Act this obscure, but
important corrective amendment, was subsequently re-affirmed in the
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 and has yet to be questioned,
overturned or challenged. In sum, since 1948, Congress has not enacted any
legislation questioning the native or natural-born citizenship status of
persons born in Puerto Rico.
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Jesús T. Piñero’s Role in the Citizenship Debates During the
1940s
Jesús T. Piñero addressed at least two dimensions of the question of
the citizenship status of Puerto Ricans during the 1940s. In his role as
Resident Commissioner (1945-1946), Piñero introduced at least two bills
containing citizenship provisions for the inhabitants of Puerto Rico. During
his subsequent term as governor of Puerto Rico (1946-1947), Piñero
addressed various cases of Puerto Ricans who were denaturalized while
residing in Latin America and outside of the United States more generally.
Some publicly available documents suggest that Piñero primarily affirmed the
ability of Puerto Ricans to preserve a U.S. citizenship in order to foster their
participation in commercial activities.
Piñero was elected to the office of Resident Commissioner for
Puerto Rico in 1944 on the ticket of the Partido Popular Democrático (PPD),
replacing Resident Commissioner Bolivar Pagán (S/C-PR). During his brief
tenure in Washington, D.C., Resident Commissioner Piñero introduced at
least two bills in Congress containing citizenship provisions. On May 16,
1945, at the behest of the Puerto Rican legislature, Resident Commissioner
Piñero introduced H.R. 3237, a bill calling for a plebiscite to resolve Puerto
Rico’s political status. The proposed status plebiscite contained three status
options for Puerto Rico, namely independence, statehood, and Dominionism
or territorial autonomy. Each status option contained corresponding
citizenship provisions.
The independence option contained a citizenship provision with
three important clauses (H.R. 3237, Title II, §211). The first clause enabled
Puerto Ricans to retain their American citizenship by making a declaration to
do so in a U. S. District Court. A second clause enabled U.S. citizens born in
Puerto Rico but residing elsewhere (in the mainland or outside the U.S.) to
self-expatriate by making a simple declaration seeking to acquire the ensuing
citizenship of a future Republic of Puerto Rico. A final clause, established a
transition period automatically expatriating U.S. citizens residing in Puerto
Rico who neglected to choose to retain their U.S. citizenship after a
determined applicable period. While it is not clear whether Puerto Ricans
could retain a dual citizenship while residing in a sovereign Puerto Rico, it is
readily evident that they could choose to retain a U.S citizenship and residing
in the Republic.
The statehood option did not contain a citizenship provision for
obvious reasons. To be sure, all persons born in Puerto Rico after 1941
already acquired a birthright or jus soli citizenship. Statehood would merely
affirm the notion that this form of citizenship was tantamount to a 14th
Amendment citizenship. Moreover, under established precedents, the
statehood admissions process was tantamount to a collective naturalization
CHARLES R.VENATOR-SANTIAGO
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of the remaining non-citizens residing in the island. To this extent, on the
question of citizenship, the statehood option merely affirmed the status quo.
The Dominion option contained a single citizenship provision
providing for the creation of a dual citizenship. The text of the legislation
stated:
Every citizen of the United States, born in Puerto Rico, and every
citizen of the United States whose citizenship is based upon legislation
directed exclusively to Puerto Rico, and every citizen of the United
States who is a resident of Puerto Rico according to the laws of Puerto
Rico, shall also be a citizen of the Dominion of Puerto Rico, owing
allegiance and being entitled to full protection of the Government of
the United Sates and of Puerto Rico (H.R. 3237, Title IV, §407).
Stated differently, eligible U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico could choose
to retain their citizenship and simultaneously acquire a dual Puerto Rican
citizenship under the terms of the Dominion status. Of course, the question
is why was this option not part of the independence option?
In addition, on April 2, 1946, Resident Commissioner Piñero also
introduced H.R. 5975, another version of the Pagán Amendment to the
Nationality Act of 1940. Like prior versions of this amendment, H.R. 5975
sought to amend §404(c) of the Nationality Act of 1940 by establishing that
the denaturalization provision in question should not apply to Puerto Ricans
or a person born in Puerto Rico. The amendment would protect the
nationality or citizenship of a person born in Puerto Rico who resided
outside of the United States for more than 5 years. As noted above, like
other versions of the bill previously introduced by Resident Commissioner
Pagán, the Piñero bill would not garner enough support to become law until
1948.
On July 25, 1946, President Harry S. Truman announced the
appointment of Piñero, the first Puerto Rican governor, to replace Governor
Rexford G. Tugwell in anticipation to the enactment of the Elective Governor
Act of 1947 (61 Stat. 770). Governor Piñero is sworn in on September 3,
1946 and remained in office through 1948, following the election of Luis
Muñoz Marín (Acevedo 2005). As noted above, Governor Piñero addressed
an array of denaturalization cases while in office. However, on April 22, 1948,
in a letter to Resident Commissioner Antonio Fernós Isern addressing the
introduction of the latest version of the Pagán Amendment, Governor Piñero
summarized his thoughts on the denaturalization of Puerto Ricans residing
outside of the United States:
When I was in Congress I introduced a similar bill, a step which seems
to me very logical and wise to take. The measure will cover a small
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number, most of them distinguished citizens over 50 years old residing in foreign
countries of Latin American. They are an asset in their respective communities,
most of them in business representing American business firms (emphasis
added) (AGPR, T-96-20/Caja 424).ii
Although it is difficult to discern how many denaturalization cases
Governor Piñero office addressed or whether he was successful prior to the
enactment of the Pagán Amendment, the available information suggests that he
was more prone to expend his office’s limited resources on cases involving
Puerto Rican businessmen. Notwithstanding, the point is that as late as 1948,
Governor Piñero was involved in the addressing a significant number of
denaturalization cases.
Conclusion
I want to emphasize two points by way of conclusion. First, during the
1940s, Federal law and policy makers were clear that persons born in Puerto
Rico prior to the enactment of the Nationality Act of 1940 acquired a naturalized
citizenship, while those who were born after acquired a native or natural-born
citizenship. The historical record is fairly clear on this point and no subsequent
legislation or Supreme Court decision has question this interpretation since.
Second, Jesús T. Piñero was also a participant in the debates that occurred during
the decade of the 1940s.While I cannot claim any expertise on the life and work
of Jesús T. Piñero, I know that the literature on the extension of citizenship to
Puerto Rico has not grappled with his role or contributions to these debates.
More research on this topic is needed.
NOTES
i I am grateful for the funding support provided by the University of Connecticut’s
Office of the Vice President for Research and the Washington, D.C. Honors
Congressional Internship Program. I am also thankful for the support of
Professor Raúl Mayo, who enabled me to gain prompt access to a wealth of
materials available at the Archivo General de Puerto Rico. I am also thankful to
Manuel Almeida for his generous invitation to present my thoughts during this
inaugural event. This paper was presented as the keynote lecture for the
inauguration of the Biblioteca y Centro de Investigación Social Jesús T. Piñero,
Universidad del Este en Carolina, Puerto Rico, 4 May 2016.
ii Oficina del Gobernador, Correspondencia General, T-96-20/Caja 424, Folder
Casos de Americanos, Archivo General de Puerto Rico, San Juan, Puerto Rico.
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REFERENCES
Primary Sources
Cable Act of 1922, Pub. L. No. 67-346, 42 Stat. 1021 (1922).
Elective Governor Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-361, 61 Stat. 770 (1947).
H.R. 6165, 77th Cong. (1941).
H.R. 3237, 79th Cong. (1945).
H.R. 5975, 79th Cong. (1946).
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, Pub. L. No. 82-414, 66 Stat. 163
(1952).
Jones Act of 1917, Pub. L. No. 64-368, 39 Stat. 951 (1917).
Nationality Act of 1940, Pub. L. No. 76-853, 54 Stat. 1137 (1940).
Porto Rico Civil Government Act of 1927, Pub. L. No. 69-797, 44 Stat. 1418
(1927).
Porto Rico Civil Government Act of 1934, Pub. L. No. 73-477, 48 Stat. 1245
(1934).
Preserving the Nationality of a Person Born in Puerto Rico Act: Hearing on H.R.
6165 Before H. Comm. on Immigration and Naturalization, 77th Cong.
(1942).
Puerto Rico Civil Government Act of 1938, Pub. L. No. 75-521, 52 Stat. 377
(1938).
To Amend the Organic Act of Puerto Rico (Pagán Amendment), Pub. L. No.
80-776, 62 Stat. 1015 (1948).
UNITED STATES COMMITTEE TO REVIEW THE NATIONALITY LAWS,
76th CONG., REP. ON NATIONALITY LAWS OF THE UNITED
STATES (Comm. Print 1938).
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UNITED
STATES
COMMITTEE
ON
IMMIGRATION AND
NATURALIZATION, 77TH
CONG., PRESERVING THE
NATIONALITY OF A PERSON BORN IN PUERTO RICO WHO
RESIDES FOR 5 YEARS IN A FOREIGN STATE, H. Rep. No. 2373
(2nd Sess. 1941).
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Álvarez González, José J. 2009. Derecho constitucional de Puerto Rico y relaciones
constitucionales con los Estados Unidos, Casos y materiales. Bogotá:
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Cabranes, José A. 1979. Citizenship and the American Empire, Notes on the
Legislative History of the United States Citizenship of Puerto Ricans. New
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Rivera Ramos, Efrén. 2007. American Colonialism in Puerto Rico:The Judicial and
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Venator-Santiago, Charles. R. 2012 “Marriage and the Expatriation of Puerto
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Puerto Rico.” Latino(a) Research Review 8 (1-2): 231-246.
_____. 2013. “Are Puerto Ricans Native-Born U.S. Citizens? The 1948
Pagán/Fernós-Isern Amendment.” Ámbito de Encuentros, 6 (2): 9-30.
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CHARLES R.VENATOR-SANTIAGO
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THE IMPACT OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN
THE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF
HISPANIC WOMEN
ÁNGEL A. TOLEDO LÓPEZ, PH. D.
LUIS JAVIER PENTÓN HERRERA
Recibido: 19 de noviembre de 2015
Aceptado: 18 de febrero de 2016
Resumen
La comunidad hispana en Estados Unidos ha crecido exponencialmente en
años recientes y continuará creciendo en la medida en que la inmigración se
convierte en su única alternativa para buscar una mejor calidad de vida.
Cuando las familias hispanas llegan a Estados Unidos, es típico que mantengan
las tradiciones que les permiten cumplir con los roles que se asignan a cada
género en sus países de origen. Las mujeres son las amas de casa a cargo de
criar a los hijos y de mantener el hogar, mientras que los hombres proveen
el sustento de la familia que reside en Estados Unidos y fuera. La falta de
destrezas lingüísticas en inglés les obliga a vivir en vecindarios en los que
puedan mantener lazos culturales y de idioma con su país de origen. Ese
arreglo requiere que las mujeres se mantengan en la casa en un ambiente
resguardado que no les permite relacionarse con la cultura dominante y
aprender el idioma. Cuando la estructura familiar cambia, los esposos se van
del hogar o dificultades económicas sobrevienen, estas mujeres tienen que
tomar medidas. Este estudio cualitativo evalúa las experiencias de mujeres
hispanas en Estados Unidos y el proceso mediante el cual desarrollan
destrezas lingüísticas en inglés. Se administraron entrevistas profundas a seis
mujeres hispanas para evaluar las hipótesis situacionales y motivacionales
que buscan descubrir los factores que dirigen, o no, a las latinas a aprender
inglés una vez llegan a Estados Unidos.
Palabras Clave: Mujeres hispanas, bilingüismo, inmigración, estudios de género
Abstract
The Hispanic community in the United States has grown exponentially in
recent years and will continue to grow as immigration becomes their only
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alternative in search for a better quality of life. When Hispanic families arrive
at the United States, it is common for them to maintain their traditions and
fulfill the different roles assigned to each gender in their countries of origin.
Women are, thus, seen as amas de casa in charge of child rearing and taking
care of the house, while men are providers who ensure the sustenance of
their family both in the United States and abroad. Their lack of English
language skills forces them into neighborhoods where cultural and linguistic
ties with home can be maintained. This arrangement requires women to stay
in the house in a sheltered environment that does not allow them to relate
with the mainstream culture and learn the language. When the family
structure changes, husbands leave, or economic hardship ensues, measures
must be taken. This is a qualitative study of the experiences of Hispanic
women in the United States and the process of developing language skills in
English. In depth interviews of six Hispanic women were used to test the
situational or motivational hypotheses that seek to uncover the factors that
drive, or do not drive, Latinas to learn English when they move to the United
States.
Key Words: Hispanic women, bilingualism, immigration, gender studies
Introduction
Demographics relate to people, their ethnic background, traditions, social
status, gender, age, and various other defining characteristics. Changing
demographics are a social reality “shaping the provision of learning in
contemporary American society” (Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007,
p.7). For the first time in the American society adults outnumber youth
(Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007), and the population is better
educated and more culturally diverse. Education is no longer left for young
people to pursue, but a tenable goal for adults as well. Adults from all walks
of life seek out learning experiences.Their motivations are personal, to some
extent, or societal thanks to the requirements imposed by an ever-changing
American economy, society, and culture (Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner,
2007).
One significant demographic change that has occurred in recent
years is the influx of Hispanic immigrants in the United States. Hispanics are
the fastest growing minority group in the nation (Payán & Nettles, 2007).
According to the most recent census, Hispanics account for 16.7% of the
total U.S. population and their community is projected to more than double
by the year 2060 (United States Census Bureau, 2014). However, when
immigrant families arrive at the United States, they experience a culture
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shock caused by their spoken language, different traditions, and a highly
competitive commercial environment. This culture shock is observed
particularly among immigrant students who arrive at the different schools
unable to speak the language and relate to their new academic reality and
culture (Ezra, 2003). It is also evidenced among professionals who cannot
find high-paying jobs in their areas of expertise because their academic
credentials are not valid in the United States. For some, the logical solution
is to seek higher education –whether hands-on, vocational, or professional–
to validate their credentials, become marketable, and provide for their
families.
Some societal elements may act as a barrier for minorities, especially
for women. In the Hispanic community, women are traditionally depicted as
amas de casa (housewives) and in Latin American countries it is not
uncommon for them to sacrifice their education and their personal life to
take care of the house and children. These roles are deeply embedded into
their culture and, while not every family lives under these expectations, many
respond to the social and cultural responsibilities imposed on them. When
Hispanic families arrive at the United States, they seek to maintain their
traditions and fulfill these roles. They try to connect with people with
common backgrounds and language, and create ties that will facilitate their
living experience. Men seek for job opportunities that allow them to provide
for the family, and women stay at home taking care of the house and the
children.This means that men are more exposed to social environments that
enable them to learn about the culture and the language at a faster pace than
their female counterparts. Women, on the other hand, are generally devoid
of these opportunities because they stay in an environment that is familiar to
them but that limits their potential for personal and professional growth.
However, the need for economic stability sometimes forces women to seek
an active role in the workforce. Since many of these women do not know the
language and may have little work and educational experience, they find
many obstacles that affect their will and opportunity to pursue higher
education and find a job.
Recent research explores the challenges Hispanic women must
overcome to seek higher education and learn English (Chavez, 2015).
However, “in the literature on bilingualism…gender is hardly mentioned”
(Burton, 1994, p. 1). Thus, contributing to the development of academic
literature in this area is of paramount importance. Chavez (2015) mentions
six main factors that impact the success of these women when seeking
higher education. These factors include: “personal attributes; home culture
and language; support, opposition, and tradition; discrimination and equity
issues; building connections and mentors; and college experience and
instruction” (p. 1). These challenges, added to financial hardship, are a reality
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that the majority of Hispanic women experience in the United States today.
However, in spite of these factors, some Hispanic women find empowerment
in bilingualism and choose to seek educational growth to change their
conditions and make a positive contribution to the lives of their children and
in their household (Pavlenko, 2001).
The purpose of this study is to uncover the dynamics and barriers
of adult education from the perspective of Hispanic immigrant women. The
study analyzes the impact of bilingualism on the potential empowerment of
Hispanic women in the American society. More specifically, this study analyzes
why Hispanic immigrant women choose to learn English as a second language,
and it focuses on specific contextual conditions and situations that relate to
the lives of these women and serve as internal or external motivators to
pursue their goals. Social and academic factors are predicted to relate
directly with the decision of these women to pursue higher education and
learn the English language. Qualitative analyses of in-depth interviews provide
the groundwork to analyze the experiences of Hispanic immigrant women.
This study contributes to the growth of the academic literature on adult
education, and promotes further and deeper analysis of the academic, social,
and personal experiences of Hispanic women in the United States.
Hispanic Women: Situation and Motivation
Two hypotheses allow us to understand the experience of Hispanic
immigrant women in the United States upon their arrival: the situational and
the motivational hypotheses. The situational hypothesis asserts that the
condition of Hispanic women in the United States is largely determined by
cultural and social factors that impact their existence and living in a demanding
society that greatly differs from their experience at home. The motivational
hypothesis sustains that changes in these situations or conditions drives
them out of the culturally-provoked inertia and into a new world of social,
economic, political, and academic engagement. The reciprocal relationship
between these two factors guarantees that changes in personal situations
will impact their motivation, and that increasing motivation, from whichever
source, will stimulate them to make changes in their social condition.We rely
on theories of gender roles and social needs to understand the conditions
that Hispanic immigrant women deal with and must overcome to pursue
greater social activism. We then look at intrinsic and extrinsic motivational
factors that enable their successful achievement of personal and professional
goals through the attainment of language skills in English.
One situational factor that impinges on Hispanic immigrant women’s
condition is that of the assignment of gender roles. Lewis (2003) asserts that
the definition of masculinity and femininity is “contingent on issues of national
identity, class, race, religion, ethnicity, et cetera” (p. 11). He argues that
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behavior differences between men and women are transmitted through
cultural and socialization processes that link conduct to biological
characteristics. The definition of gender is, thus, socially constructed through
perceived differences in the biological determinants of femininity and
masculinity. West and Zimmerman (1991) argue that gender is defined by
“creating differences between girls and boys and women and men, differences
that are not natural, essential, or biological. Once the differences have been
constructed, they are used to reinforce the ‘essentialness’ of gender” (p. 24).
Gender roles are created and culturally assigned based on societal
expectations that each gender must fulfill. In this sense, the definition of man
and woman goes beyond the biological determinants and focuses on how
each culture and society constructs meanings based on traditions,
expectations, and customs.
It, thus, follows, that there is no universal definition of masculinity
and femininity, and that each individual social group internally constructs the
expectations imposed on men and women. It can also be deduced that the
roles that Hispanic societies assign to men and women differ from the ones
that are assigned in the United States. We could further assert that the
assignment of roles could vary from state to state or from one region to
another within the United States depending, for example, on people’s stance
in the liberal-conservative continuum, and from one Hispanic society to
another depending on their social and cultural development throughout the
years. The point is that the social definitions of men and women vary from
one society to another and that Hispanic immigrants clash with social
definitions and expectations of gender when they come to the United States.
To interpret social behavior in many of its manifestations, we must understand
the extant differences between femininity and masculinity (Toledo Lopez,
2002, p. 10). Social expectations imposed on men and women determine
behavior, perceptions, and decisions. For example, if women are taught that
they must rear children, be affective caregivers and attentive to the needs of
the family, they will most likely adopt all kinds of behaviors that materialize
these learned categories. If all women exhibit these behaviors, not only will
women see themselves as just that, but society in general will also impose
these expectations on all women alike. It becomes a recursive process that
moves from an individual requirement to a collective endeavor that all must
engage in because they are socialized that this is what defines them. The
same occurs with men who learn that their sole responsibility is to provide
economic stability and support to the family. Child bearing and rearing is not
their responsibility. They are not taught to be nurturing or to stay at home.
Instead, they must meet the struggles of the surrounding environment face
to face and engage in all activities necessary to support themselves and the
family.
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These definitions have particular implications for Hispanics who
immigrate to the United States. As dominating, assertive, and independent
providers, men move beyond the boundaries of house and the community to
expose themselves to the milieu of social and cultural exchanges.This may be
somewhat threatening at first, but as socialization processes unravel, men
integrate into the society, learn the language, and actively participate in
activities designed to fulfill their social roles. This is not done because of
need, but because this is the role that they must fulfill. Women, on the other
hand, are kept safe in a protected environment devoid of threats and dangers
of an intimidating new society.They are spared from the difficulties of learning
a new language because doing so is unnecessary. Their stability is guaranteed
in a community of peers who speak their language, share their culture, and
understand their needs.
These circumstances of Latina immigrant women are recreated in
an environment that is foreign to them. The gender roles under which they
lived in their home countries are reconstructed in a new environment where
they remain “under the control of a male-husband-father, brother, or son-and
more or less treated that same way as children” (Bullough, 1979, p. 145).
Dávila (2013) relies on Memmi’s (1965) theory of the colonized-colonizer to
explain that the female-male relationship among Hispanics is one of a male
dominant and a female submissive in which women abide by the social and
cultural norms that render them dependent, incapable of assuming heavy
responsibilities, and in need of protection. Similarly, Wittig (1992) represents
the female-male dichotomy as one similar to that of slaves and masters. She
argues, “the perenniality of the sexes and the perenniality of slaves and
masters proceed from the same belief, and, as there are no slaves without
masters, there are no women without men” (Wittig, 1992, p. 2).Wittig (1992)
depicts a relationship of codependence in which women are seen as weaker
and in need of protection that the male counterpart must provide (Memmi,
1965; Dávila, 2013).This explains why Hispanic immigrant women, upon their
arrival to the United States, are kept within the boundaries of their community
where learning a new language is unnecessary and where they are protected
from the dangers of an unknown society.
Three important factors determine the interplay between gender
and the roles that they are expected to fulfill in Hispanic societies. Foster
(1994) argues that military discipline, Catholic morality, and traditional family
beliefs coexist in Hispanic communities and define significant relationships
between sexes. These three institutions are built from a heavily patriarchal
ideology to establish the foundations of the Hispanic society and to maintain
power relationships between themselves and other institutions (Dávila,
2013). Morality, religious norms, and military power play a determinant role
in establishing the roles that both men and women in Hispanic societies must
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fulfill. It is not surprising that the male figure takes a dominant role and
exerts influence over what is determined as socially, culturally, morally, legally,
and spiritually accepted.
These arguments are based on Foucault’s (1982) History of
Sexuality that highlights how the emergence of bourgeois society in the XVII
Century and its intimate relationship with Catholicism redefined the concept
of family and relegated sexuality to the confinements of the marital room.
The repressive measures taken against sexuality as an expression of freedom
had an immediate effect on societal order and on the construction of family.
This, Dávila (2013) suggests, created new definitions of “father,” “mother,”
and “child,” with the goal of maintaining familial, social, and national stability.
Society members accepted these new definitions that helped create gender
distinctions and that gave both Church and State supreme power over the
different social institutions and the determination of the functions that each
individual had to execute. Manzor-Coats (1994), argues that Latin American
women were left with the responsibility of giving meaning to the patriarchal
state by fulfilling their maternal, domestic roles. Women are required certain
purity and strictness characteristic of religion, while men show power,
dominance, and control. These relationships are recreated in the different
social environments that Latino families adopt when they immigrate to other
countries, regardless of the prevailing social and cultural milieu. It is, thus,
normal to see Hispanic immigrant women among their peers, in their
protected cultural oasis where language acquisition and education is
unnecessary because social and cultural threats have been avoided.
The implications of this last argument are important. First, Hispanic
immigrant women are kept within the geographical and social boundaries of
her community where little or nothing threatens their personal stability.
They do not need to learn the language because communication in anything
other than her native tongue is unnecessary. Because anything outside their
community is foreign to them, Hispanic immigrant women are overprotected
inside a cultural and social environment that is familiar to them and where
they can move with relative ease. Socialization at all levels takes place in this
sheltered environment where daily exchanges and domestic activities occur
in a language and a cultural framework that they understand. Meanwhile,
their male counterparts must quickly integrate into the mainstream society
and culture, learn the foreign language at a fast pace, and obtain a job with
which to provide for the economic stability of the family as a whole. This
guarantees that the wife and children are well taken care of and that the
husband keeps his empowered position as the “man of the house.”
Hispanic immigrant women’s sense of need is, thus, reconstructed
and their priorities are redefined in light of their supposed need of protection
from whatever is foreign or unknown. Women are left to take care of the
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house not only because they are safe there but also because that is part of
their female role. In this safe environment, their needs are also redefined so
that their husbands or male partners can amply satisfy them. Learning the
language, integrating into the mainstream culture, pursuing higher education,
or getting a job is, thus, not required or expected of them. Men, on the other
hand, need to work, learn the language, and integrate into the social and
business culture, because it is their responsibility to guarantee the safety and
stability of the entire family.
This argument is consistent with Maslow’s (1943) hierarchy of
needs and links with the second hypothesis. According to Maslow (1943),
human motivation is largely dependent on the satisfaction of specific needs.
The actions and conduct of individuals are largely determined by their needs.
Some needs are essential for the survival of the individual and should be
attained first. These essential needs are typically related to physiological and
personal security, and often times refer to the search for food, water, and
shelter. Once these needs are taken care of, individuals feel free to pursue
other more complex needs. These needs do not suddenly appear; they have
always been there, but they remain unattainable until priority needs are met.
Usually, these second tier needs relate to individuals’ desire to grow as a
person. They focus on the search for love, intimacy, accomplishment, and
personal satisfaction or gratification. Thus, the motivation to pursue these
more complex needs stems from the satisfaction of other more important
needs that pertain to the individual’s feeling of personal safety. Maslow’s
hierarchy of needs is summarized in the following figure.
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Image from: Lee, S. (2015). Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and how
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In light of Maslow’s (1943) theory, it is clear why Hispanic immigrant
women do not find internal or external motivations to move beyond the
geographical and social boundaries of their community. Within these
boundaries, women are protected and feel safe. They raise their children in
an environment that is culturally familiar to them. Moreover, they are not
threatened by their lack of communication skills in English. Furthering their
education or learning the language becomes a second or third tier need that
does not pertain to their immediate physical and personal safety. Miller
(1967) argues that education “is seen primarily as a means of achieving
status…” (p. 12) and status is not precisely what they are seeking upon
arrival to the United States. Second language learning becomes irrelevant
and unnecessary to them mainly because their husbands, who must fulfill
their roles as men, take care of the needs that require them to move outside
of their comfort zone.
However, situations can and do change. Circumstances related to
the personal histories of individuals shift the course of their lives and force
them into decisions that might be somewhat threatening. For instance,
personal losses, divorce, obtaining degrees, or achieving particular milestones
can move people out of their safety blankets and into a world of the unknown.
Situations like the loss of a loved one or a divorce have economic implications
and pose challenges to the security of individuals or families. This, according
to Maslow (1943), will take them back to the first level of the needs hierarchy
as they pursue personal and physiological safety. Changes must be made to
take care of these new situations, and, sometimes, these situations are what
motivate people to pursue significant changes. Education, for example, is
seen as a means of achieving status (Miller, 1967), but it is also a way of
obtaining personal and economic stability and safety. Hispanic immigrant
women who undergo life-changing situations can turn to education, even
when this only means learning English, as a means to access a job market that
was inaccessible to them. This may imply assuming roles typically assigned to
men, but may also be the only means of achieving their personal safety in a
society and culture that is different from their own.
Educational motivations of Hispanic immigrant women
There are different factors that impinge on an individual’s decision
to pursue higher education, further their studies, or learn a new language.
These factors can be personal in nature or societally imposed. The decision
to undertake an academic opportunity is usually not an easy one because of
the economic and time constraints involved. In addition to these costs,
Hispanic immigrant women ignore the language and have not established
enough social ties to facilitate their engagement in other endeavors unrelated
to family care and upbringing. However, when family care and child rearing
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are at the forefront, learning the language becomes necessary. Hispanic
immigrant women are motivated by social factors that promote language
learning and pursuing academic opportunities. The motivation to pursue
educational opportunities comes from two sources: personal or intrinsic and
family-related or extrinsic. The extrinsic motivations are discussed first
followed by Hispanic immigrant women’s personal interest, or intrinsic
motivation, in learning English as a second language.
The educational experience of Hispanics in the United States is one
of accumulated disadvantage (Tienda, Mitchell, & National Research Council,
2006). For Hispanic children, initial disadvantages often originate in their
inability to communicate in the mainstream language, parents’ lack of
knowledge of the education system of the United States, inadequate school
resources, and weak house-school relationships (Tienda et al). Hispanic
monolingual mothers cannot provide adequate academic support to their
children because they do not understand the language and oftentimes do not
have a strong educational background. The requirements for graduation and
school policies are foreign to them because of cultural and language barriers,
and their lack of school involvement, fragile relationships with teachers, and
no academic expectations and structure undermine the academic success of
their children (Tienda et al).
Research concludes that some of the most relevant contributing
factors to the existent achievement gap of the Hispanic population in our
schools are poverty levels, segregated schools, and lack of parental
involvement due to little or no proficiency in the English language (Craft &
Slate, 2012).The lack of parental involvement is a real issue that many schools
deal with and that cannot be resolved without proper support from the
school systems and the community. Thus, seeking higher education or
learning a new language for the average immigrant Hispanic woman goes
beyond personal fulfillment; it entails the possibility of being present in the
academic and personal lives of their children and collaborating with the
school system to improve their children’s academic experience. These
mothers–single or married–understand the importance of their presence in
their children’s current and future achievements in school and life. As a
matter of fact, research indicates that when Hispanic parents engage in their
children’s learning process and development, their children do better in
school (Ramos, 2014). Academic success and achievement results from
teamwork, and collaboration between school and home is essential to
provide a safety net to immigrant students who have just been exposed to a
new culture, language, and educational system.
Learning English is, thus, not a luxury that Hispanic immigrant
mothers, as primary caretakers, can disregard or put off for a more affordable
time. As children continue to learn the language and easily assimilate into the
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American culture, parents are forced to become more knowledgeable of
their surroundings to stay active in the daily lives of their children. From a
family perspective and a mother’s unique mindset, bilingualism is the only
tool that will give immigrant Hispanic women the opportunity to encourage
their children to reach academic success and to stay actively involved in their
children’s social circles and lives.Thus, Hispanic women can approach learning
English as an opportunity to support their children and set high expectations
for them to follow.
There are also personal factors that influence Hispanic immigrant
women’s decision to learn a new language and seek academic development.
These factors relate to intrinsic motivations that promote their desire to
learn. However, theories of adult education have paid very little attention to
the topic of Hispanic women and their academic motivations. As a field of
study and a theory, the current literature of andragogy focuses on majority
groups and addresses their needs accordingly. The theory is constructed
from a first world perspective and assumes that all adults, regardless of their
culture, will react to educational experiences in the same way.The first world
vision of andragogy suggests that adult women in general explore education
with the purpose of learning skills that they can reproduce in a short amount
of time and that will positively impact their personal and professional lives
(Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007). Through this learning process,
they expect to achieve a transformational experience that will make them
more culturally aware and will give them the ability to succeed as active
members of their new community and professions. However, these firstworld assumptions of andragogy in the United States may not apply entirely
to all adult women. The theory ignores the particularities and needs of
minority populations such as immigrant Hispanic women.This study expands
on current theories of adult education and contributes a unique vision that
theories of adult education have overlooked: the experiences of Hispanic
immigrant women in the United States.
The teaching practices surrounding andragogy are based upon six
main assumptions: “(a) Self-concept, (b) Role of experience, (c) Readiness to
learn, (d) Orientation to learning, (e) Internal motivation, and (f) Need to
know” (Chan, 2010, p.25).The first assumption holds that as individuals grow
older, they start developing a sense of independence and self-directing
personality. This concept states that adults prefer a learning environment
that promotes independent learning proper of a more adult setting. Second,
the role of experience highlights the importance of acknowledging the adults’
wealth of experiences when approaching education. This includes lifechanging experiences that motivate their interest in education as well as
other circumstances that they bring with them to the classroom setting and
can contribute to the development of important discussions. Certainly,
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adults, or children for that matter, cannot be considered blank slates.
Experiences and situations in life shape not only their lives as a whole, but
also their learning processes as they unravel. Readiness to learn, assumes
that as individuals mature they become more oriented to learn those things
that they will need to cope effectively with personal and professional
situations. This sense of relevance leads adult learners to engage in academic
endeavors that are associated to their immediate needs and that will provide
them with tools that they can put into practice. The investment of time and
money must be worth it; focusing on an area that is unnecessary or irrelevant
will certainly not spark their interest.
The remaining three assumptions relate to the urgency and
relevance of education. Orientation to learning focuses on the idea that
adults pursue education for immediate application rather than for future
uses. One of the main purposes for seeking education at this stage of life is
to become competitive, find a job, and provide for their families. Similarly,
motivation to learn states that adults are driven by intrinsic motivation
rather than by external factors. Pursuing higher education or learning a new
language are choices that adults make because they want to achieve a goal
that can only be completed through education. At this stage of learning,
andragogy asserts that the most potent forces behind education are internal
rather than external. Lastly, the need to know assumption holds that adults
“need to know why they need to learn something” (Merriam et al., 2007,
p.84). Adult learners need to understand and internalize their individual
urgency to learn something before undertaking to learn it.
These assumptions set the stage for understanding the decision of
Hispanic immigrant women to engage in academic endeavors that better
their personal situation.The teaching practices of andragogy assume that the
motivation to learn does not come from adults’ external circumstances;
those that relate to the family or their surroundings. Instead, the six main
assumptions on which andragogy is built suggest that there is an intrinsic
need for self-betterment that drives adults into an educational setting
(Merriam, et al., 2007). While these assumptions could apply in general to an
average adult population, it is far-fetched to believe that all adults will equally
respond to these six factors. There are certain differences that must be
considered when evaluating the personal motivations of an aspiring adult. Higher education used to be a myth for many women, especially
minority women. As times continue to change, women have had to assume
roles traditionally assigned to men, and have gotten involved in adult
education and in professional development opportunities. During the past
decade, the enrollment of Hispanic women in graduate degrees has more
than doubled (ACE & Kim, 2011). As it stands, women now receive more
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graduate degrees, including doctoral degrees, than men (ACE & Kim, 2011).
This positive change in adult education reflects the active role women are
taking towards education and the change in attitude towards becoming more
independent individuals in their households and in society.
However, we cannot argue that all women, or all adults for that matter,
equally respond to the same motivations, whether intrinsic or extrinsic. For
example, the first three assumptions that provide the theoretical foundations
of andragogy focus on personal experiences and values of the adult learner.
Examining these experiences and values is, thus, necessary to conclude if and
to what extent they influence the Hispanic immigrant women’s decision to
pursue an academic career or to learn English. We hypothesize that the
personal experiences of adult Hispanic immigrant women are different from
adult learners born and/or raised in a first world country; their internal
motivators differ and so does their reality.
Methodology and Findings
Two main hypotheses drive the analysis of this study. These
hypotheses are summarized below.
Situational hypothesis: Life situations of Hispanic immigrant women lead
them to reaffirm and recreate the gender roles that exist in their home
countries when they move to the United States. Their need for protection
and personal safety forces them into socially and geographically limited
environments where socialization is achieved only among members of their
communities. However, situations occur that alter the way that roles are
distributed or required from both men and women.These situations motivate
them to break with traditional roles and pursue opportunities that guarantee
their personal and physical safety.
Motivational hypothesis: As situations significantly change, motivations to
learn languages, obtain a degree, or validate academic credentials appear.
These motivations can be intrinsic or extrinsic, but they do emerge and
become an incentive to achieve other personal and professional goals. Many
times these goals are related to satisfying their family’s and their own
physiological needs that were once covered by their male counterparts.
To test these hypotheses, in-depth interviews of six Hispanic
immigrant women were completed.These interviews are in the form of case
studies that illustrate these women’s experiences and provide the data for
the analysis. Case study analyses “ensures that the issue is not explored
through one lens, but rather a variety of lenses which allows for multiple
facets of the phenomenon to be revealed and understood” (Baxter & Jack,
2008, p. 544). According to Yin (2003), case study methodology is appropriate
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when researchers want to answer “how” or “why” questions, and when the
proposed research analyses the contextual conditions that relate to the
phenomenon under study. Both of these instances characterize the analytical
goals of the present study. This study analyzes why Hispanic immigrant
women choose to learn English as a second language, and it focuses on
specific contextual conditions and situations that relate to the lives of these
women and serve as internal or external motivators to pursue their goals.
The multiple case study technique was chosen because it gives
researchers the opportunity to analyze a specific phenomenon both within
the individual settings and across the different settings (Baxter & Jack, 2008).
This type of analysis focuses on the different cases under study to “(a) predict
similar results (a literal replication) or (b) predict contrasting results but for
predictable reasons (a theoretical replication)” (Yin, 2003, p. 47).The cases in
this study were carefully chosen to represent one of three contextual
situations of Hispanic immigrant women, all of which are explained in detail
below. The constant was the participants’ gender and migratory condition,
and the control variables under analysis were their work status and
knowledge of English as a second language. The purpose is to delve into the
situations and motivations of these six women to understand their choice to
learn, or not, English. Why some Hispanic immigrant women choose to
become bilingual while others do not helps us uncover the dynamics and
barriers of adult education and validate or reject the hypotheses under
study.
All participants in this study are adult, female, Hispanic, and
immigrants in the United States. Five countries from Central and South
America, and the Caribbean are represented in the sample: Colombia, Cuba,
Dominican Republic, Honduras, and El Salvador.Their time of entrance in the
United States, while different, is not a determinant variable in this analysis.
They were carefully chosen to represent one of three groups: women who
do not work and cannot speak English, women who work but cannot speak
English, and women who work and can communicate in English. These three
categories were designed to understand the dynamics that lead to second
language learning in an environment that is foreign to the sample under
study. Participants were asked to report their time of entrance to the United
States, their reasons for learning English, the time it took for them to begin
formal studies of English, how they felt about coming to the United States
without being able to speak English, and how comfortable they feel with their
level of English language skills. Answers to these questions allow us to
understand the particular characteristics of each participant and to compare
and contrast across the different experiences to illustrate the varying
dynamics of the phenomenon under study.
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Non-Speakers of English and Non-workers
Two participants reported not currently working and not being able
to communicate in English. One of these participants is Cuban and the other
is Salvadoran. They have both been in the United States for over ten years
and both reported Spanish as their native tongue. Neither of them tried to
learn English upon their arrival at the United States. Between three and five
years after their arrival, both made an attempt at learning English, but they
both left school for reasons related to their families.Taking care of the family
is a priority and learning the mainstream language became a secondary goal
in light of their responsibilities as mothers. Interestingly, they both believe
that learning a second language is important for both personal and
professional reasons. One argued that learning English would help her assist
her daughter now that she is in school. They both argue that English is a
necessary tool in the workplace.
Both feel uncomfortable about their lack of English language skills.
They assert that there is little that they can do now because they must take
care of their families. One argued, “I do not feel comfortable with my
knowledge of the language. Now, all that I could do is take time away from
my daughter to learn English, and I will not do that.” They both agree that not
knowing English has affected them significantly. They believe that it is very
difficult to handle things in a foreign environment where no one speaks their
language.This lack of security has forced them to stay within their environment
taking care of the home and their children. Both have worked before; they do
not work now. Their jobs have all been related to domestic labors where
Spanish is the language of communication. Their surroundings have been
limited to a Spanish speaking community of peers where communication is
possible without much difficulty.They, however, assert that there are language
barriers in English, now insurmountable, because they do not have the time
or the need to learn the language.
Non-Speakers of English and Workers
Two participants reported currently being employed but not having
sufficient English language skills to consider themselves speakers of English.
The respondent from the Dominican Republic has been in the United States
for ten years via Venezuela, the Latin American country where she lived for
many years. A mother of two young girls, she decided not to focus on English
language learning because she deemed it unnecessary. During her first
pregnancy, her husband asked her to stay at home full time. From there on,
and during her second pregnancy, she stayed at home as a full time mom and
did not find a reason to learn English. Her husband was taking care of the
family’s needs and she used her pregnancies “as an excuse to stay at home
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and not have to learn a new language.” Moreover, she “felt scared and
insecure.” She experimented “cultural shock and became submissive and
conformist” because her needs were being satisfied and her personal safety
was not at risk.
After her divorce, she had to support herself and her two daughters.
She now values the importance of learning English because she cannot
communicate in anything other than her native language. This has limited her
professional possibilities and her work options. As a matter of fact, she is
concerned that she cannot practice her profession as a nurse because she
cannot speak the language. She currently works selling dietary products
within her community where English language skills are not necessary.
However, she wants to pursue a career in nursing and she needs to take care
of the educational needs of her daughters who are in school now. Internal
and external motivation factors are driving her to learn English because it is
necessary to help her daughters and for her development as a professional.
The second participant in this category is of Cuban origin and has
been in the United States for about six years. She has not learned English
because “in Miami it is not necessary. In Miami you have to know Spanish not
English.” Her husband works and provides for her and their son. She did not
work until recently when she found out that earning extra money was
possible without having to learn English. “It was difficult to find a job because
most employers required bilingual people, but where I am right now, I feel
okay.” Still today, she works part time mainly because her son is in high
school and she does not want to stay at home all day.The extra money helps
pay the bills, but is not essential for her family’s survival.
Speakers of English and Workers
Two participants reported currently being employed and being able
to communicate satisfactorily in English. Both have been in the United States
for over fifteen years but their time of induction into the process of learning
English vary significantly. The first of the two is from Colombia and began
learning English within the first year of arriving at the United States. She
needed to provide for her two daughters, so postponing English language
learning was not an option for her. “Learning English was a decisive factor in
my professional improvement. It also improved my role as a mother in that I
was able to communicate better with my daughters’ teachers, doctors, and
friends. It also helped me relate to my community and feel less isolated.”
She believes that full immersion is required to learn English at a
professional level. At first, she relied on her daughters and friends to
communicate and translate for her. Her social and employment options were
very limited because she did not know the language. Her coming to the
United States alone with her two daughters became a challenge that
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motivated her to learn English and improve. Now she looks back and realizes
that learning English was a requisite for her to handle her new life in a new
country and sociocultural environment. It was not an option for her because
she did not have anyone to rely on. Her options were limited and moving
forward was her only choice. As she delved deeper into her professional and
personal development, she saw that new and better opportunities became
more accessible. This motivated her to continue and inspired her to pursue
an academic degree in psychology, which she will finish within the next
month.
The second participant in this category is originally from Honduras.
She has been in the United States for over fifteen years, but did not start
learning English until nine years after her arrival. She left her family behind
and moved to the United States with her husband at the time. Because of
this, she feels that she did not need to learn English right away, but later
realized that “in this country if you do not know the language and study, you
are nobody.” Her motivation to learn English as a second language came
from her need to see both of her children succeed. She wants to be a role
model for her children, reason for which she not only learned English, but
also enrolled in a bachelor’s degree program, which she will complete within
the next month. At some point in her life, after her separation from her
previous partner, learning English was not an option but the only feasible
alternative to provide for her and her children. She now feels comfortable
with the level of English language skills that she has attained, but she wants
to improve her writing, which she identified as her weakest area.
Analysis and Discussion
Six women of five different social and cultural backgrounds in Latin
America were interviewed for this study. Their experiences provide the raw
material for the analysis and shed light on the underpinnings of second
language acquisition among Hispanic immigrant women. Their personal
experiences, situations, and conditions allow us to closely examine the social
and educational dynamics that impact their lives, and their decisions to
pursue –or not–integration in a society that is, otherwise, foreign to them.
The topics of gender and gender roles were explored as determinant factors
in the process of acquiring language skills in English. In light of these theories,
the participants’ experiences not only allowed us to examine the sociological
foundations of bilingualism and language acquisition, but they also shed light
on theories of motivation among adult learners.
Ricento (2005) argues that social distance between two cultures
helps or hinders the process of acquiring a second language. A significant
distance between the two cultures impedes the process of language learning,
whereas a small distance between the two cultures greatly facilitates second
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language learning. It is an issue of identity development and how much an
immigrant or a second language learner identifies with the new culture. Of
course, an individual who refrains from important and significant interactions
with the new culture will have a difficult time learning the language. This is
reasonably expected if we consider that learning is a social process that
requires human interaction and exchange (Vigotsky, 1978).
Based on the gender roles assigned to Hispanic immigrant women,
interaction with a new culture in a new setting might seem far-fetched or
simply impossible. These women are protected from threatening social
environments that put them at risk, even if this risk is only psychological.
They rarely have the opportunity to have significant and meaningful
interactions with the new culture, because they are geographically and
socially bound to groups that they know and with which they can easily
relate to. When this happens, social and cultural integration does not occur
and motivation to learn the language does not emerge (Ricento, 2005).
Language learning has a direct impact on identity formation, but
identification with cultural and social traits of a given group improves the
likelihood of acquiring their language. Both women and men are affected by
the decisions they make about their academic development and language
learning (Burton, 1994). Exclusion from social interactions with the
mainstream culture has a negative impact not only on language acquisition
but also on the motivation that people have to learn the language. Usually
these negative forces affect women more than men because “lack of power
may limit women’s access to privileged forms of language, and to public
forums in which such forms are used” (Burton, 1994, p. 2). As women are
excluded from these social processes in an attempt to protect them from
the challenges and risks of a society that is foreign to them, they are also
excluded from educational processes that will help them acquire the
mainstream language –or L2– and integrate into a web of cultural and social
relations that now conform their permanent surroundings. Looking into
these questions is important because it sheds light on the social relations,
power struggles, and politics of difference that occur among genders (Tonkin,
1994), and how they all impact the learning process.
Burton (1994) argues that this exclusion may result, in part, from
assigning women the responsibility of guarding their native language and
culture, and transmitting it to their offspring. They must speak and use the
language in their daily interactions so that their children can identify with it
and make it their own. In this sense, holding on to their roots and their native
language is seen as a female’s attempt to survive and remain loyal to her
cultural traits (Burton, 1994). This is why living among their peers and
confining their spaces to the geographical and social limits of a known
community even in a different country is such an important component of a
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Hispanic immigrant woman’s role. However, this attitude ignores that “if
learners invest in a second language, they do so with the understanding that
they will acquire a wider range of symbolic and material resources, which will
in turn increase the value of their cultural capital” (Norton, 2000, p. 10).Thus,
language learning helps rather than hinders one’s knowledge of self and
others in different social contexts.
Pavlenko and Piller (2001) assert that women are generally kept
from gaining access to a second language mainly because of cultural practices
that relate to their gender roles. Men, on the other hand, do have access to
the symbolic meanings of a second language and acquire the concepts and
meanings of an L2 to facilitate compliance with their male roles.When English
language learning occurs among immigrant women it happens “as a means of
liberating themselves from the confines of patriarchy” and as a motivation
“to improve their social and economic status” (Ricento, 2005, p. 901).
The results of this study support the aforementioned theoretical
arguments. Four of the six women did not speak or understand much English
mainly because they did not feel the need to interact with U.S. society in
general. They lived in the confines of their own home or community where
interaction with and integration to the mainstream U.S. culture was
unnecessary. As they fulfilled their roles as women and mothers, they lost
access to an ample web of social relations with the mainstream culture and
were excluded from learning processes that facilitate language acquisition. All
six women highlighted their roles as mothers as one significant factor
influencing their decision to learn or not learn a second language. The two
women who currently work and speak English argued that their motivation
to learn the second language stemmed from their need to provide for their
children and for themselves. Keeping their sense of security and ensuring
their physical safety moved them to adopt roles that are traditionally assigned
to men. Meanwhile, the remaining four participants argued that they did not
have the need to learn English as a second language. They do think that
learning is important if one wants to succeed in the United States, but their
circumstances do not merit the time and effort necessary to acquire these
language skills. One of these four participants, however, decided to engage in
academic activities to validate her academic credentials and saw English
language learning as a requisite to facilitate this process and help her
daughters in their educational process.
The idea that women occupy subordinate positions in society
(Pavlenko, 2001) has forced some of our participants and other immigrant
women to postpone or simply ignore their opportunity to learn English and
significantly interact with the mainstream U.S. culture. Language as a symbolic
capital (Bourdieu, 1991) is seen as a man’s mean to generate and gain both
economic and social capital. It is their responsibility, and not a woman’s, to
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provide for the family and use language as a means to contribute to the
sustenance of the family.When situations change or significant changes occur
in the lives of Hispanic immigrant women, gender roles are transformed or
inverted. This forces these women into the language market in search of
alternatives to satisfy their needs and provide for their families. Such is the
case of our Dominican participant who lost her husband years after entering
the United States and now sees the value of learning English and merging
into the mainstream culture and society, both enterprises previously deemed
completely unnecessary by her.
In the words of Bhabha (1994) “social differences are the signs of
the emergence of community envisaged as a project –at once a vision and a
construction– that takes you ‘beyond’ yourself in order to return, in a spirit
of revision and reconstruction, to the political conditions of the present”
(p.3). Social and geographical boundaries are limiting in nature, but also a
place where vortices of change emerge. They help create a third space
(Bhabha, 1994) where interactions with male-female roles, social expectations
of a new society, and language identities collide and create a need for
transformation, growth, and social rebirth. In this process, it is important for
Hispanic immigrant women to realize that “to be unhomed is not to be
homeless” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 9) and that accommodation in a new
sociolinguistic environment might not be easy, but it is not impossible either.
Conclusions
Two hypotheses are tested in this study. The situational hypothesis
sustains that Hispanic immigrant women recreate in their new social
environments the situations and conditions that existed in their countries of
origin prior to their arrival to the United States. Gender roles are deeply
entrenched in the Hispanic cultures. Women are seen as passive agents in
need of protection. They are caregivers at home, who should not and do not
expose themselves to the risks and challenges of a complex foreign society.
Their roles are limited to the house, neighborhood, and community. Men, on
the other hand, are providers and protectors.They are called upon to sustain
the family and provide for their general wellbeing. Situations occur that alter
the way that roles are distributed or required from both men and women.
When they happen, motivations to pursue other opportunities arise. Thus,
the motivational hypothesis maintains that, as situations significantly change,
motivations to learn languages, obtain a degree, or validate academic
credentials appear. These motivations can be intrinsic or extrinsic, but they
do appear and become an incentive to achieve other personal and professional
goals.
Moving to the United States is a significant change that brings about
many challenges. These challenges range from the social, to the economic,
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and the political. Most Hispanic women immigrate without knowing or
understanding the English language. As a result, their need for protection
under their assigned gender roles is even greater. They usually move with or
after their husbands into a community of peers who speak their native
language and who can facilitate living in society. Because this community is
geographically and socially limiting, women’s moving space is confined to
their boundaries. Within these boundaries, women are spoken to in their
native language, they cook and eat what is ethnically appropriate, and they
raise their children according to their home cultures. Cultural and social
integration to the new environment does not take place because it does not
become a need for survival. Men, on the other hand, need to hold their end
of the bargain and provide sustenance and protection for their families. They
must quickly integrate to the new culture and society, learn the language, get
a job, and provide. Gender roles are, thus, recreated in the new society and
relived with more intensity because of the threats imposed by the social
unknowns.
These roles can and do change. Divorce, death, separation, or
economic hardships force women into spaces that are foreign to them. As
these changes occur, new motivations to preserve stability and provide for
physiological and personal safety emerge. Women must take charge of what
was once left to their male companions. They must fulfill other roles that
require them to integrate socially and culturally into their previous unknown.
This integration formally occurs through education and acquisition of
language skills. Communication, thus, becomes the valued tool without which
integration will not occur. It is a source of empowerment that creates new
spaces for women to participate.
To test these hypotheses, six in-depth interviews to Hispanic
immigrant women were conducted.These case studies provide the data with
which to analyze the hypotheses and generate conclusions related to female
empowerment and the role of bilingualism. Participants were chosen based
on their work status and knowledge of the language. Two women do not
work and do not speak English, two work but do not speak English, and the
remaining two work and speak English.
The data provide support to both hypotheses. Women who do not
work and do not speak the language recreate gender roles that existed prior
to their immigration to the United States. Their male companions provide
for them and satisfy their basic personal safety needs, thus making language
learning and education unnecessary. Similarly, women who work but do not
speak English have not broken with their deeply entrenched gender roles,
and work not as a means for survival, but out of choice or desire.Their work
is limited to manual or domestic labor which requires little or no training
and that allows them to stay within the geographic and social limits of their
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communities. Life-changing situations provoke challenges in the gender roles
that exist in the social and cultural surroundings. Women who work and
speak English learned the language as a result of significant ruptures with
their habitual lifestyle. They were the only ones out of all the participants
who developed a true motivation to pursue education as a means for
survival. Whether intrinsic or extrinsic, motivation emerged among these
women as a need to provide for them and their families. They saw the need
to create a stable environment for them to live. They adopted roles that are
usually assigned to or carried out by men to survive. In this process, these
women had to integrate to an unknown society, learn English as a second
language, and find new ways to provide for their needs. Bilingualism, thus,
became the source of empowerment for these women. Communication was
the door with which to pursue safety and stability.
This work contributes to the literature on gender and bilingualism,
and highlights the importance of understanding the role of situation and
motivation among adult learners. Further research must look into social and
cultural variations in the processes of language acquisition and learning. “If
gender is viewed as a social construct, then it comes as no surprise that
normative masculinities and femininities, as well as beliefs and ideas about
relations between the sexes, may vary across cultures” (Pavlenko, 2001, p.
124). Some groups of people or societies may value bilingualism more than
others. Thus, concluding that the same gender dynamics that occur among
Hispanic men and women are recreated in other cultural and ethnic groups
could be misleading. Because beliefs about gender relations vary across
cultures, the way that language is perceived as a symbolic capital and as a
means of generating economic and social wealth must also vary across
cultures. It would, thus, be interesting to study how people from other
cultural and ethnic backgrounds who have relocated in the United States
deal with processes of language acquisition and learning. Comparing across
cultures will help us understand the ideologies of language that different
groups develop and how these ideologies transform into affirmative
processes of second language learning. Academics of adult education must
take a close look at how these dynamics take place if they really want to
understand how learning processes unravel and how motivation impacts
education among adults from different cultures.
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Vygostky, L. (1978). Pensamiento y lenguaje. Buenos Aires, Argentina: La
Pleyade.
West, C. & Zimmerman, D. (1991). Doing gender. In Lorber, J. & Farell, S.
(Eds.), The social construction of gender. Newbury Park: Sage
Publications.
Wittig, M. (1992). The Straight mind and other essays. Boston, MA: Beacon
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Yin, R. (2003). Case study research: Design and methods (3rd ed.). Thousand
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ÁNGEL A. TOLEDO-LÓPEZ, PH.D. & LUIS J. PENTÓN HERRERA THE IMPACT OF BILINGUAL ...
49
SECURITY AS A GLOBAL PUBLIC GOOD (GPG)
SUSANA HERRERO
Recibido: 6 de junio de 2016
Aceptado: 5 de agosto de 2016
Resumen
La evolución del proceso de globalización ha requerido avanzar hasta el
concepto de Bienes Públicos Globales (BPG), que son aquéllos bienes que no
pueden suministrarse o limitarse desde una nación o región y que requieren
de la intervención global para ello. La lista de los BPG ha aumentado con el
tiempo en función de los retos que presenta el proceso de mundialización.
Los alimentos transgénicos, cuya producción aumenta exponencialmente y
supera fronteras, está comenzando a considerase como tal, si bien todavía
queda pendiente el acordar si debe regularse para limitar las externalidades
negativas que produce, o para potenciar las positivas.
Palabras Clave: Globalización, integración económica, seguridad alimentaria,
bienes públicos globales
Abstract:
The need to end hunger continues to be a pressing issue. Because of the
devastating direct and indirect impacts of food shortages, 850 million people
worldwide suffer from malnutrition. Among the factors that influence food
supplies for humanity, those tied to the extraordinary process of globalization
have become increasingly important. It is therefore necessary to decide
whether food security should be addressed from a global perspective or still
be considered a national issue.
Key Words: Globalization, economic integration, food security, global public
goods
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Globalization is defined as the system that allows and generates multiple
relations among the countries and the social groups that form part of the
world order.1 It makes it possible for an action that occurs in one place in
the world to affect and hold repercussions in countries that are physically far
away and that have dissimilar cultures. The relationships are evident in two
ways: intensity and scope. They refer to the breadth and depth of
interconnections and interdependence among States and the cultures in
contact, but also to the physical links created. These can be studied from
geographical and spatial standpoints (Petrella, 1996).
Even though prior to the sixteenth century most of the territories
that we now know as “States” had already been in contact, it was not until
then that all of the continents became connected. Afterwards, the number of
relationships among countries and cultures gradually increased, especially as
of the Industrial Revolution, in the eighteenth century, when it became
possible to have larger production, for which more raw materials, more labor
and more customers were needed.Therefore, relationships among countries
and cultures were increasingly necessary (Marks, 2007). These relationships
grew exponentially during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, due to
progress made in transportation and communications as a result of scientific
innovations and also due to defense issues and the start of the free circulation
of goods, services and capital (Milken Institute, 2000).
From the beginning, globalization has influenced a large variety of
aspects of day-to-day life around the world.The Lisbon Group, led by Petrella,
analyzed them as parts of a whole:
—
Economic globalization, which refers to globalization of the markets
for goods and services, as well of financial markets. One of its main exponents
is the New Economy, defined as the integration of local and national
economies in a world market economy (Mandel, 1996), where consumer
society is of a global nature and multinational organizations and a worldwide
financial system play key roles. For example, someone in the Dominican
Republic can use U.S. currency to invest in China.
—
The globalization of ways of life and consumption models make
increasingly more common elements suitable or acceptable regardless of the
country where they originated or the person that is evaluating them.
Examples of the globalization of tastes is the massive acceptance and
consumption of Coca-Cola and social media phenomena such as Facebook,
which was launched in 2003 and before the end of the decade was being
used by almost 500 million people worldwide (Sarabia, B., 2010).
—
Cultural globalization, which means that increasingly fewer values
are accepted by more people as significant or representative of art. This
merging of knowledge and perspectives basically has one leader, which is the
U.S. culture (Swerdlow, 1999). One example of that is the recognition of U.S.
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cities because of their presence in mass media, especially the movie industry,
which is dominated by the United States.
—
The globalization of the world’s political unification with global
actors that represent almost all countries.The clearest example is the United
Nations, created in 1945, when the victors of World War II (the United
States, France, England, China and Russia) decided to create an organization
aimed at regulating issues involving countries around the world so that the
horrors of a world war could not occur again. All of the countries in the
world are members, except for the Vatican, the Order of Malta, Palestine, the
Republic of China-Taiwan (whose seat was transferred to the Republic of
China in 1971) and Western Sahara (which is officially a non-autonomous
territory of Spain) (UN, 2012).
—
The globalization of technology, of research and development and
of the corresponding knowledge and know-how, which translates into more
political and ideological information, but with a smaller collectivity of ideas
because there is increasing access to more information media and greater
difficulty in discerning between reliable and unreliable (e.g, biased) data and
doing in-depth evaluations of the data received (Dollar, Wolfe and Baumol,
1998).
—
The globalization of regulatory agencies and of governance to
govern the world globally. An example of this would be the international
tribunals of justice, which hear and judge crimes against humanity (InterAmerican Court of Human Rights, 2012).
Given that technology is expected to continue developing, the
globalization process is expected to intensify and expand in all of the areas
mentioned above and therefore so will its effects, both positive and negative.
These positive or negative externalities can be evidence that we have found
ourselves facing a Global Public Good (GPG), i.e., a public good that takes on
a worldwide dimension within the ever stronger globalization process.
The impact of the globalization of public goods has been studied
since the 1960s (Hardin, 1968), and as of the 1970s analyses began of
instruments and tools that could contribute effectively to GPGs (Russett and
Sullivan, 1971). During the 1980s other authors appeared, and Kindleberger
(1986) found practical examples of GPGs. The 1990s influenced the study of
the relationship between GPGs and States (Arthur Stein, 1990), and
recognition of the GPG label grew out of the UNDP (Kaul et al. 1999). Later
on, efforts continued to delve into greater depth about GPG supplies; in that
context the work of García-Verdugo Sales, J., and Martí, J.M., (2004) deserves
special mention.
GPGs are those public goods that generate externalities that affect
a number of sufficiently representative countries so as to consider them a
global issue. No population group can be discriminated against in terms of
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access to them, not even the group of those still unborn. As for their supply,
they must or should be dealt with from an international standpoint, regarded
by the States as elements of worldwide repercussions, and claimed as such
by civil society.
All of the key concepts of this definition are examined in greater
detail below.
•
To the extent that GPGs are first of all public goods, they are
identified as a function of a market decision, so the law of supply and demand
does not ensure their ideal availability to society (Hortalà, 2008). Public
goods can be recognized on the basis of two characteristics: non-rivalry and
non-exclusivity. Non-rivalry supposes that the consumption of a good by one
person does not mean that other people cannot use it, as for example, in the
case of an airport.
Non-exclusivity means that any output, once produced, can be used
or enjoyed by anyone, regardless of whether a person has contributed to its
production. One classic example of this is a radio broadcast.
It is not necessary for these two characteristics to be met absolutely.
In other words, in some cases they could be met to a greater or lesser
extent. However, this would mean considering such public goods “impure.”
Furthermore, public goods are capable of generating externalities.
In other words, they can entail negative side effects because the failure to
produce them can affect an entire population, but they can offer positive
impacts if they are provided to the larger social group. For example, if health
care is not provided by the State, epidemics can more easily occur, and this
would be a negative externality. If the State provides education with sufficient
quantity and quality, the capacity for generating population development will
be greater as a whole in the medium term, and this would be a positive
externality.
•
Generally speaking, a reference to the positive or negative
externalities of a public good is a reference to its effects on a local, regional
or national social group, as in the foregoing examples related directly to the
effects of the lack of the provision of health care and education with impacts
at the national level. The fundamental difference between public goods and
GPGs is that the latter must generate effects in a sufficient number of States,
in order to consider them to have a global impact. In the case of airspace
regulations, almost all States around the world have benefitted, thus
generating a worldwide impact.
•
GPGs must also be supplied to the entire population with no
distinctions, nor any limitations on their use by current or future generations
(García-Verdugo Sales, J., and Martín, J.M., 2004). In the case of seas, for
instance, all population groups have access, regardless of their economic,
social or cultural condition; and access by the children and grandchildren of
SUSANA HERRERO
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those who are currently enjoying them cannot be limited either.
•
GPG supply or regulation comes from, or should occur at, an
international level since it is not possible to address these issues solely at a
national level (Kaul et al. 1999). Thus, it is necessary for public officials or
governments –whether local, regional or national– to study GPGs and
contribute to their regulations from a global standpoint (Martens, J. and Hain,
R., 2001). Furthermore, if there is sufficient suitable information, civil society
must request that they actually be provided as GPGs (Martens, J. and Hain,
R., 2008).
GPGs can be classified in different ways, but herein they will be
considered as a function of their origin or the type of production (Deneulin,
S., 2006):
—
Natural GPGs are the goods that occur independently of the will or
action of human beings. Some classic examples are seas or forests.
—
Artificial (man-made) GPGs are the goods that result from human
efforts, e.g., scientific advances or moral principles.
—
Global policy GPGs are those that result from political globalization,
such as the provisions for dealing with world epidemics, ensuring financial
stability, or protecting human rights.
The human rights detailed in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR) and expanded in International Human Rights Treaties address
fundamental issues of economic, social, civil and political rights (U.N., 2012).
The UDHR was a revolutionary document that marked a before-and-after in
the conception and appreciation of human beings as such.
The right to food is acknowledged in Article 25 of the UDHR, which
provides that “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the
health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food…” (U.N.,
1948:4-5). Afterwards, the right to food continued to be recognized in
multiple agreements and treaties, and even in a declaration of its own, the
Universal Declaration on the Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition, whose
Article 1 provides that all human beings have the right to food (U.N., 1975:5).
An analysis of the recent evolution of the number of undernourished
people in the world indicates that in the 2005-2007 period, the percentage
of the population living in conditions of malnutrition reached 17%, i.e., almost
70 million more people when compared to the figure for the 1995-97 period.
Similarly, in 2008, 963 million people lived in conditions of undernutrition,
i.e., 20% more than in 1990, and 925 million people were undernourished in
2010 (FAO, 2012).This shows that the right to food was not being effectively
exercised by 16% of the world’s population. The figure below indicates the
recent evolution of the undernutrition described herein.
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Figure 1: Number of Undernourished People Worldwide, from 1990-92 to
2010 (millions)
Source: FAO, 2012
As for evolution during the 1990s and the first decade of the
twenty-first century, the figure indicates that a step backwards occurred in
the world regions’ efforts to eradicate malnutrition: in the Near East and
Northern Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Sub-Saharan Africa, and
Asia and the Pacific. It is especially worthwhile to note the increase in the
absolute number of undernourished people in Asia and the Pacific, as well as
the highest percentage increase with respect to total population, which
occurred in Africa (FAO, 2012).
Since food supplies have been a challenge throughout recorded
history, it is worthwhile to question whether food as a human right should
be a subject of global consideration and, therefore, a GPG.
In practice, there are two areas that influence humans’ ability to
exercise their right to food when food is considered a GPG. These are:
international legislation and guidelines, and international cooperation.
The progress made in terms of the legislative and normative
framework has made it possible to consider food a human right. This
consideration has fundamentally come from the heart of the United Nations.
Nonetheless, despite the fact that U.N. stipulations are supposedly recognized
by all of the member states, the United States refused to accept Resolution
A/63/430/Add.2 regarding the right to food (U.N., 2008). Furthermore,
reiterated acknowledgements of the right to food have not brought about
concrete proposals to make it possible for that right to be exercised, despite
multiple gatherings held with similar aims. Among these, it is worthwhile to
SUSANA HERRERO
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55
mention the First World Congress on Food, which was held in 1974 (Olson,
2002), and three World Food Summits, which took place in 1996 (FAO,
1996), 2001 (FAO, 2002), and 2008 (FAO, 2009).
The greatest progress has been achieved in terms of establishing
common goals in the area of malnutrition. These grew out of the first and
second World Food Summits and the September 2000 United Nations
Millennium Declaration (FAO, 2002).These proposed, respectively, to reduce
the number of people suffering from hunger to 400 million by 2015, and to
reduce the percentage of people suffering from hunger by half between 2000
and 2015 (U.N., 1996). However, in no case are concrete actions proposed
to achieve the goals, beyond general recommendations and good practices.
In international cooperation there are multiple international actors
that try to manage the right to food at a global level, by working with
populations that are unable to exercise that right. In the public sector the
role of international organizations should be noted, whether they are tied to
financial methodologies or not. These are supranational organizations that
encompass the action of a group of States, national governments and the
corresponding development agencies, and regional or local administrations.
In the private sector it is worthwhile to note the roles of Non-governmental
Organizations (NGOs) and of private enterprises, through actions related to
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). CSR is defined by the World Labor
Organization (WLO) as “the set of actions that enterprises take into
consideration for their activities in order to have positive repercussions on
society and affirm the principles and values that govern them, both in their
own internal processes and methods and in their relationship with other
actors” (WLO, 2007).
The instruments and tools used by cooperation are multiple and
increasingly elaborate. They include projects, programs, technical assistance,
budget support, humanitarian aid actions, loans, and external debt relief or
condoning.
—
Projects. These are fundamental elements in development
cooperation, and the instruments traditionally used by almost all the actors
involved. Projects and programs are the tools for the most typical sectoral
and/or multi-sectoral international cooperation efforts. They involve four
stages: identification, formulation, management and evaluation, the outcomes
for which provide feedback for the future.
—
Loans: Used by financial entities, these are granted at a low or zero
interest rate and with a repayment period agreed on by both parties, and
they can be used to implement any of the other instruments.
—
Programs with a sectoral focus and budget support. These are used
to increase the budget of a ministry chosen jointly by the donor and the
beneficiary countries.
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—
Technical cooperation. This is cooperation centering on the
exchange of technical and management know-how, for the purpose of
increasing the capacities of individuals and institutions from the southern
hemisphere to promote their own development. It encompasses a broad
range of activities: advising, scholarship programs, institutional support,
support to policy-making, training, education, etc. Its importance with respect
to international cooperation as a whole is difficult to estimate, since many of
these activities often tend to be included in the implementation of aid
projects or programs.
—
Humanitarian action. This comprises a diverse set of actions to aid
victims of disasters caused by natural disasters or armed conflicts. These
actions are aimed at alleviating suffering, guaranteeing subsistence, protecting
basic rights and defending dignity, as well as sometimes at curbing the process
of socioeconomic de-structuring of a community or preparing it for natural
disasters. Such aid can be provided by national or international actors.
International support is of a subsidiary nature with respect to a sovereign
State’s responsibility to assist its own population, and in principle occurs with
the citizens’ approval and at their request.
­—
Microcredit programs. These involve small loans to low-income
people for whom it is difficult to have access to commercial banking. The
loans offer funding for self-employment projects that can generate income
and enable the economic autonomy of beneficiaries and their families.
—
Operations to provide relief, convert and condone foreign debt.
These refer to reducing debt or transforming it into development actions
(projects, budget support, etc.).
Even though the right to food is one of the top priorities in the
allocation of cooperation resources (FAO, 2011c), it has still not managed to
play a fundamental role in helping a significant number of people to surmount
undernutrition and be able to exercise their right to food.
Because neither international legislation nor international
development cooperation has been able to enable the world population to
exercise its right to food, it is necessary to study more tools that can
understand food security as a GPG and strive to ensure appropriate and
effective supplies.
ABBREVIATIONS
GPGs: Global Public Goods
UDHR: Universal Declaration of Human Rights
WLO: World Labor Organization
NGOs: Non-governmental Organizations
CSR: Corporate Social Responsibility
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NOTES
1 Originally published in Spanish as Herrero, Susana (2014). “La seguridad
alimentaria como Bien Público Global” Revista: Comentario Internacional:
revista del Centro Andino de Estudios Internacionales (CAEI) (13 ed.)
ISBN: 9978-19-126-7, Quito, Ecuador en http://repositorio.uasb.edu.ec/
bitstream/10644/4146/1/12-OT-Herrero-La%20seguridad.pdf
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Sommer Browning
Architecture
I.
A cigarette pulses in the woods.
It’s my lifecoach,
The game is over.
Having sex is saying:
I’m okay with dying inside someone, and vice versa.
Luckily, I hate advice.
Lemme tell you the origin story
Of self-portraits:
My cheek
Pictorial.
Lemme tell you how the moon illumes
My face
Cold like a toilet.
The body Is an axonometric body.
Try it.
Try to stop thinking about my
Narrative when you’re in my mouth.
Let’s wait until the fog gets thick,
Then have a baby on the merch table.
SOMMER BROWNING
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61
II.
I climb you like a guitar.
What part of sodomy don’t you understand?
I think it’s the ass part.
Here’s my vulnerability, I don’t get
when people say—and scene!
And seen!
Your beard on my thighs.
And seen!
I wrote SOS in sharpie on your forehead last night.
The ambulance is here.
III.
IV.
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There Are a Few People I’d Like to Thank
Thank you Moms Mabley.
And thank you Moms Mabley and Phyllis Diller.
And thank you Moms Mabley who ran away at 14 to join a vaudeville troupe
and Phyllis Diller and Joan Rivers.
And thank you Moms Mabley and Phyllis Diller who started doing standup at
37 and Joan Rivers and Carol Burnett.
And thank you Moms Mabley who came out at 27 in 1921 and Phyllis Diller
and Joan Rivers who kept a note from Lenny Bruce that said They’re wrong,
you’re right in her bra for years and Carol Burnett.
And thank you Moms Mabley who came out at 27 in 1921 and Phyllis Diller
and Joan Rivers who bombed every night for two years and Carol Burnett
who said, There’s laughter in everything.
And thank you Moms Mabley and Phyllis Diller who started doing standup at
37 and Joan Rivers and Carol Burnett who said,There’s laughter in everything
and Bea Arthur.
And thank you Moms Mabley and Phyllis Diller who started doing standup at
37 and Joan Rivers who claims she was the first female host of the Tonight
Show but so does Florence Henderson, Phyllis Newman and Della Reese and
who really cares anyway and Carol Burnett and Bea Arthur whose TV
character Maude chose to get an abortion at age 47 in 1972.
And thank you Moms Mabley who gave birth to six people and Phyllis Diller
who gave birth to five people and Joan Rivers who gave birth to one people
and Carol Burnett who gave birth to three people and Bea Arthur who
mothered two people.
Anyway, thank you.
SOMMER BROWNING
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63
Historicity
Best ending to this story, Ben, is for me to finish the movie.
Best ending to this story, Ben, is the thud of the script hitting your front
porch when I deliver it to you.
The drama of that thud
like the tomb closing, Ben, on Jesus, Ben, Jesus Christ, Ben, a few
days before he comes back, Ben, how Jesus came crawling
back, Ben asking for forgiveness from his apostles, Ben, for calling them
addicts, Ben, for telling them how great they were, what good
mothers they were, Ben, how their careers were really gaining
momentum, Ben, for telling them they were
his forever people, Ben,
and then calling them sociopaths, Ben.
Forgiveness for that.
Best ending to this story, Ben, is our movie winning that prize, Ben,
and me telling you and you having to say, Thanks. Thanks for supplying the
perfect ending to our story,
Sommer,
Ben,
that’s the best way to end this story and make the stars cum all over the
galaxy, Ben,
all over every fucking planet, Ben, watching cum streak through the
atmosphere of some dead planet, Ben,
watch it burn off in blurs, Ben, watch one seed escape and
land on that dry, rocky landscape, maybe Mars, Ben, maybe it
melts, Ben,
carbon,
Ben,
making stains all over the face of that planet, Ben, a seed, Ben, breaks
open and releases a blueprint, Ben, that cute
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little tail sperm have, Ben, that potential energy, the stupid
spark of which the planet’s lone molecule of Mars water has been dreaming,
Ben,
that molecule looking up from its parched porch, into the forever black at
the blue, so blue, blue Earth spinning and needy.
Ben.
Listen.
The water and the sperm fall in love and,
Ben, that’s how babies are made, Ben, the baby roots, two into one, Ben,
it clutches the desiccated earth (but Mars), Ben, and wheezes itself upright
into a cacophonous, impossible storm of scabs,
it wheezes Life,
it says, Life, Ben,
Ben, it murmurs Mercy,
it says, Mercy, Ben,
Ben, it says, We, Ben,
Ben, it screams We.
SOMMER BROWNING
POESÍA
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Superbowl
I knew today would be special,
but not eating-wings-alone-in-an-Asian-fusion-restaurant special.
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Lilliana Ramos Collado
Down Under
(Selección de un poemario inédito)
no, we don’t
we don’t get it right the embrace
we hold on as if
sinking or dying the
embrace is not about
life it rather presents the glitches
of otherworldly happenstance
the horror the
horror
I love to embrace at
parties or when I
greet someone at the airport
everyone is sure of
what it means
welcome happy to see
you again it’s been so
very long
oh you’re real here you are all smiles and
hard matter and muscle and bone
the embrace has
been misnomed mistreated
misgiven miserably near-missed
in the throes of goodbyes the
throes of see you never again the
throes of darkness
the throes the
throes
I hardly embrace anymore
sometimes I dream of embracing you but
goodbye creeps in and kills
the dream absolutely
I feel your flesh in the dream though I know it’s not
flesh flesh but just
a sort of fleshy absence or something
LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
POESÍA
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some years ago I saw you
sitting in a restaurant
window while I speeded by and I
thought no flesh not flesh
not even a dream
‘cause you are real elsewhere and the ghost
driving by, well,
that was me
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the stuff my dreams are made of
your lips
let me touch them with my nose gently
people never use their noses for important things
they rather just smell
I do not want to smell your
lips but rather
slowly caress them until you ask me
why the nose? and I will have no idea of what to
say
your lips
I would like to
touch them with my eyebrows mainly to
confuse you I would slowly brush my left eyebrow
softly
against your
lips
and then
when you ask why I can I be so slow in taking
your lips in mine I would say I do not
want to embrace your
lips with mine
your so apparently delicious lips neither do
I want to taste them I am not hungry for your fleshy
lips I just want to know how they feel against
my tiny little finger so I will caress you with my little
finger now
while I wonder about the taste of your
lips because
I sort of imagine what your lips will feel like to my
little finger just because
I confess I have dreamt of your lips quite a few times
asking myself why the curiosity why my interest in not
doing to your lips what normal people do to other people’s
lips
kissing you would be too simple licking your lips would be
what anyone would do to your lips but I want probably less
from those lips I probably love already because
they are so incredibly incredible
LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
POESÍA
69
so
please note my dear how much I treasure not going right into
serious business with your lips there are
still my knees anxious to caress your lips
and my right ear is longing to oh so much touch your lips
but there is no hurry
there is so much time for just getting to know how soft and
sticky and adventurous and ripe your lips are
also
I would love your hair to brim over onto my lips
so my nose would touch your scalp up so close and
I am sure for you
It will be worth the wait
there is a timelessness here
on my
nose
on your scalp
this is the stuff my dreams are made of
slowly learning the ways of your body
first the lips then the
hair
and lastly
the entirety of you
escaping freely
from yourself
onto my
lips
etc.
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“she walks in beauty like the night”
poets repeat themselves love is
fundamentally iterative
always dwelling on the same metaphors
we are human and shortsighted
I say you shine on me
as so many have echoed
a mantra redundant
lame and brave
honest and bastardly
you walk in beauty and I watch your every step
my eyes dance tiptoeing to a tune whispered by
lips and eye lashes yours and mine
you
walk and graze stream land and cloud and I follow
with my gaze to glow in your glow
insistently
beauty is not something you can touch
a smile is not
something you can grab a stare is not
something you can store in a jar
to mix or stir or strain
to drink and be merry
beauty is never for the taking
it is a sigh it is a swell it is the effect
of random forms wayward noises undeserved
chances
the beauty you walk in is not fragile
the beauty you bask in is not just fire
the beauty you summon is not plain miracle
the beauty you bring me you are not aware of
you are the night I walk into every day
you are the day I walk into every night
there
I said it
dear Lord Byron
finally LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
POESÍA
71
timing time
time
is of the essence of flowers
time evaporates like iridescence on craggy leaves
time flies flutters falls on me catches me unawares
time insists on lingering just enough for me to feel
time waning time won
time lost is laden like a rock full of
hard mineral history
laden time is like memories mismatched
time lost cannot fall tenderly time
forsaken under heavy rains just drowns
because of its own heaviness time sinks
and then we call it oblivion
time found is joy as when you catch the time
of essence never to be lost
time is caught in the net of twilight to be
heaved by clouds time comes and goes unaware
of itself because, for time, time is not time
as I write this I watch the lush hues of nightfall
as I write this I think of this day full of odd conversations
a phone ringing on my ear after I keyed in your number
a sensation of mirth as I hear your voice answer
as I write this I try to make out your face
a portrait of you made of muffled funny sounds
minutes pass as I strive again to fix a memory of
the kiss you gave me on the phone to keep and treasure
as I write this I can just repeat myself while my
thoughts wander over your skin and into your eyes
what will become of all this time that reaches out
to catch random bougainvilleas?
you cannot give me your time nor I give you mine
our shared parallel simultaneous times dutifully
keep the bounty we cast on each other’s hands
the love gained the times shared the
nights falling
the days the
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leaves
the
rest
time is full
brimming
LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
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the cage
under your skin there is something not
you that is quite strange
something like another you
not as soft not as light not as you
it is hard to convey this difference
the clash of realities the skin covers so
expediently
but I can sense it
it comes to my mind that
the not you is mushy but troublesome
slower pensive low-key stiff
even careless with the you that dwells above
the skin
not kindred spirits the you and the not
you they don’t even sleep together
they inhabit an impossible distance
the quietness of a war suspended
the foreboding feeling of a
nothingness in between
negated
day in day
out
you are efficient and thrifty and thus you
starve the not you every day
if you are silent for a moment I can
hear it moan
and ask for a little water
at least a few drops of
water, please?
maybe I am dreaming this but
really
that is what comes to my ears now and then
the lonely not you drinking its own tears
salty sparse never enough
I wonder what to do
maybe you are doing this for a reason I
cannot quite fathom
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maybe you are killing a monster so you
can live as a better you less
pensive less careless
less stiff less
not you
or maybe
you are the monster
trying at all times to hush
the cries of an innocent squalid
prisoner
As a matter of fact I can’t stop
my eyes from roaming your skin
so perfect so impeccably calmed
so shockingly beautiful
so good a barrier so much like a cage
that traps one in and leaves the other out
to wither thoroughly
homeless
day in day
out
LILLIANA RAMOS COLLADO
POESÍA
75
THE FALL OF THE OTTOMANS: THE GREAT WAR IN
THE MIDDLE EAST
EUGENE ROGAN (2015; Basic Books). 486PP.
ISBN: 978-0465023073
MARÍA DEL PILAR ARGÜELLES
Recibido: 29 de junio de 2016
Aceptado: 8 de agosto de 2016
Resumen
La reseña sobre el libro The Fall of the Ottomans destaca la excelente
contribución que el autor hace al entendimiento del Medio Oriente mediante
la narración de la historia de la Primera Guerra Mundial en el teatro bélico
del Medio Oriente. Se puntualiza la relación entre los sucesos de hace 100
años y la situación prevaleciente hoy en día en la región.
Palabras Clave: Medio Oriente, Imperio Otomano, Primera Guerra Mundial
Abstract
This review of the book The Fall of the Ottomans highlights the excellent
contribution made by its author to the understanding of the Middle East
through its narrative of the history of the First World War in the theater of
war of the Middle East. The review underlines the relation between the
events that took place 100 years ago and the contemporary predicament of
the region.
Key Words: Middle East, Ottoman Empire, First World War
Cuando escucho otra noticia negativa acerca de los musulmanes y su vínculo
con el terrorismo, me pregunto el porqué de todos estos sucesos y me viene
a la memoria la pregunta que hizo el Presidente George W. Bush, Jr., en su
mensaje al Congreso de Estados Unidos relativo a los ataques del 11 de
septiembre de 2001, - “¿Por qué nos odian?”. Desde entonces ha sido parte
de mi inquietud académica y personal el buscar respuestas a estas y muchas
más preguntas. En esta búsqueda me crucé con el excelente libro del Dr.
Eugene Rogan, The Fall of the Ottomans,The Great War in the Middle East, donde
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explica los sucesos de la Primera Guerra Mundial en el teatro del Medio
Oriente. Una historia desconocida para la mayoría de nosotros, pero
indispensable para entender la situación actual por las siguientes razones. La
primera razón es que el teatro bélico del Medio Oriente es pocas veces
incluido cuando se discute la gran guerra que iba a terminar todas las guerras.
Menos aún se relacionan la violencia yihadista con el orden internacional
resultante de dicho conflicto, institucionalizado en el Tratado de Versalles de
1919 y la organización mundial creada por este tratado, la Liga de Naciones
en el 1920.
Para entender el Medio Oriente actual y la conducta violenta de los
diferentes grupos violentos percibida como “bárbara” o “incivilizada”, es
imprescindible remontarnos 100 años y conocer las acciones específicas de
las potencias principales del momento, Gran Bretaña y Francia en contra del
Imperio Otomano. La lectura de este libro nos provee un magnífico punto de
partida para ir entendiendo la situación actual de la región del Medio Oriente.
El Dr. Rogan presenta en palabras sencillas una historia compleja
que entrelaza el nivel internacional con el nivel regional y los diferentes
conflictos de carácter étnico, religioso, de clase y de identidad nacional. Un
elemento que contribuye a la excelencia del libro The Fall of the Ottomans…
es la habilidad con el Dr. Rogan humaniza lo que fue la carnicería de la lucha
de trincheras. Las batallas y del dolor humano toman vida a través del
testimonio de las memorias dejadas por aquellos que pelearon la guerra. El
autor utiliza un estilo dinámico, como de “novela de acción”, con el cual logra
captar el interés del lector de principio a fin al presentar una historia tan viva
que parece ocurrir frente a nuestros ojos. No es la narración simple de las
batallas y cómo terminaron, el dato histórico simple. Esta es la historia de
una guerra peleada por hombres. Ellos son los protagonistas.
El libro analiza la derrota del Imperio Otomano y la repartición de
la región como botín de guerra por parte de las potencias victoriosas - Gran
Bretaña y Francia – y la desilusión árabe con el incumplimiento de la promesa
del Presidente Wilson de hacer valer el principio de auto-determinación
para los pueblos oprimidos por el imperialismo europeo. Las consecuencias
de tales acontecimientos son razones principales de la situación actual en el
Medio Oriente. Por un lado, las potencias dividieron lo que fue una región
unificada bajo un califato en diferentes estados con fronteras definidas por
los intereses de las metrópolis y no de los pueblos afectados. Por el otro
lado, ante esta división territorial en “estados nacionales”, estaba la política
hipócrita occidental de defender la auto-determinación de los pueblos, pero
a la hora de implementar tal principio prevaleció el poder del más fuerte.
Con su estilo imparcial, el Dr. Rogan igualmente expone los
problemas particulares de los pueblos árabes, como su identidad tribal, la
ausencia de compromiso ideológico por algunos líderes árabes con la
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independencia de la región, así como las luchas personalistas que hicieron
imposible un frente común y que simultáneamente fueron favorables a las
políticas inglesas y francesas de “divide y gobierna” que les permitió el
repartirse y apropiarse la región y sus recursos, especialmente el petróleo.
La interrelación de la esfera doméstica con la exterior originó la fragmentación
política que la región padece hoy en día y que hace tan difícil cualquier
solución a los diferentes conflictos como, por ejemplo, lo es el conflicto de
los kurdos contra los turcos y sunníes contra chiíes, entre otros. A esta
fragmentación política, o desmembramiento del Sultanato, aluden líderes
como Abu Bakr al-Bagdadí, el autoproclamado califa del Estado Islámico en
julio de 2014.
Una de las narraciones más dramáticas del Dr. Rogan es la política
de destierro, o deportaciones obligatorias, seguida por el gobierno de los
“Jóvenes Turcos” contras las diferentes minorías étnicas en las cuales no
confiaban durante el conflicto bélico porque las veían como aliadas de las
potencias europeas. Esta política de deportaciones es la responsable del
genocidio cometido contra los armenios durante los años que duró la guerra
- del 1914 al 1918. Genocidio, que aún hoy en día es negado por las
autoridades turcas tanto seculares como religiosas. Es el caso del gobierno
actual del Presidente Tayip Ergodan y su partido islámico en el poder. El libro
del Dr. Rogan permite comprender lo que era el Imperio Otomano – o turco
– y a la vez, entendemos la política turca actual hacia el conflicto sirio y hacia
los kurdos dentro como fuera de sus fronteras. En parte, tales políticas son
la manifestación de la añoranza por el viejo imperio.
La historia contemporánea está íntimamente entrelazada con la
historia olvidada de la gran guerra en el Medio Oriente. Por ello, The Fall of
the Ottomans, es una lectura indispensable para entender los conflictos
actuales y el vínculo con Occidente. Las diferentes potencias, Gran Bretaña,
Francia y, a partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, tienen con
sus políticas intervencionistas en los asuntos internos de otros estados, gran
responsabilidad de engendrar el odio que grupos violentos pequeños dirigen
contra Occidente y sus ciudadanos.
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IMPERIALISMO JURÍDICO NORTEAMERICANO
EN PUERTO RICO (1898-2015). LA
DEPENDENCIA COLONIAL, EL ESTATUS, LA
CORTE FEDERAL, VIEQUES, EL IDIOMA Y LA
CULTURA: LA IMPOSICIÓN DEL DERECHO Y EL
PENSAMIENTO JURÍDICO ESTADOUNIDENSE.
CARMELO DELGADO CINTRÓN (2015;
PUBLICACIONES GAVIOTA). 617PP.
ISBN: 978-1-61505-195-3
JAIME L. RODRÍGUEZ CANCEL
Recibido: 9 de mayo de 2016
Aceptado: 16 de agosto de 2016
Resumen
Esta publicación del historiador del derecho, Carmelo Delgado Cintrón, es un
texto indispensable para explicar y comprender los acontecimientos recientes
en torno a las relaciones territoriales de los Estados Unidos sobre Puerto
Rico. La obra presenta un valioso acercamiento histórico al proceso de
dominación jurídica, a partir de la ocupación y gobierno militar estadounidense
del 1898. Contextualiza adecuadamente el expansionismo del 1898,
acercándonos, no solo a Cuba y el Caribe, sino a las Filipinas y los territorios
del Pacífico, tan olvidados por nuestra historiografía. Considera los procesos
autonomistas e independentistas del siglo XIX, las actitudes de los
puertorriqueños ante la nueva subordinación colonial, y explora los significados
y las consecuencias de las acciones del gobierno militar, así como las sucesivas
administraciones de los gobernadores designados por el Presidente de
Estados Unidos. Considera además, el impacto de la Ley Foraker del 1900, y
atiende la oposición temprana a la Corte Federal en Puerto Rico, considerando
asuntos de ideología y política. Expone además, las razones que explican las
luchas por la conservación del idioma español en puerto Rico. El penúltimo
capítulo lo dirige a la atención del reto a la Corte de Distrito de Estados
Unidos en Puerto Rico, hasta el 2010 y finalmente las consideraciones de la
expresión literaria de resistencia a la dominación colonial.
Palabras Clave: imperialismo jurídico, corte federal, estatus, conservación del
idioma
JAIME L. RODRÍGUEZ CANCEL
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Abstract
The recent book by law historian, Carmelo Delgado Cintrón, is an
indispensable text for explaining and comprehending the recent events in
regards to the territoritorial relations between the United States and Puerto
Rico. The book presents a valuable historical approach to the process of
juridical domination since the occupation and US military government of
1898. It contextualizes adequately the expansionism of 1898, reaching not
only towards Cuba and the Caribbean, but also the Phillipines and the
territories of the Pacific, so forgotten by our historiography. It considers the
pro-autonomy and pro-independence processes of the 19th Century, the
attitudes of Puerto Ricans under the new colonial subordination, and
explores the meanings and consequences of the military government’s
actions, as well as the successive administrations of the governors designated
by the President of the US. Moreover, it tackles the impact of the Foraker
Law of 1900, considers the early opposition to the Federal Court in Puerto
Rico, including issues of ideology and politics. In the chapter next to last, it
directs attention to the challeng to the Disctrict Court of the US in Puerto
Rico, up until 2010, and finally considers the literary expression of resistance
to colonial domination.
Key Words: juridical imperialism, Federal Court, territorial status, language
conservation
Hay textos cuya publicación coincide con la relación de eventos explicada,
con la continuidad de los procesos descritos y exponen la pertinencia de sus
advertencias. Puerto Rico adelanta su historia de la segunda década del siglo
XXI, con el desplome definitivo de una estructura jurídico-constitucional en
permanente asimetría; una relación política de subordinación y abandono; un
modelo económico con su renovada versión de la crisis estructural
permanente y una postración social sumida en la desesperanza. Los titulares
y los contenidos de prensa, nos describen en su mayor complejidad, el
momento actual. En estas circunstancias, se presentan textos que explican,
aclaran, sugieren y nos renuevan las esperanzas de superación del presente.
Imperialismo jurídico norteamericano en Puerto Rico (18982015), es uno de esos textos que nos anticipa hacia dónde va el pasado. El
texto consta de doce capítulos, pertinentes a la renovada comprensión de
nuestra historia de fines del siglo XIX, el tránsito del 1898, nuestro complejo
siglo XX, así como el derrumbe que se observa en las primeras décadas del
XXI.
El autor titula el primer capítulo como, La más que centenaria
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dominación imperial norteamericana (1-42). En el mismo, establece
los fundamentos que explican el extenso, complejo y ampliamente
documentado texto que nos presenta en esta ocasión. Explica, que la condición
política de subordinación colonial de Puerto Rico a los Estados Unidos y sus
consecuencias e impacto en el derecho y los códigos específicamente, la ubicua
presencia de la Corte Federal y el Idioma, son los temas de este libro (1). La
selección de una cita de Vicente Géigel Polanco, nos abre las puertas a este
texto indispensable para comprender el tránsito del presente y anticipar el
tránsito de nuestra memoria: El problema fundamental de Puerto Rico es, sin
duda alguna, el de su constitución como pueblo soberano en el concierto de las
naciones libres de América. Es nuestro problema fundamental porque concierne
precisamente a la integración de nuestra nacionalidad, a su estabilidad política, a
su afirmación como pueblo con poder para regir su propia vida: problema que va
a la raíz misma de nuestra personalidad histórica y que condiciona el logro cabal
de nuestro destino. Todos los demás problemas que se plantean a nuestro pueblo
en el orden político, económico, social y cultural se relacionan directamente con el
problema de nuestra soberanía o dependen de él para su efectiva solución (1).
El capítulo reconoce, cómo desde el 1508 hasta el 1898, en el
primer ciclo colonizador de 390 años, nuestro pueblo no tuvo partición en
el gobierno colonial, caracterizado por un autoritarismo continuo; una
subordinación al derecho ultramarino español; la ausencia de una universidad;
una sociedad postrada por los males de una economía pre-capitalista, apenas
emergiendo de la esclavitud y la servidumbre y un sistema de privilegios para
los peninsulares, que apenas pudo superarse durante la corta existencia de
la Carta Autonómica.
La invasión estadounidense de Puerto Rico del 1898, las
consecuencias del Tratado de Paz de París, del gobierno militar y de la Ley
Foraker del 1900, inauguraron un segundo ciclo colonial que ha cumplido
118 años. El país entra en el siglo XX como una posesión territorial en su
ordenamiento constitucional, bajo dependencia absoluta del Congreso
estadounidense. El autor, describe los periodos como la era de los procónsules
y sus colaboradores (1898-1948) y el periodo de transición entre 1949 y
1952, como un periodo de reordenamiento gubernamental del territorio no
incorporado, hasta la celebración del nuevo arreglo colonial. Finalmente,
describe el periodo de transformación y reclamos infructuosos de reformas
del estatuto territorial. José Trías Monge, ha descrito el proceso como uno
degradante, tanto para Puerto Rico como para Estados Unidos, así como una lacra
que el colonialismo ha dejado en el espíritu y la historia del pueblo puertorriqueño
(39).
El segundo capítulo, lo titula Hacia la guerra entre España y
Estados Unidos: Cuba, Puerto Rico y Filipinas (43). Inicia el capítulo,
con una cita de Eugenio María De Hostos, quien nos reclama, que el pueblo
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de Puerto Rico es el muñeco clásico de cera que a más formas se ha prestado y
que con resignación evangélica ha sufrido las transformaciones más extrañas (43).
Una larga narración del complejo siglo XIX español, con sus dramáticas
fluctuaciones entre liberalismos gloriosos y restauraciones infames, entre
constituciones liberales y monarquías absolutistas renovadas, antecedieron la
aprobación de la Carta Autonómica para Puerto Rico en 1897. Puerto Rico
y Cuba, reclamaron tardíamente sus espacios de libertad, iniciando sus gestas
emancipadoras en 1868 y retomado, principalmente Cuba, su lucha por la
independencia desde el 1895.
Puerto Rico se estanca en la defensa de su soberanía, con el reclamo
del autonomismo más conservador frente al autoritarismo, esperando
desde el 1837 (por 60 años), sus Leyes especiales. La tardía evolución de los
partidos políticos (1870), su división política y partidismo tardío, su
faccionalismo entre conservadores y liberales, asimilistas, autonomistas,
fusionistas e independentistas, explican nuestra postración ante el absolutismo
reiterado y la represión continua.
Mientras España transita desde el siglo XVII en una decadencia
relativa y la acelera durante el siglo XIX, el expansionismo estadounidense
entra en su fase imperial, la extracontinental, apuntando a las colonias del
imperio más débil en América, afinando sus intereses geoestratégicos, con la
intervención en la Guerra de Independencia de Cuba, la invasión de Puerto
Rico y la intervención en la Guerra de Independencia de Filipinas. El Destino
Manifiesto, la predestinación, el darwinismo social y la Doctrina Monroe,
sustentaron sus justificaciones para la inauguración de la etapa conocida
como el imperialismo intervencionista.
El tercer capítulo, describe La Concesión de la autonomía a
Cuba y Puerto Rico (83-92). Delgado Cintrón explica este proceso en
función del interés español en evitar la intervención de Estados Unidos en la
Guerra de Independencia de Cuba. La concesión de la autonomía resultó
muy poco y muy tarde. Los revolucionarios cubanos la ignoraron y los
autonomistas puertorriqueños la celebraron, sin anticipar los acontecimientos
dictados desde las esferas de poder estadounidense. La brevedad del proceso
autonomista y la ignorancia del significado de los intereses estadounidenses
en la lucha de poder que se avecinaba, será nuestra característica principal.
El cuarto capítulo, es titulado La invasión de 1898: Actitudes
de los puertorriqueños, cuestiones de moral social y consecuencias
jurídicas y sociales (93-126). En este capítulo, el autor expone con extensa
documentación, las muestras contradictorias, de salutación, regocijo, júbilo y
hasta llegar a extremos vergonzosos como arrodillarse ante esos militares (93).
Reproduce las complejas interpretaciones del evento. Hostos la describe,
como una cruzada anti expansionista que no es más que una condena hacia la
anexión forzada (96) y Tomás Blanco, la explica con mayor certeza, lo que
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desconocían era la evolución económica de la Gran república, que la llevaba de la
mano al imperialismo expansivo. De lo que no se había enterado era de la tendencia
histórica hamiltoniana, que, frente a la teoría democrática y revolucionaria de
Thomas Jefferson, se apoderó de la recién nacida nación norteamericana y…hizo lo
posible para convertirla en una oligarquía de plutócratas (97). Esta lectura correcta
del expansionismo, la veremos además en Ramón E. Betances, José Martí y
Federico Henríquez y Carvajal, contraria a los idealismos del procerato
conservador del 98. Las consecuencias de estas expresiones serviles,
resultaron en la interpretación metropolitana de un consentimiento tácito a
la invasión, la cesión y la anexión, al decir del General George W. Davis, un
recibimiento con alegría y entusiasmo (101).
El quinto capítulo, atiende los significados y las consecuencias de El
gobierno militar de los Estados Unidos para asuntos civiles en
Puerto Rico (1898-1900) (127-222). El autor plantea que los gobernadores
militares, el Gen. George R. Brooke (18 de octubre a 9 de diciembre de 1898),
el Gen. Guy V. Henry (6 de diciembre de 1898 al 9 de mayo de 1899) y el Gen
George W. Davis (9 de mayo de 1899 al 1 de mayo de 1900), cometieron
innumerables arbitrariedades. Delgado Cintrón deja establecida con extensa
evidencia documental, que las instrucciones impartidas por el Presidente
William McKinley (Orden General 101, del 18 de julio de 1898), había sido
establecidas en 1863. Alude el autor, a que el informe más importante sobre
la operación del gobierno militar, suscrito por Charles E. Maggon (128),
sustenta justificaciones distantes de las iniciativas en torno a la americanización
jurídica, política, económica y cultural, que apenas se iniciaba en la isla. Maggon,
establece claramente, que habiendo firmado un Tratado de Paz, los peligros de
la guerra cesaron, como también cesaron los derechos de los militares a
ejercitar los poderes indefinibles e ilimitados de la guerra. Las leyes de la paz
operaron otra vez, y los derechos de los individuos y las comunidades tenían
que ser reconocidos y protegidos (128). Esto no fue lo acontecido.
Contrario a la instrucción, impartida con un atraso de un año, el
Gen. Brooke inició la transición de la administración pública; impuso el inglés
como el idioma de la educación pública; rebautizan a Puerto Rico como Porto
Rico; abolió el Tribunal Contencioso-Administrativo; cambia el nombre de la
Audiencia Territorial de Puerto Rico por el Tribunal Supremo de Justicia de
Puerto Rico y se ven impedidos de ejercer los abogados españoles. El Gen.
Guy V. Henry, ordenó la censura de la prensa, inició la transculturación
jurídica, suprimió el Consejo de Secretarios y estableció comisiones militares
para juzgar civiles, violentando el principio que es la guerra el único teatro de
acción del tribunal militar, principio establecido 32 años antes. La invasión de
los abogados estadounidenses, ignorantes del derecho puertorriqueño y del
español, inauguró un conflicto con los abogados puertorriqueños y la
jurisdicción posterior de la corte federal.
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El 9 de mayo asume la gobernación militar, el Gen. George W. Davis,
inaugurando la United States Provisional Court. Favorecida por los abogados
estadounidenses, inaugura el paso en la asimilación jurídica. Este organismo,
en palabras de Delgado Cintrón, responde a la ideología o teoría de que es
necesario suprimir las instituciones hispano-puertorriqueñas y establecer las
norteamericanas, es decir americanizar (169). El establecimiento de esta corte,
contraria a las costumbres estadounidenses, responde a los reclamos de los
intereses comerciales y de los propietarios estadounidenses. Se observa una
agresiva campaña de descrédito a los tribunales puertorriqueños, a sus
jueces y abogados. Davis creó una Junta Judicial, con el propósito de estudiar
la reorganización de los tribunales, conduciendo a lo el autor ha descrito,
como un cambio que, casi rompe definitivamente con la tradición jurídica
hispano-puertorriqueña (210).
El sexto capítulo, se refiere al Régimen Civil de la Ley orgánica
de 1900 (223-278). La Ley Foraker, contravino las recomendaciones del
Informe del Dr. Henry K. Caroll, Comisionado del Presidente McKinley, y
suscribió las del General George W. Davis, tomando finalmente la forma de
los principios expansionistas del Partido Republicano, en la medida de Joseph
Benson Foraker. La ley territorial, la cual rompe con la tradición jurídica y
constitucional estadounidense hasta ese momento, dio al traste con las
ilusiones de los idealistas del 1898, fue descrita por representantes del
Partido Demócrata, de la siguiente forma: cualquier gobierno- no basado en el
consentimiento- es una tiranía, y que imponerle a cualquier pueblo un gobierno por
la fuerza, es sustituir los métodos del imperialismo por aquellos de una república
(224). La Ley Foraker facultó al Presidente de los Estados Unidos para
designar los miembros del Tribunal Supremo; del Consejo Ejecutivo; el
Gobernador designaría los jueces de los Tribunales de Distrito y los jueces
municipales y establece la District Court of the United States of Puerto Rico.
Además, adelanta la americanización del idioma, en las instancias creadas por
la ley.
Bajo la Gobernación de Charles W. Allen, se adelantó la
americanización de los cargos públicos, manteniendo una prédica de
desvirtuar la realidad puertorriqueña, reorganizando además el Tribunal
Supremo de Puerto Rico y estableciendo The Commission to Compile and
Revise the Laws of Porto Rico. Las reformas adquirieron un tono de desprecio
a lo puertorriqueño. Leo Rowe, autor de The United States and Porto
Rico, describió la compleja situación al explicar, todo lo que no se conformaba
a nuestro sistema era no solamente no americano, sino antiamericano (258).
El séptimo capítulo atiende La oposición al Tribunal de los Estados Unidos en
Puerto Rico (279-322). La Ley Foraker aumentó la jurisdicción de la District
Court of the United States for Puerto Rico. El 12 de enero de 1909, la Cámara
de Delegados, dominada por el Partido Unión de Puerto Rico, solicitó la
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supresión de la corte antes mencionada, dirigiendo el reclamo además al
Congreso. De igual forma, en marzo de 1909, la Cámara de Delegados rebajó
el presupuesto de esta entidad, siendo rechazadas ambas medidas por el
Congreso, al aprobar la Ley Olmstead, del 15 de marzo del 1910. Sin embargo,
la protesta llevó a Félix Frankfurter, Asesor Jurídico del Bureau of Insular
Affairs, a recomendar su abolición y reformas, sugeridas por Wolcott Pitkin,
Procurador General de Puerto Rico. El malestar contra el tribunal Federal
era amplio y contínuo.
El Proyecto de ley para sustituir la ley orgánica Foraker, incluyó la
District Court of the United States for Puerto Rico. Se opusieron a la medida, el
Partido Unión de Puerto Rico, la Cámara de Delegados, La Democracia y
hasta el Partido Republicano. El Gen. Frank McIntyre, explicó el asunto de la
siguiente forma al Departamento de la Guerra, siendo este un tribunal donde
se habla el idioma inglés y se aplica el sistema de derecho de Estados Unidos, en
vez del de España, prácticamente excluyó de sus procesos a los abogados
puertorriqueños. La práctica en este Tribunal estaba en manos de unos pocos
abogados norteamericanos (315).
El octavo capítulo, se titula La Corte Federal: Ideología y Política
(323-369). La aprobación de la Constitución del Estado Libre Asociado, en
1952, no alteró la situación descrita en los capítulos anteriores. Delgado
Cintrón nos advierte que no debemos visualizarla como una institución similar a
las homólogas de su nombre en Estados Unidos…en nuestra patria pesa la loza
del colonialismo…En donde tiene sentido su presencia es en un estado federado a
los Estados Unidos (323). La ley de Relaciones Federales, conservó las
disposiciones vigentes de las leyes orgánicas anteriores.
En 1966 se reorganizó el Tribunal Federal, otorgando términos
vitalicios para todos sus jueces. Bajo la gobernación de Carlos Romero
Barceló, y desde el 1976, con la designación de los nuevos jueces, bajo la
Presidencia de James Carter, ocuparon todas las plazas de jueces federales en
Puerto Rico. Las consecuencias de este proceso es descrita de la siguiente
forma por Delgado Cintrón: De esta manera los novoprogresistas anexionistas
ocuparon todas las plazas de jueces federales en Puerto Rico y tenían en el Juez
Torruellas, un juez de apelaciones en el primer circuito, que eventualmente sería
elevado a la presidencia de ese importante tribunal. Solamente les faltaba un cargo
de Juez Asociado del Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos y tomar el Tribunal
Supremo de Puerto Rico, es decir, tener la mayoría de sus jueces y con un juez
presidente anexionista, la dirección de la Rama Judicial (325). Desde el 1985, las
acciones de los jueces federales, se ha caracterizado por su expresión abierta
en favor de la anexión, en el caso del juez Juan M. Pérez Giménez.
Sin embargo, el reclamo es mayor en su manejo de los asesinatos
del Caso del Cerro Maravilla. Manny Suárez, nos recuerda:
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En el caso de Pérez Giménez, no debemos buscar más lejos de su manejo del caso
del Cerro Maravilla para encontrar lo que muchos críticos consideran evidencia que
condena su parcialidad. Durante los siete años en que atendió el caso Soto vs.
Romero Barceló, Pérez Giménez sostuvo cinco decisiones que fueron retadas en el
Tribunal de Apelaciones.Todas se fundamentaron en el derecho público a saber que
ocurrió en el Cerro Maravilla, así como el derecho del Senado a investigar (330).
De otra parte, debemos recordar el encarcelamiento del Alcalde de
Moca, por órdenes del Juez José Antonio Fusté, en un pleito por despido de
empleados municipales. Sobre estos y otros incidentes, dos destacados
juristas puertorriqueños, nos comentan en torno a la naturaleza del tribunal
y los estilos de sus jueces. El entonces Presidente del Colegio de Abogados,
Lcdo. Héctor Lugo Bugal, expresó su deseo que el Tribunal Federal, deje de
funcionar en Puerto Rico, porque es una institución inmoral, foránea, incrustada
colonialmente en Puerto Rico (334). Por su parte, el Lcdo. Héctor Ramos
Mimoso, expresó, Se trata de las formas y estilos que algunos jueces de ese
tribunal usan para imponer sus órdenes. Se trata de estilos arrogantes que no
desperdician oportunidad para humillar, como el que estruja en el rostro de otro la
autoridad de la cual está investido. No es lo que se espera de un juzgador comedido,
objetivo, sereno en la manera de conducirse y en la formación de sus juicios y
dictámenes. Salta a la vista la inmadurez. Son los estilos que dan base para que,
en un escrito apelativo ante el tribunal de circuito de Boston, se les calificara de
atropellantes y abusivos (334).
Otras decisiones arbitrarias del Tribunal Federal, destacadas por el
autor, fueron la prohibición de los piquetes y marchas de protesta frente a la
Corte Federal, estableciendo como razón, que la libertad de expresión no es
absoluta (341); la decisión opuesta a la protección de la industria azucarera,
afectando 40,000 empleos; la forma y la manera en que se atendieron los
casos de intervenciones telefónicas; la consistente oposición al uso del
español como idioma en la corte; la costumbre de emitir opiniones de un
grupo a nombre de la corte sin la autorización de los jueces, lo cual ha
causado graves diferencias entre sus integrantes y las suspensiones arbitrarias
de la Ley de Cierre.
Otro asunto de la mayor consideración, resulta ser la confrontación
del Tribunal Federal con el Tribunal Supremo de Puerto Rico. Sobre esta
situación reiterada, el autor comenta: Los choques constitucionales entre la
Corte Federal y el Tribunal Supremo de Puerto Rico son numerosos. La Corte
Federal se inmiscuye continuamente en las esferas de jurisdicción y acción de
nuestro más alto tribunal puertorriqueño. Al hacerlo, lo realiza sin delicadeza, sin
consideración, irrespetuosamente para una institución que representa, en lo
institucional, el foro último, el más alto en Puerto Rico (352).
Por mi parte, destaco como uno de los ejemplos más bochornosos,
el trato dado a los desobedientes civiles de Vieques, quienes fueron los
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mejores representantes de un país cansado del abuso militarista de más de seis
décadas. El trato dado a los desobedientes, hombres y mujeres de talla superior,
denigraron los discursos políticos de la preeminencia de los derechos humanos.
Cuando llegó la oportunidad, los principios más atropellantes dirigieron sus actos.
El ex Juez Superior de Puerto Rico, Ángel Hermida, explicó al renunciar en
protesta a su derecho a ejercer en la Corte Federal, lo siguiente: el Tribunal Federal
en Puerto Rico dejó de representar el baluarte que fue, por varias décadas, de defensa
de los derechos civiles, humanos, constitucionales. Desde hace aproximadamente un
año, se ha convertido en instrumento de opresión de patriotas puertorriqueños y de
persecución sistemática de aquellos que luchan por los derechos civiles del pueblo de
Vieques (359).
En el capítulo nueve, Delgado Cintrón elabora Las luchas por la
conservación del idioma español en Puerto Rico (371-420). La batalla
por el idioma español de los puertorriqueños, se inició durante el gobierno
militar estadounidense, en 1898. Tan temprano como el 25 de noviembre de
1898, Phillip Hanna, el último cónsul estadounidense se expresó, esperando que el
idioma español fuera cosa del pasado (372). En 1903, Samuel McCune, Comisionado
de Educación, estableció como política educativa la organización de las escuelas a
partir de la enseñanza del inglés, tan pronto la cantidad de alumnos y maestros lo
permitiera. Comenzó con ello, un proceso de menosprecio sistemático a los
valores educativos, culturales y lingüísticos puertorriqueños. En este proceso, la
colaboración del Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño fue completa. A diferencia
de la experiencia de Filipinas, en Puerto Rico, se inició una resistencia que se
expresa hasta el presente. El desprecio por el español, confrontó la que ha llamado
Delgado Cintrón, primera generación de defensores de la lengua nacional.Además
de la inclusión de instituciones como la Cámara de Delegados, la Asociación de
Maestros y el Ateneo Puertorriqueño.
En esta resistencia cultural, destaca la iniciativa del Senador Rafael Arjona
Siaca, para viabilizar el uso del idioma español como vehículo de enseñanza
pública. Para ello presentó su proyecto de ley el 13 de febrero de 1945. Fue
aprobado por las cámaras legislativas, vetado por el Gobernador Rexford Guy
Tugwell y vuelto a aprobar en 1946, siendo vetado en esta ocasión por Manuel A.
Pérez, Gobernador interino. Las cámaras vuelven a aprobarlo, interviene el
entonces Presidnte Harry S. Truman y no sería considerado. En este proceso, el
nombramiento del Prof. Mariano Villaronga como Comisionado de Educación en
1946, le brindó continuidad al proceso, pues respaldó el idioma español y fue
despedido. En 1948, el Gobernador Luis Muñoz Marín, lo nombró Comisionado
de Instrucción y finalmente a través de su Carta Circular 10, del 6 de agosto del
1949, viabilizó la conversión del español como idioma de enseñanza en las
escuelas públicas. Una segunda generación de luchadores por el idioma es
considerada por el autor como parte de la llamada generación del 1950.
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Otra etapa clave de esta resistencia cultural se inició en 1986, con
el proyecto que declaraba el español como idioma oficial, sometido por el
senador Sergio Peña Clos. La Asociación de Periodistas, el Comité
Puertorriqueño de Intelectuales, el Comité Pro Reafirmación del Idioma
español, Acción Nacional para la Defensa del Vernáculo, el Ateneo
Puertorriqueño, la Asociación Puertorriqueña de Profesores Universitarios,
el Colegio de Abogados, y el Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, entre otras
instituciones, apoyaron la iniciativa. En 1989, en ocasión de celebrarse en
Puerto Rico las vistas senatoriales de la Comisión de Energía, presidida por
el Senador J. Bennet Johnston, el tema de la cultura fue excluido. Ricardo E.
Alegría, Agustín Echevarría, Carmelo Delgado Cintrón, Juan M. García
Passalacqua, Alfonso L. García y otros, reclamaron su discusión y lo trajeron
ante la atención pública.
El 27 de marzo de 1989, el representante Héctor López Galarza,
radicó el P. de la C. 417 para declarar el idioma español como la única lengua
oficial de Puerto Rico. La misma contó con el apoyo de ambas cámaras
legislativas y fue aprobada por el Gobernador Rafael Hernández Colón el 5
de abril de 1990. El autor comenta su importancia, al establecer, que la
legislación que se aprobó…constituye un reconocimiento de la realidad linguística
del país y solventa la integridad. Su aprobación no es un hecho aislado sino que es
parte de un proceso histórico que se inició precisamente en 1899 y que transcurre
por décadas hasta nuestros días 35 y además, representó un paso importante en
la reafirmación de los rasgos latinoamericanos de nuestra personalidad nacional
(402). La decisión tuvo importantes repercusiones internacionales,
particularmente en España, con la concesión del Premio Príncipe de Asturias
de las Letras (1991).
La victoria del Dr. Pedro Roselló González en las elecciones del
1992, inició el proceso de derogación de la Ley del Idioma único y el
restablecimiento del inglés y el español como idiomas de uso gubernamental.
De otra parte, la Juta de Directores del Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña,
designó al Dr. Delgado Cintrón como Director Ejecutivo de la institución,
reafirmando su compromiso con la Ley del idioma único (ver sus declaraciones
públicas, pág. 407-408) 37. El proyecto de Ley 1, del 5 de abril, adelantó la
derogación de la Ley del Idioma oficial. Ello promovió la creación del
Movimiento de Afirmación Puertorriqueña, uniendo los esfuerzos del
Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, el Centro de Estudios Avanzados de
Puerto Rico y el Caribe, el Ateneo Puertorriqueño, el Pen Club de Puerto
Rico, la Fundación Puertorriqueña de las Humanidades, la Academia
Puertorriqueña del Idioma y otras organizaciones culturales, educativas,
cívicas y religiosas, organizadas en un frente cultural amplio.
Los esfuerzos el torno a la defensa del idioma, son elaborados por
el autor en el capítulo diez, bajo el título de El español en la corte
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federal (423-424). El autor reseña los conflictos inaugurados por el
establecimiento de este tribunal desde el 27 de junio del 1899, estableciendo
el inglés como su idioma. Desde el 1910, se origina un reclamo inalterado
por el uso del idioma español en este tribunal, con el reclamo de la Asociación
de Abogados del Tribunal Federal (423-424). Otros desarrollos relacionados,
destacados por el autor, son el problema del idioma en la corte federal (425426); la Constitución del 1952 y el idioma español (427-428) y el Proyecto
Fernós Murray del 1959 (428-429), entre otros. Finalizo los comentarios con
una cita del Juez Presidente del Tribunal Federal, Hiram Cancio, en su carta al
Comisionado Residente Jaime Benítez, estableciendo, que es natural que en
cualquier comunidad sus habitantes sean juzgados y los litigantes adjudiquen sus
controversias en su propio idioma; por lo tanto, en Puerto Rico, una comunidad
hispano parlante, todos los procesos judiciales se deben conducir en español (444).
El capítulo once, es titulado La saga del estatus continúa (481-528).
En este capítulo, nos plantea Delgado Cintrón, que el sometimiento de su país
a la dominación de una nación extranjera es la problemática primaria, fundamental
y más importante que tienen desde siglos, los puertorriqueños, y origen de la casi
totalidad de sus actitudes, trastornos, y males sociales, que son derivados de este
contexto nacional (481-482).
Repasa nuestra historia desde el siglo XIX, reconociendo el peso
del autoritarismo, el clericalismo, la postración económica, el discrimen
colonial, la ignorancia educativa y los honrosos intentos de superarlas. El
1898, se inauguró con otro gobiernó militar, la americanización de la política,
la economía, la educación y la cultura, resistida desde sus inicios, pero
evidente luego de la aprobación de la Ley Foraker. La aprobación del Estado
Libre Asociado, nunca significó una verdadera asociación, sino un grado mayor
de gobierno propio, que cada vez se reduce en su verdadera dimensión, hasta
llegar a lo evidente en nuestro presente.
En el 2000, 2001 y 2007, diversos presidentes estadounidenses han
reiterado su cómoda posición de que los puertorriqueños decidan su futuro,
cuando el único derecho político internacional que nos asiste es el reclamo
de la independencia. Las vistas del 2010, dejaron nuevamente en evidencia, la
falta de interés en atender nuestra solución política.Todavía se expone como
como aspiración, la máxima autonomía posible dentro de la unión permanente
con Estados Unidos. La autonomía no trasciende el marco único del territorio
no incorporado y la sujeción a la cláusula territorial condiciona la metáfora
de su permanencia. En las vistas públicas de la Comisión de Energía y
Recursos Naturales del Senado estadounidense, su presidente, Ron Wyden
declaró, the rejection of the current territory status last Novembre leaves Puerto
Rico with two optios: statehood under U. S. sovereignty, or some form of separate
national sovereignty (510).
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En la vista, el Gobernador Alejandro García Padilla no pudo definir
el ELA culminado; la estadidad no ha sido ofrecida y en ocasiones se ha
descrito como distinta a la de otros estados y el Tribunal Supremo del Estado
Libre Asociado dejó claramente establecido que Puerto Rico no dejó de ser
un territorio (20 de marzo de 2015). Finalicemos con los recientes
comentarios del Juez Federal Juan Torruella, advirtiendo, que la propuesta de
la Junta de Control Fiscal, profundiza la patente política pública de discriminación
colonial a la que ha sido sometida la isla por el gobierno de Estados Unidos. Sobre
el caso Pueblo vs. Sánchez Valle, indicó, que estos casos o esta legislación pueden
cambiar drásticamente el escenario Estados Unidos-Puerto Rico, dependiendo de
qué caminos seleccione el tribunal para resolver las cuestiones básicas que los
casos plantean y qué finalmente aprueba el Congreso para asistir al Pueblo de
Puerto Rico (Delgado, José, “Junta federal profundiza discriminación colonial
hacia la isla, El Nuevo Día, 19 de abril de 2016).
Finaliza el autor este texto clave de la interpretación sobre el
impacto del imperialismo jurídico estadounidense sobre Puerto Rico, con un
capítulo referente al factor fundamental en torno a la solución de este
asunto: la cultura puertorriqueña. El capítulo once lo titula, La expresión
literaria y la dominación colonial: desde aleluyas hasta Seva
(529-582). Delgado Cintrón establece que la literatura describe y explica el
problema de la condición política de los puertorriqueños. Menciona el autor,
nunca hemos podido ser verdaderamente nosotros, aunque dicho sometimiento
haya sido combatido por los espíritus más finos y grandes sectores del pueblo
puertorriqueño que han empleado todas las formas y maneras de excluirlo…Se
destaca y es observable ese cuestionamiento colonial y lucha contra la sujeción de
las libertades como el tema de las creaciones literarias y se trata y recrea
temáticamente en el cultivo de las disciplinas, géneros y formas de la expresión
estética (549-550).
En el capítulo explora los significados de la poesía jurídica de José
De Diego, la poesía de Luis Muñoz Rivera, Luis Palés Matos, Nicolás Guillén,
la poesía descolonizadora de Luis Lloréns Torres, Abelardo Díaz Alfaro, Juan
Antonio Corretjer, y Luis López Nieves, autor de Seva, obra que transita de
relato histórico, a cuento histórico y ficción soñada.
Deseo finalizar mis comentarios con una cita de Eugenio María De
Hostos, seleccionada por el autor, incorporada en sus Ensayos Didácticos,
que nos resume de manera simple, clara y contundente nuestro dilema
histórico:
Es decir, que en Puerto Rico, como en Cuba, como en todas las colonias y excolonias
españolas, la civilización es un ideal de la gente inteligente y honrada, pero no es
una realidad ni puede serlo. Civilización sin independencia, civilización sin libertad,
civilización sin derechos, civilización sin dominio sobre el territorio y sus bienes
materiales o morales, podría llegar a ser un macaqueo ridículo y acaso alguna vez
un buen remedo; pero civilización verdadera, no es posible (481).
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NOTA SOBRE LOS AUTORES
María del Pilar Argüelles es Catedrática Asociada del
Departamento de Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Puerto Rico,
en Río Piedras.
Sommer Browning escribe poesía, dibuja cómics y hace chistes. Es
la autora de The Circle Book (Cuneiform Press, 2015), BackupSingers
(Birds, LLC, 2014), Presidents and Other Jokes (Future Tense Books,
2013) y Either Way I’m Celebrating (Birds, LCC, 2011). Además, es
bibliotecaria.
Susana Herrero cuenta con un Ph.D. en Economía Aplicada y un
Ms.C. en Economía Internacional. Ha trabajado como consultora
para organismos internacionales en África, Asia, América y Europa.
En la actualidad desarrolla su función como Directora del Centro
de Investigaciones Económicas de la Universidad de las Américas, en
Quito, Ecuador.
Luis Javier Pentón Herrera es profesor de inglés como idioma
(ESL) en Laurel High School, Maryland, y profesor conferenciante de
inglés, español y educación en el Capital Area Campus del Sistema
Universitario Ana G. Méndez. Ha presentado en diversos congresos
académicos y escrito diversos artículos relacionados a los temas
del bilingüismo, la educación bilingüe y el desarrollo de destrezas
idiomáticas. Ha publicado anteriormente en Ámbito de Encuentros.
Ángel A. Toledo-López es Catedrático Asociado de la Escuela
de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas de la Universidad del Este. Posee
un Ph.D. en Ciencia Política con una concentración en Política
91
Estadounidense y Political Behavior de la Penn State University. Ha
publicado anteriormente en Ámbito de Encuentros.
Lilliana Ramos Collado es poeta y ha publicado poemas para
despabilar cándidos (Premio Revista Sin Nombre 1976: Editorial
Reintegro, 1981), reróticas (Libros Nómadas, 1998), una segunda
edición de Últimos poemas de la rosa. Ejercicios de amor y de
crueldad (Trabalis Editores, 2015) y una nueva edición de reróticas
(Trabalis Editores). Ha publicado artículos de comentario cultural,
crítica y teoría literaria, de fotografía, arte y arquitectura en catálogos,
libros colectivos, y en revistas generales y profesionales. Fue Directora
Ejecutiva del Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña. Como curadora
del Museo de Arte Contemporáneo de Puerto Rico por varios años,
estuvo a cargo de exhibiciones diversas, individuales y colectivas,
acompañadas de libros-catálogos. Recientmenente publicó el ensayo
Ecce Pictor: el azul sacrificial de Arnaldo Roche Rabell (Las Palmas
de Gran Canaria, CAAM, Castillo, ed.) y The Blue of Ruins/Arnaldo
Roche Rabell para la Galería Point of Contact en la Universidad de
Syracuse, NY. Actualmente trabaja en un libro de ensayos de temas
culturales.
Jaime L. Rodríguez Cancel es Catedrático Asociado y Profesor
Investigador de la Escuela de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas de la
Universidad del Este. Es autor del libro La Guerra Fría y el sexenio
de la puertorriqueñidad: Afirmación nacional y políticas culturales
(Ediciones Puerto, 2007), además de múltiples artículos en revistas y
otros medios.
Charles R. Venator-Santiago es Catedrático Asociado en
el Departamento de Ciencia Política y El Instituto: Institute for
Latino/a Caribbean and Latin American Studies, en la Universidad de
Connecticut en Storrs. Es autor del libro Puerto Rico and the Origins
of U.S. Global Empire: The Disembodied Shade (Routledge, 2015).
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Ámbito de Encuentros es una revista
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OTRAS NORMAS ESPECÍFICAS
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95
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REVISTA Ámbito de Encuentros
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©DERECHOS RESERVADOS
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POLÍTICA DE DERECHOS DE AUTOR
Ámbito de Encuentros requiere a sus colaboradores/as que cesen los
derechos sobre la propiedad intelectual, el copyright, de los trabajos
que se publican. Esto agiliza y facilita la distribución a través de
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97
Caribbean StudieS
Revista bianual del Instituto de Estudios del Caribe
Universidad de Puerto Rico
ÍNDICE · CONTENTS · SOMAIRE
Vol. 43 No. 1 (January-June 2015)
Artículos · Articles · Articles
Juan Giusti Cordero, Trabajo y vida en el mangle: “Madera
negra” y carbón en Piñones (Loíza), Puerto Rico (1880-1950)
Jeb Sprague, From International to Transnational Mining: The
Industry’s Shifting Political Economy and the Caribbean
Anne Eller, Las ramas del Árbol de la Libertad: La Guerra de la
Restauración en la República Dominicana y Haití
Dossier Literario • Literary Dossier • Dossier Littéraire
Florencia Bonfiglio, Notes on the Caribbean Essay from an
Archipelagic Perspective (Kamau Brathwaite, Édouard
Glissant and Antonio Benítez Rojo)
Paul Dixon, Of Cane, the Caribbean and João Cabral de Melo
Neto
Damaris Puñales Alpízar, Beka Lamb y Belice: Eco fractal de un
Caribe multilingüe y plural
Reseñas de libros · Book Reviews · Comptes Rendus
suscripción AnuAl
Instituciones $50.00 / Individuos $25.00
Cheque o giro postal pagadero a
universidad de puerto rico
Instituto de Estudios del Caribe
Universidad de Puerto Rico
P.O. Box 23345
San Juan, Puerto Rico 00931-3345
Tel. 787-764-0000, ext. 87738
[email protected]
Sean Brotherton. 2012. Revolutionary Medicine. Health and the
Body in Post-Soviet Cuba. (Enrique Beldarraín Chaple)
Frank Moya Pons. 2014. El gran cambio, la transformación
social y económica de la República Dominicana. (Alberto
Abello Vives)
Edgardo Pérez Montijo. 2014. Rehearsing and Improvising the
Self : Performance in the Novels of Earl Lovelace. (Sharif El
Gammal-Ortiz)
Alberto Abello Vives. 2015. La isla encallada: El Caribe
colombiano en el archipiélago del Caribe. (Margarita Sorock)
Luis Anaya Merchant y Oscar Zanetti, coords. 2014. Mercados
del azúcar e intervención estatal en el Caribe y México
durante la Gran Depresión. Una comparación internacional.
(María Teresa Cortés Zavala)
Víctor Federico Torres. 2014. Yo quiero que me olviden: La
historia de Marta Romero. (Marta Aponte Alsina)
Benita Brown, Dannabang Kuwabong, and Christopher Olsen.
2014. Myth Performance in the African Diaspora: Ritual,
Theatre, and Dance. (Gabriel J. Jiménez-Fuentes)
Elena Machado Sáez. 2015. Market Aesthetics: The Purchase of
the Past in Caribbean Diasporic Fiction. (Kristy L. Ulibarri)
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