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• Eating Onions in Ichisi • Gougeon • 79
EATING ONION TACOS IN ICHISI: A CROSS..CULTURAL
FOOD ENCOUNTER IN PROTOHISTORIC GEORGIA
by Ramie A Gougeon, Division of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of West Florida
INTRODUCTION
Examinations of the intersection of anthropological archaeology and foodways have
grown in recent years into a nearly sub-disciplinary
status. Like many foci in anthropological research,
we might ascribe the rise of the attention given to
foodways to trends observed in broader Western
popular culture over the past few decades. For
example, "foodie" has been part of the American
lexicon since at least the early 1980s (Barr and Levy
1985), and the Food Network has been very popular since its launch in 1993. From the new "Food
Studies" series proffered by AltaMira Press to the
archaeological explorations of food and identity
undertaken by participants in the 2006 Southern
Illinois University Center for Archaeological Investigations Visiting Scholar symposium (Twiss 2007),
food has taken its place amongst the likes of ceramics, lithics, architecture, and settlement patterns as
a useful entry point to understanding human behavior.
There are obvious reasons why food and
foodways make such powerful subjects in archaeological studies. As it is a biological necessity, food
has been explored from the perspectives of nutrition and health (e.g. Wing and Brown 1979). The
ability to control certain foods or food surpluses
has been viewed as a tool of the sociopolitical elite
and taken as a proxy for higher sociopolitical status
(e.g. Ambrose et al. 2003; Rees 1997, 2002; Zeder
and Arter 1996). Socio-cultural and political practices related to food, including degrees of incorpo-
ration of domesticated food sources, have recently
been examined as indicators of social inequality
(Cuellar 2013) and as responses to environmental
changes (Scarry and Reitz 2005). Archaeologists
have explored the connections between food preferences and social identities (Bush 2004; Dietler
2007; Scott 1996, 2007; Twiss 2007), as well as
more mechanical/ material studies of food preparation techniques (Myers 2006) and vessel attributes
(Hally 1984, 1986). In recent years, considerable
attention has been paid to the concept of feasting
as evident in the archaeological record (Dietler and
Hayden 2010).
Because of our species' intimate relationship with food, research into food and foodways
can provide a myriad of insights into cultural phenomenon, not to mention readily accessible and
tangible examples to bring to our assorted professional and avocational audiences. As a case in
point, I will examine a seemingly simple interaction that occurred in present-day Georgia between
a group of native Southeasterners and sixteenth
century Spanish soldiers. Through this very short
account and some archaeological evidence, I will
explore traditional foodways of the New and Old
World at a critical juncture in history, and discuss
how even the most humble of meals can be interpreted through a variety of analytical lenses.
EATING ONIONS IN lcHISI
In March 1540, Hernando deSoto and his
army were in the province of lchisi, located along
80
• Early Georgia • volume 42, number 1 •
the Ocmulgee River below the present-day city of which the Spanish accounts wax rather poetic. As
Macon (Hudson 1994b, 1997). Despite unknow- Rangel (through Oviedo) reported it:
ingly having thousands of miles yet to traverse, the
Este dia salieron indios e indias a los rest,:ebir:
expedition was already facing considerable dissenvenian
ellas vestidas de blanco, e parest,:ian bian, e
tion in the ranks. Since landing in La Florida in
daban a los chripstianos tortillas de mahiz e unos
May of the previous year, Soto and his men had
manojos de t,:ebolletas ni mas ni menos que las de
met with considerable resistance and hardships
Castilla, tan gordas como la cabet,:a del declo pulgar
(Hudson 1997). Promised and hoped-for riches
e mas. E fue aqueste un manjar que les ayud6 mucho de ahy adelante; y comianlas con tortillas asawere not forthcoming, and food was scarce (Huddas y cot,:idas y crudas, y erales gran socorro, porque
son 1990). In fact, the Spanish rank-and-file only
son
muy buenas.
found themselves in lchisi because of a ruse played
upon them by their leader. Soto had left with a
This day [March 29, 1540) Indian men and
smaller contingency of cavalry from a village locatwomen came forth to receive them. The women
ed somewhere in the province of Toa several days
came clothed in white, and they made a fine appearance, and they gave to the Christians tortillas
before, completing a rather arduous nighttime ride
of
corn and some bundles of spring onions exactly
and covering some 34 miles (easily double their
like
those of Castile, as fat as the tip of the thumb
usual distance traveled per day) (Hudson 1997:157and more. And that was a food which helped them
158; Hudson 1990:83). As interpreted by Hudson
much from then on; and they ate them with tortil(1997), Soto knew that his tired but suspicious sollas, roasted and stewed and raw, and it was a great
diers would think he was after wealth they were
aid to them because they are very good [Rangel
1993:271).
not privy to and would follow him eventually. Regardless of whether we will ever know Soto's exact
chain of logic, this is indeed what came to pass,
I know of no direct evidence of onions
and the soldiers were reunited with their leader in found in archaeological contexts, though this is
very likely a result of how they would have been
the chiefdom of lchisi.
The Soto expedition was large, numbering consumed (i.e., boiled or eaten raw) and the unsome 600 men of varying social status (noblemen likelihood of opportunities for preservation (see
to slaves), and a veritable wagon train of dogs, 240 Hally 1981). It is possible that these onions were,
horses, and a large herd of pigs (Hudson 1997). in fact, wild garlic (Allium canadense) (Peterson
In spite of their numbers, they appeared to carry 1977). Wild garlic has an onion-like flavor and
only minimal provisions and clearly intended to occurs naturally across the Southeast. It blooms
collect foodstuffs from the various peoples they from April to July, but grows throughout the year,
would encounter (Hudson 1990). There were a including forming new bulbs in winter and spring.
number of instances documented in the accounts An interesting medicinal property of wild garlic is
of the expedition of food crises determining where that, eaten raw, it can be used to treat or prevent
the Spaniards went (Hudson 1994a). Depending scurvy, a disease resulting from vitamin C deficienupon the subsistence strategies of the groups to cy (Angier 1978). Rangel may not have known just
share stores of food, or even the time of year in how accurate he was in describing the food as "a
which they arrived in an area, the supplies they so great aid to them."
desperately needed were often found wanting. In
The timing of Soto' s visit to Ichisi is also
the previous chiefdom they found only abandoned interesting to consider. The month of March likely
villages and little to no food, so by the time they brought with it a wide variety of wild plant foods,
had traversed a section of the Ocmulgee River to including the onions upon which the Spanish men
the principal town of lchisi they were once again in feasted. But the spring season was also a time of
dire straits. Upon entering the town of lchisi they considerable food stress, as the stores of the fall
were offered corn cakes and onions, the latter of and winter were largely spent and the corn upon
--1111
IIIII
IIIP"' ""''
• Eating Onions in Ichisi • Gougeon •
which they relied so heavily had only recently been
planted. According to Antoine LePage DuPratz,
the historic Natchez began their calendar year in
March with the first new moon:
The third moon is that of the Little Corn.
This month is often awaited with impatience, their
harvest of the great corn never sufficing to nourish them from one harvest to another [Swanton
1946:260].
In summer, green corn ceremonies or the
"busk" marked several events, including the newly
available food staples (Brown 2011; Swanton 1946).
For the people of lchisi to give the Spaniards cornmeal cakes and onions in March is a curious mixture of signals possibly indicating food security
(having enough corn to present to the Spanish as
cornmeal cakes) and food crisis (augmenting the
staple food with a newly available and possibly
abundant wild food) . I would be remiss if I did not
also see the potential of coercion on the part of the
Spanish, who could have (and often did in their
conquests in the New Worldi) take staple foods by
force. We may never know why the people of Ichisi
chose to feed the Spaniards as they did. How each
side viewed this food offering is of considerable interest, though, and might be interpreted through
what we know about historic Southeastern Native
Americans and sixteenth century Spanish officers
and soldiers.
FLATBREADS IN SPANISH HANDS
To the Spanish, we can presume that the
corn cakes given to them were used as any flatbread would have been before and since the sixteenth century: as a utensil or vehicle for meats,
vegetables, and any other foodstuffs offered as the
primary dish. We might assume that the Spaniards
were at least familiar with leavened flatbread traditions due to exposure to Moorish traditions during
their centuries of control over the Iberian Peninsula. Flatbreads are a part of nearly every meal in
many cultures across northern Africa, the Middle
East, and southwest-central Asia (Al-Dmoor 2012),
to say nothing of the leavened and unleavened flatbreads of Jewish traditions. There is also a long
and rich flatbread tradition across Mediterrane-
81
an Europe, including the Spanish capas (Prichep
2012). Requiring only the basic ingredients of
flour, water, yeast, and salt, it is no mystery that
any Old World civilization with early access to domesticated grains,ii not to mention millennia of
interactions across and around the Mediterranean
Sea, all share this tradition. Therefore, when the
Spanish arrived in lchisi in 1540, the unleavened
cakes of ground maize would have been a familiar
form of food to them, if made of somewhat novel
materials.
Our account from Georgia is not the only
time the Spanish would encounter a grain or
cereral-based carbohydrate as an accompaniment
or offering with food in the New World. Although
food historian Jeffrey Pilcher has been quoted as
saying the taco was created in the eighteenth century (Friesen 2012), the many Mesoamerican regional traditions of wrapping meats, vegetables,
insects, snails, small fishes, and even salt in unleavened flatbreads of ground corn predates his
supposed first literary mention by many centuries.
Twenty years prior to Soto's encounter in Georgia,
Bernal Diaz del Castillo documented a feast hosted
in 1520 by Spanish conquistador Hernan Cortes
in Coyoacan for his officers, complete with wine
from a recently arrived ship from Spain and pigs
brought from Cuba (Carrasco 2008). It has been
presumed by some writers (e.g. Esparza 2011) that
this feast also included corn flatbread supplied by
the natives, which is not an unreasonable assumption given numerous descriptions of tortillas elsewhere in the narrative.
The Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs had a large
focal vocabulary pertaining to what we might now
call the corn tortilla, including tlaxca~, a root of
many nouns, verbs, and adjectives used to describe
the production of tortillas by and for particular
people under particular circumstances, and many
specific types of tortillas (Karttunen 1992; Wired
Humanities Projects n.d.). For instance, tlaxcalli
is a flat bread made of corn meal, tlaxcalpaclwli de- _
scribes tortillas made of colored corn, ueitlaxcalli is
used to name thin and large white corn tortillas,
and quauhtlaxqualli identifies thick and large white
corn tortillas (Karttunen 1992; Wimmer n.d.).
The word "taco" has been alternately interpreted
82
•Early Georgia• volume 42, number 1 •
as a bastardization of tlaxcaLli or merely the Spanish a patch or wad, just as it presumably had in the Old
word for "small snack." A more interesting sugges- World. The similarities in the sizes and shapes of
tion was brought to my attention by noted Spanish the cakes or tortillas and their artillery tacos must
colonial ethnohistorian and archaeologist, John have made for a natural affiliation in their minds.
Worth (personal communication, April 2012). He This renaming of foods after military hardware is
notes, as others have, that alternate translations of not without parallels: both sopes and chalupas, comt h e word " taco ,.me1u d e t h e nouns "1
p ug " or "wa d - mon items found on Mexican restaurant menus
qing to fill a hole," and the verbs "to tack" or "to today, started out as names of types of small boats
plug a hole," apt descriptions for some of the heav- or landing craft.
ier modern variations on this food available today.
However, Worth suggests that "taco" may also be FLATBREAD IN THE NATIVE SouTHEAST
in reference to the specific wadding used in canIn the late Mississippian period, that penons of the sixteenth century. In many black pow- riod of approximately 600 years ending with the
der firearms, gunpowder is placed in the barrel and Spanish entrada of the sixteenth century, Southfollowed by a patch or piece of cloth to hold and eastern Native Americans relied to a great extent
secure the shot, both of which are subsequently on the intensive cultivation of maize (Hudson
rammed down the barrel. Early European artillery 1976:292-294; Swanton 1946:304-310). What we
utilized patches or plugs in breech-loaded pieces know about the specific "races" of maize or corn
in the sixteenth century (Padfield 1974), although cultivated in the prehistoric Southeast has come
in slightly different ways. Padfield (1974) reports to us largely from the rise of the use of flotation in
the post-firing sequence of a breech-loading piece archaeological excavations (Cutler and Blake 2001;
like one recovered from Henry VIII's warship, the Struever 1968; Yarnell et al. 1993), while our reliMary Rose, which sank in 1545. First, the wedge ance on ethnographic and ethnohistoric analogies
holding the chamber in place would be hammered about specific corn preparation methods and the
out and the chamber removed. Next, a piece of resulting dishes consumed by Southeastern Indioakum, straw, or "junk" would be placed in the ans remains (Hally 1986; Swanton 1946:351-359).
open breech end of the barrel. The shot would Swanton's summaries of a number of historic acbe placed upon this "wad," presumably to hold counts lead me to suppose that native Southeastthe shot in place while a refilled chamber was be- erners consumed their corn in three primary ways:
ing prepared (see also Munday 1987). Arnold and as roasted ears, as sofki (also sofkee, or hominy) or
Weddle (1978) note a different form of patch used other porridge or gruel-like dishes, and as various
in Spanish breech-loaders. Citing Vigon (1947), sorts of boiled or baked "breads." Roasting of
they note that the removable chambers would be ears occurred from the time young corn was still
filled three-fifths full with gunpowder, and an- green through the growing season. The preparaother fifth with a wooded plug termed a tap6n or tion of hominy and other gruels involved soaking
taco. The plug was preferably a light wood so as maize kernels in a lye solution to loosen the hulls,
to avoid excessive pressure in the chamber upon which could then be separated from the kernels
firing. An artifact recovered from a 1554 Padre by mechanical manipulation (i.e., stirring whilst
Island shipwrecks (41Knl0; Artifact Number 132- in the pot or drained and pounded in a mortar)
14) interpreted to be a taco is from a branch of a and removed by then skimming the surface of the
tropic species, possibly Buchenavia, Conocarpus, or liquid or winnowing the pounded grains (BenchLaguncularia (Arnold and Weddle 1978).
ley 2003:127-128). In some instances, the kernels
The tortillas obtained by Spanish soldiers were pounded in a mortar with wood ash, with the
in Mesoamerica and probably also the Southeast, resulting flour then sifted or winnowed prior to
particularly when held in the hand with a dollop boiling (Myers 2006:511-514). Swanton's assemof whatever other food was available to them at the bled accounts of boiled and baked breads include
time, may very well have reminded them of shot in a number of specific preparations and dishes, sev-
:.: ..
: .:.:1111111111111~ 111111111111
'1111~
IJJr"' .......
• Eating Onions in Ichisi • Gougeon •
eral of which are familiar to us today. For instance,
the Choctaw are said to have made a tamale-like
loaf or cylinder of corn flour dough, which was
then wrapped in corn husks and boiled (Swanton
1946:355 after Foreman 1933:308-309). The Caddo reportedly had a dumpling made by dropping
rolled balls of corn flour and water into boiling
liquid until cooked, at which time the small boiled
breads were allowed to dry on a stone before eating
(Swanton 1946:355 after Smith 1907: 18).
One type of artifact recovered from the Little Egypt (9Mu102) and King (9Fl5) sites in northwest Georgia gives us an interesting glimpse into
one method of preparing cornmeal for the "tortillas" reported by Rangel and enjoyed by the Spaniards at lchisi. At least three fragments of large
vessels exhibiting unusual oxidation discoloration
patterns were recovered from these sites (Hally
1983). The pattern consists of a large, circular
discoloration on the exterior of a vessel fragment
that would have been on its side, concave surface
up, during use. Sooting, where it occurs on these
fragments, suggests they were placed across rocks,
logs, or other props with the deepest portion of the
concave form over direct heat. The portion of the
vessels directly exposed to fire are discolored but
are not sooted due to the complete oxidation of
volatile compounds in the fuel (Hally 1983:7, 11).
Soot in the form of distilled and oxidized resins
and carbon can accumulate further up the walls
of the vessels away from the direct heat of the fire.
Depths of these vessel fragments thus used were
between 2 and 5.5 em (Hally 1983: 12). Hally interprets these unique vessel fragments to have been
griddles created from broken cooking and storage
vessels, possibly (though not verifiably) for the purpose of cooking corncakes as described in historic
accounts. Swanton's (1946:355-357) voluminous
work records several methods for preparing corn
breads or "pone," including placing loaves of corn
flour dough on preheated hearth surfaces and covered with ashes or an earthen vessel or basin and
then heaped over with coals to bake them. I would
suggest that the patterns of sooting and oxidation
observed in the King and Little Egypt vessels are
more likely to have occurred during parching of
maize kernels after soaking but prior to pounding.
83
This process as performed by eighteenth century
Louisiana Native Americans is described by DuPratz (1758) in Swanton (1946:358-359): maize kernels are partially cooked in water, dried and mixed
with ashes, and then, through constant stirring to
avoid burning the grains, scorched or parched in a
"dish made expressly for the purpose" before being
pounded in a mortar. At this point, the resulting
flour could be stored for use in any number of the
dishes described above and their many variations.
FooowAYS CoNSIDERED
If this incident was merely an interesting
glimpse at two worlds at a point of irreversible
historic change that would probably be enough to
warrant this discussion. In this brief consideration
I have demonstrated how a number of analytical
lenses can be brought to bear on the event to gain
new insights about Native and Spanish lifeways in
the earliest years of contact. For example, archaeological evidence in the form of sooted vessel fragments can be used to explore culinary practices,
like how maize kernels were processed by parching.
Paleobotanical analyses of the foods (plant and
animal) mentioned in explorers' accounts can be
applied to environmental reconstructions. The
specific timing of the event I've outlined above,
coupled with the foods mentioned in the brief account, can be an in-road to examining food security in middle range agricultural societies. Further
studies might use other mentions of particular
foodstuffs along So to's route to explore the different cultural constructions of just what "food" is.
That is to say, the Spaniards had particular notions
of what was acceptable to eat, as did the Native
groups they encountered. How that picture might
have changed as they moved across the. Southeast
would be an interesting topic to explore.
More than being merely a vehicle for exploring past lifeways, though, this incident is part
of a long history of a multicultural food tradition
that continues to evolve. For instance, early nineteenth century immigrations of Germans to Mexico brought distinctive Old World flavors, sounds,
and customs to borderland traditions (Walsh
2012). Tacos al pastor or "shepherd style tacos"
are typically pork sliced off a vertical spit, a tradi-
84
•Early Georgia• volume 42, number 1•
tion brought to the Southwest and Mesoamerica
by Lebanese migrants in the 1960s (Pilcher 2012).
Americans have likewise since taken their borrowed foods around the world, a phenomenon historian Pilcher (2012) describes in his work Planet
Taco. As he notes, it has been American entrepreneurs and restaurateurs who have brought tacos,
or the American version anyway, to places as farflung as Australia and Amsterdam, incorporating
local flavors and preferences into this very flexible
food.
The history of the taco is more than a
series of transformations of native New World
foods to better meet Old World ideals and tastes.
Food traditions are hardly static, even among the
groups that see their traditional foods embraced
and changed by the Western world. For example,
in the Southwest, the Navajo "fry bread" tradition
was born out of the staples provided by the United
States Army, namely flour (wheat), sugar, salt, and
lard. Today, "Indian fry bread" and "Indian tacos"
are mainstays of vendors on the powwow circuit.
Fry bread even appears in Native American pop
culture references. iii That three of the four ingredients in fry bread are "Western" has no bearing
whatsoever on this food's place in Native American tradition and identity.
Returning to Soto and Ichisi, we might
ask what each side took away from this encounter. The answer is: likely little, at least as far as
their particular food traditions at that moment are
concerned. Each side was steeped in their own
food taboos and foodways. Southeastern Indians
encountered by Soto and his men did not take up
the domestication of hogs in the immediate wake
of his visits, nor did they adopt the particular religiously oriented food taboos or feast/fast days of
their Spanish Catholic visitors. Native changes
in subsistence patterns were to come considerably
later (Pavao-Zuckerman 2007). With the possible
exceptions of fruits like peaches, something that
could be adapted to native palettes and serve in
roles already held by the wild plum or ripe persimmon, and maybe the chickpeas that were a part
of Spanish rations (Rodriguez-Salgado 1988, Kiple 2007) and not unlike their own beans in form
and preparation requirements, what little if any
Span ish food they might have seen or experienced
would ha,·e been completely unlike that to which
they were accu romed .
Likewise, the Spanish seemed to only note
the famili ar in the various chronicles of their expeditions. Bernal Diaz del Castillo may or may not
have witnessed an early sixteenth century taco party, but he did note encountering what he thought
to be onions, leeks, and garlic on the march to
Tenochtitlan in 1519 (Kiple 2007: 159). Flatbreads,
even if only of unleavened cornmeal, were familiar
to the Spanish and were able to be incorporated
into their existing expectations about what constituted acceptable and palatable food. Foodstuffs
foreign to the Spanish went largely unnoted and,
in some instances, the lack of understanding of the
significance of particular offerings had dire consequences. Soto himself was party to the execution
of the ruler Atahualpa Inca at Cajamarca in northern Peru in 1532, an event which likely precipitated from the unknowing and insulting rejection of
an offering of maize beer, or chicha by the Spaniards (Staller 2006:456-460). Without question,
the consequences of Soto's later excursion across
the Southeast were equally horrific, long-lasting,
and devastating, but for one short period of time
in central Georgia, the incredible changes to come
were left unconsidered over a simple meal of onion tacos shared by the Spanish and the people of
lchisi.
Acknowledgements
This paper began as an "Archaeology Cafe" presentation sponsored by the Florida Public Archaeology Network
(FPAN). My thanks go to Mr. Michael Thomin for organizing and filming the event. Without a recordation of my ad
libs and responses to audience questions, much of this paper
would not have been recoverable. A considerable amount
of gratitude is owed Ms. Gina Matthiesen, who proposed
the idea for the original talk ("Everybody likes tacos!"). Dr.
John Worth is thanked for his help with translations, etyrnology, and a few references. As the paper evolved, supportive
audiences were found at monthly meetings of the Pensacola
Archaeological Society and the Emerald Coast Archaeological Society. Appreciation is extended to Jared Wood for his
part in bringing this work to publication. Two anonymous
reviewers made excellent suggestions that improved the manuscript. While comments and criticisms were sought and corrections attempted, all remaining errors are mine alone.
• Eating Onions in Ichisi • Gougeon •
Notes
;In 1519, vassals of Mutezuma came to Cortes and said
they would be allied with him as vassals of Spain and inquired about what King Don Carlos might require in tribute.
They seemed to offer anything, including gold, silver, jewels,
slaves, and cloth, provided that Cortes and his men did not
travel to their land. They went on that "it was very barren and
lacking in all provisions and it would grieve him if [Cortes)
and those who came with [him) should be in want" (Pagden
1971 :69). By this point, it was well-established that the Spanish soldiers took what they wanted and could quickly overtax
the provisioning abilities of the host. This is not the only
reported account of a native leader feigning inadequate resources to avoid a visit from Cortes. I am certain a more
complete account of the So to expedition would find parallel
accounts.
;;Cereals had long been the core of the Mediterranean
diet since Classical times, and certainly the more stable of
the triad of grain-olive-vine that came to define the so-called
"Mediterranean diet" glamorized in recent years (Garnsey
1999).
;;;Sherman Alexie's take on the Christian "loaves and
fishes" parable in his screenplay for the movie Smoke SignaLs
(1998) is worth seeking out.
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