English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of
Subcategorization
English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of
Subcategorization
Introduction: the problem
What is the structure of sentences of the pattern below? Do they all have the
same structure (“accusative with the infinitive/participle, assumed in traditional
grammar), or do they fall into different structural subclasses?
a.
NP
V
NP
V
(NP) …
The structure traditional grammars assign to the pattern in (a) above is this:
b.
S
V
O
OC
1.
to V… “Accusative with the Infinitive”
2.
V-ing “Accusative with the Participle”
For example:
(1)
He
likes
her
to call often.
(2)
I
heard someone
slam the door / singing Ave Maria.
(3)
We
asked the students to attend the lecture.
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
A central question: Where do the post-verbal NPs (her, someone, the students)
belong? Are they all the Object of the matrix V (as assumed in tradl. grammar)?
Major criteria of subcategorization
1. Surface object + NF expression (=NFC) the focus of a pseudo-cleft?
Yes Æ Surface object + NF expression is NF clause.
Surface object is Subject of NF clause.
No Æ Surface object + NF expression is not NF clause.
Surface object is matrix object.
(1) a. He likes her to call often.
b. What he likes is for her to call often.
Æ c. He likes [her to call often].
(2) a. I heard someone slam the door.
b. What I heard was someone slam the door.
Æ c. I heard [someone slam the door].
(3) a. We asked the students to attend the lecture.
b. * What we asked was (for) the students to attend the lecture.
Æ c. We asked the students1 [PRO1 to attend the lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
2. Surface object + NF expression (=NFC) replaceable by a pronoun or
NP nominalizing the meaning of a clause?
Yes Æ Surface object + NF expression is NF clause.
Surface object is Subject of NF clause.
No Æ Surface object + NF expression is not NF clause.
Surface object is matrix object.
(4) a. We like all parents to visit the school.
b. We like all parents’ visits. / We like it.
Æ c. We like [all parents to visit the school].
(5) a. I expected him to call me at six.
b. I expected his call. / I expected it.
Æ c. I expected [him to call me at six].
(6) a. We asked the students to attend a lecture.
b. * We asked the students’ attendance. / *We asked it.
Æ c. We asked the students1 [PRO1 to attend a lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
3. NF expression (=NFC) without surface object the focus of a pseudocleft (Surface object + NF expression ≠NFC)?
YesÆ Surface object not in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
No Æ Surface object in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
(7) a. We like the parents to visit the school.
b. * What we like the parents is to visit the school.
Æ c. We like [the parents to visit the school].
(8) a. I expected him to call me at six.
b. * What I expected him was to call me at six.
Æ c. I expected [him to call me at six].
(9) a. They asked the students to attend a lecture.
b. ? What they asked the students was to attend a lecture.
Æ c. They asked the students1 [PRO1 to attend a lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
4. Passive apply to surface object + NF expression (=NF clause)?
Yes Æ Surface object in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
Surface object is Subject of NF clause.
No Æ Surface object not in construction with NF expression.
(10) a. We like all parents to visit the school.
= b. We like the school to be visited by all parents.
Æ c. We like [all parents to visit the school].
(11) a. They expected the students to enjoy the classes.
b. They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students.
Æ c. They expected [the students to enjoy the classes].
(12) a. They asked the students to attend a lecture.
b. * They asked a lecture to be attended by the students.
Æ c. They asked the students1 [PRO1 to attend a lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
5. In a reduced construction the infinitive marker to remains?
Yes Æ Surface object in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
Surface object is Subject of NF clause.
No Æ Surface object not in construction with NF expression.
(13) a. We like all parents to visit the school.
b. We like them to.
≠> c. We like them.
Æ d. We like [all parents to visit the school].
The meaning of ‘NP V NP V…’ implies ‘NP V NP’?
Yes Æ Surface object is matrix object (not in construction with NF exprn.)
No Æ Surface object in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
(14) a. We believed the defendant to be guilty.
≠> b. We believed the defendant/him.
Æ c. We believed [the defendant to be guilty]. (Cf. 17c — hm?)
(15) a. We persuaded the students to attend a lecture.
=> b. We persuaded them.
Æ c. We persuaded the students1 [PRO1 to attend a lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
6. The surface object passivized in the matrix sentence?
Yes Æ Surface object is matrix object (not in construction with NF exprn.)
No Æ Surface object in construction with NF expression (in a clause).
(16) a. We like all parents to visit the school.
b. *All parents are liked (by us) to visit the school.
Æ c. We like [all parents to visit the school].
(17) a. We believed the defendant to be guilty.
b. The defendant was believed to be guilty.
Æ c. We believed the defendant [to be guilty]. — Hm? Cf. (14c)
(18) a. We persuaded the students to attend a lecture.
b. The students were persuaded to attend a lecture.
Æ c. We persuaded the students1 [PRO1 to attend a lecture]. (object control)
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
7. The surface object is a raised object?
If both Matrix and Embedded passives are possible Æ Yes.
If one passive only Æ No.
(19) a. We like all parents to visit the school.
= b. We like the school to be visited by all parents. Embedded pass. only
c. * All parents are liked (by us) to visit the school.
Æ
Surface object is embedded subject.
(20) a. They expected the students to enjoy the classes.
≈ b. They expected the classes to be enjoyed by the students. Embd. pass.
≈ c. The students were expected to enjoy the classes. Matrix passive
Æ
Surface object is raised object. (Subject-to-Object Raising)
(21) a. They asked the students to attend a lecture.
b. * They asked a lecture to be attended by the students.
c. The students were asked to attend a lecture. Matrix passive only
Æ
Surface object is also deep object.
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
MT CT DT
1. Surface O + NF exprn. (=NFC) focus of pseudo-cleft
+
+
–
2. Surface O + NF exprn. (=NFC) nomd./ repld. by pronoun
+
+
–
3. NF exprn. without Surf. O (≠ NFC) focus of pseudo-cleft
–
–
?
4. Passive applies in Surface O + NF exprn. (=NFC, synons.)
+
+
–
5. Reduced construction retains to
+
+
–
6. Surface object passivized in matrix clause
–
+
+
7. Surface object is raised object
–
+
–
8. Surface object is deep object
Notes
MT
= monotransitive
CT
= complex-transitive
DT
= ditransitive
–
–
+
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
=>
≠>
=
= implies
= does not imply
= is synonymous with
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Summary and conclusions
Sentences of the pattern (in a & b) below do not have the same structure.
a.
NP
V
NP
V
(NP) …
The structure traditional grammars assign to the pattern in (a) above is this:
b.
S
V
O
OC
1.
to V… “Accusative with the Infinitive”
2.
V-ing “Accusative with the Participle”
Three large subclasses
Monotransitive (MT), Complex-transitive (CT), and Ditransitive (DT)
Monotransitive and complex-transitive
In MT and CT structures, the surface object is in construction with the infinitive
or gerund: it is the subject of the nonfinite clause. The matrix verb in MT and
CT sentences takes a nonfinite clausal object, with a lexical subject of its own.
(22)
We liked [the parents to visit the school] / [them visiting the school]
(23)
They expect [us to work hard] / I heard [him singing the Marseillaise]
Summary and conclusions
10
English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Difference between MT and CT
Subject control in MT
In MT structures, the subject of the complement clause may be PRO, controlled
by the matrix subject:
(24) a. John1 wants [PRO1 to go to the movies]
b. Mary1 enjoys [PRO1 singing]
Raising to object in CT
In CT sentences but not in MT structures, the subject of the embedded clause
may be raised to matrix object position:
(25) a. They expect us [ __ to work hard] b. I heard him [ __ singing the M…]
Once it has moved to matrix object position, it may be passivized “around the
matrix verb”:
(26) a. We are expected to work hard. b. He was heard singing the M…
In MT structures, we do not have such passives, because the embedded subject
cannot be raised into matrix object position:
(27) * The parents were liked to visit / visiting the school.
Summary and conclusions
11
English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Some verbs occur in both raising-to-object and subject-control structures:
(28) a. I expect them [ ___ to work harder]
— raising
b. I1 expect [PRO1 to work harder]
— subject control
Some verbs occur only in one but not the other:
(29) a. I believed John [ ___ to be innocent] — raising to object only
b. * I believed [PRO to be innocent]
(30) a. John1 tried [PRO1 to work harder]
— subject control only
b. * John tried them to work harder
(31) a. John wants [them to work harder] — MT with lexical embedded subjt.
b. *John wants them [ ___ to work harder] — no raising (MT!)
c. John1 wants [PRO1 to work harder] — subject control (MT)
Summary and conclusions
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Three passives in CT structures
Verbs like expect allow as many as three different passives (and they are all
predicted by the clausal hypothesis!):
(32) a. We expect [the students to attend the lecture]
b. We expect the students [ __ to attend the lecture] – raising to object
c.
d.
The students are expected to attend the lecture – matrix passive
We expect [the lecture to be attended by the students] – embd. passive
e.
We expect the lecture [ __ to be attended by the students] – raising
f.
The lecture was expected to be attended by the students – embedded
and matrix passive
Summary and conclusions
13
English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Ditransitive
In DT structures, the surface object is a deep (not a raised) object, in
construction with the matrix verb, which controls the PRO subject of the
complement clause. DT structures are object-control structures.
(33)
We persuaded the students1 [PRO1 to attend the lecture]
Summary and conclusions
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English Nonfinite Complements
NF Clauses as Object: Major Criteria of Subcategorization
Difference between CT and DT
How do we know that the surface object is a raised object in CT structures, in
construction with the complement clause as its subject, and that in DT
structures it is in construction with the matrix verb?
If the surface object may be passivized in the embedded sentence, it is evidence
that it is a constituent (the subject) of that, not the object of the matrix VP:
(34) a. We expected [the students to attend the lecture]
— CT
b. We expected [the lecture to be attended by the students]
(35) a. We persuaded the students [to attend the lecture]
— DT
b. * We persuaded [the lecture to be attended by the students]
This feature of CT structures is (obviously) shared by MT structures:
(36) a. We want [the students to attend the lecture]
— MT
b. We want [the lecture to be attended by the students]
Summary and conclusions
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