SHIFTING CULTIVATION: AN ASPECT OF TRIBAL
EXPLOITATION
J. J. ROY BURMAN
In order to keep pace with the ever increasing pressures on natural resources, nation states are being
compelled to look for regions hitherto unexploited. More often than not, such areas are found to be
populated predominantly by tribal people. However, in order to gain access to these areas, governments
resort to unfair means and often even deliberately distort tribal practices. Shifting cultivation, or swidden
cultivation, appears to be one such tribal system which is being constantly assailed as a sign of primitive
vandalism and on grounds that it is endangering environmental conditions. Alternatives to shifting cultivation
are, therefore, being suggested. The present paper makes an attempt to unravel the facts to dispel the
general contentions made against shifting cultivation.
Mr. J. J. Roy Burman is Lecturer, Unit for Social Policy, Tata Institute of Social Sciences.
In order to keep pace with the ever increasing pressures on exploitation of natural
resources due to rapid industrialisation, nation states all over the world are compelled
to be continuously in search of hitherto unexploited areas. It has been observed
that, more often than not, such new areas are those which are populated predominantly
by tribal people. Due to better communication systems and a changed public attitude
in favour of social justice and preservation of human rights, abrogation of tribal lands
by the states through conquest, as witnessed during the colonial rule, is no longer
possible. Consequently, it has been observed that nation states often resort to subtle
political and economic manipulations in order to acquire such tribal lands. In the
process, very frequently, traditional tribal technological systems and social organisations
have become the subject of state acrimony and derogatory allegations not based on
actual facts. It is feared that shifting cultivation or swidden cultivation, a system
of cultivation which is mainly practised by tribals the world over, has become
subjected to similar condemnation by different nation states, including India.
Unfortunately, many of the policy makers and technocrats, have also been ensnared
into the trap of such manipulations, and have been compelled to take a negative
stance based on unqualified data. This is quite evident from the decisions taken
by the Planning Commission and the Indian Council for Agricultural Research,
which are supposed to be guided by top policy-makers and agricultural scientists,
respectively. The report of the National Committee on the Development of Backward
Areas set up by the Planning Commission in June, 1981, states, "Shifting cultivation
is a major problem in the states of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, besides the
north-east Region". (National Committee, 1981).
Shifting cultivation practices have developed over thousands of years, in which
the labour input by the individual is meagre. He has learnt through long
experiences the use of hardy varieties which can survive the vagaries of nature.
Weeds grow in these areas, but the local varieties are also able to survive,
notwithstanding scanty attention by the cultivator. The balance between the
resources and the population has been maintained through a low level of
economy.
58 J. J. Roy Burman
The statement made by the National Forest Policy, 1988, suggests that shifting
cultivation is adversely affecting the environment and that land affected by it should
be rehabilitated through Social Forestry and Energy Plantation. R. N. Prasad from
ICAR, Shillong, states:
Shifting cultivation is a widely practiced food production system in the north
eastern hill region. Steep hill slopes (upto 100 per cent slope or more) are selected,
forest vegetation is cut, burnt and large number of crops are sown in mixture.
The system in the present context has become not only counter productive but
hazardous to the environment. Exposure of rocks due to soil erosion, heavy silt
load in streams and drying of perennial water sources, less of flora for human
and animal consumption, are some of the major hazardous effects of shifting
cultivation (Prasad, 1988: 2).
It is not that the government's and technocrat's stance was never refuted.
Anthropologists and ethnographers, who have worked intensively among the shifting
cultivators and have provided vivid descriptions of shifting cultivation practices
are' perhaps amongst the foremost of those who oppose this view. However,
unfortunately, their endeavours remained ineffective due to their needlessly
romanticising shifting cultivation as a cultural way of life, rather than identifying
it as a functional necessity for the cultivators. Consequently, their researches
pay inadequate attention to political and economic implications or to scientific
and environmental dimensions, associated with shifting cultivation. This is very
apparent from Sachidananda's observation:
Swiddeners have been a popular subject of anthropological research, but they
have never been studied in an integrated or inter-disciplinary manner so as to
get a total picture of swiddening, of the way of life of the swiddeners themselves,
and the relationship with the world outside. The studies carried out have been
largely undimensional and descriptive in nature and, therefore, failed in analysing
the dynamics of shifting cultivation and portraying its role in establishing the
culture of its practitioners (Sachidananda, 1989: viii).
It has been observed that some of the committees set up by the Planning
Commission, and a few enlightened foresters, have also tried to exonerate shifting
cultivation from the charge of primitive vandalism. For example, an account of
shifting cultivation, prepared by M. S. Sivaraman, the then programme Adviser of
the Planning Commission, which was endorsed by the Inaccessible Areas Committee
set up by the Government of India in 1958, states:
It is a mistake to assume that jhuming (shifting cultivation) by itself is unscientific
landuse. Actually, it is a practical approach to certain inherent difficulties in
preparing a proper seed-bed on steep slopes, where any disturbance of the
surface by hoeing or ploughing will result in working away of the top soil.
The Inaccessible Area Committee also recorded the views of an ex-inspector
General of Forests, M. D. Chaturvedi, according to whom
the correct approach to the problem of shifting cultivation lies in accepting it
not as a necessary evil, but recognising it as a way of life, not condemning it as
an evil practice, but regarding it as an agricultural practice, evolved as a reflex to
the physiographic character of the land. For too long jhuming has been
condemned out of hand as a course to be ashamed of, a vandalism to
Shifting Cultivation
59
be decried. This attitude engenders an inferiority complex and an unhealthy
atmosphere for the launching of any development scheme seeking to improve
the current practice.
In spite of such occasional reports favouring shifting cultivation practices, no
significant impact has been made on the policy makers. One of the main factors for
this seems to be the failure of the academic bodies to communicate properly with
the voluntary organisations, social workers and activists, who could have mobilised
the shifting cultivators and pressurised the decision-makers better. Due to their
ignorance, the voluntary sector is also often found to fall in line with the government
stance on shifting cultivators. Social workers therefore, have to study the nuances
of the situation very closely.
What is Shifting Cultivation?
According to Conklin, any continuing agricultural system in which impermanent
clearances are cropped for shorter period in years than they are followed (Conklin,
1961), constitutes shifting cultivation.
Shifting cultivation practices are not similar all over, as they vary among different
people inhabiting different environments. In spite of the variations, the cultivation
practices share certain common features, which are as follows:
i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
v)
vi)
vii)
Mainly taken up in hilly terrain with gentle slopes;
Rotation of fields;
Slash and burn operation of vegetal species;
Keeping the land fallow for a number of years for regeneration of forests;
Use of human labour as chief input;
Non-employment of drought animal;
Use of simple implements such as dibble stick, scraper and so on.
(Roy Burman, B. K., 1988: 3).
In a UNESCO publication, it has been observed that the terms shifting cultivation
and slash and burn cultivation, while describing cultivation techniques, have
acquired disparaging connotations. In fact, the term swidden specifies a farming
technology, as well as a life-style, based on particular adaptations to forest and hilly
environments. Hence, the latter term is preferred.
Areas Under Shifting Cultivation
About 35 million sq. km. of land, inhabited by over 1200 million people, is under
shifting cultivation in the world. Swiddening is practised mainly in the Third World
countries, like Zimbabwe, Nyasaland, Brazil, Borneo, Thailand, Burma, Korea,
Philippines, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and India.
In India, shifting cultivation is largely confined to the heavy monsoon zones, covered
by tropical forests, in the North-East, parts of eastern and central region, the Nilgiris
and the Andaman Islands. In the North-East, normally the altitude of shifting land is
less than 1000 metres above the sea level, and cultivators retain the swidden land
for one or two years. In the central region, cultivation is carried out even upto 2500
metres above sea-level, and cultivators hold the land for two to three years. There is
also a slight difference in the techniques of cultivation in the regions. While in
60 J. J. Roy Burman
central India, usually the swidden is cultivated with a hoe or even with a plough as
among the Hill Bhuiyan and Juang of North Orissa, in the north-eastern region,
usually mixed seeds are dropped into holes with a digging stick, more like the south
east Asian practice.
Though there has been a lot of study on shifting cultivation, no definite conclusion
can be arrived at as to what extent the cultivation is being practised in India. Roy
Burman has pointed out the unreliability and confusing figures provided by different
agencies about the extent of shifting cultivation in India. He states that, according to
a study conducted by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research in 1965, (i) the
total number of tribal households depending on shifting cultivation was 528, 940;
(ii) the total tribal population depending on shifting cultivation was 2,644,200;
(iii) the total area of land utilised for shifting cultivation was 1,355,300 acres or
542,100 hectares.
The Task Force report on shifting cultivation in India, Ministry of Agriculture, 1983,
indicates the area under shifting cultivation in different states as follows:
Table 1
AREA UNDER SHIFTING CULTIVATION
The working group report on the Development of Scheduled Tribes during the
Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-90), indicates on the basis of the Task Force Report of
the Ministry of Agriculture (1983), that approximately 9.55 million hectares in the
tribal and hilly areas of the country are under shifting cultivation. About 223
development blocks in 62 districts in 16 states are affected by this practice.
The above figures indicate a substantial rise in shifting cultivation in the country
as compared to the 1950s and '60s. A wasteland map prepared by the National
Remote Sensing Agency (NRSA) in 1986 shows a further increase in area. According
to it, a total of 62,400 sq. km. area is under shifting cultivation. The north-eastern hill
region alone accounts for 27,300 sq. km. Of this, Arunachal Pradesh has the highest
area under shifting cultivation (5512 sq. km.), followed by Manipur (5015 sq. km.),
Meghalaya (4555 sq. km.) and Mizoram (3980 sq. km.). If the figures presented above
are held to be correct, then one will have to assume that shifting cultivation has been
on the rise, in spite of the schemes to do away with it.
Shifting Cultivation
61
Social Background of the Shifting Cultivators
At the International Symposium on Anthropology of Shifting Cultivation held in 1978
at Bhubaneswar, it came to light that in Sri Lanka, South Korea and even in
Germany, shifting cultivation was resorted to by non-tribal groups (Mahapatra,
1988: 1), but in India, it is practised overwhelmingly by the tribals. According to the
Working Group Report on the Development of Scheduled Tribes, 1984, shifting
cultivation is the dominant production activity for approximately 12 per cent of the
tribal population in the country. A study by B. N. Pal 1980, (Mahapatra 1988),
indicated the percentage of tribals dependent on shifting cultivation in different
states as follows:
Table 2
PERCENTAGE OF TRIBALS DEPENDENT ON SHIFTING CULTIVATION
As there is confusion regarding the actual area under shifting cultivation, there is
also confusion regarding the actual percentage of tribals dependent on shifting
cultivation. This becomes apparent when one compares the data presented by the
1983 Task Force Report of the Ministry of Agriculture on the percentage of tribals
dependent on shifting cultivation with the above figure. The Task Force Report
indicates that 43.2 per cent of families of Arunachal Pradesh) 30.17 per cent of
families in Manipur, 20.42 per cent in Meghalaya, 61.7 per cent in Mizoram, 77.88
per cent in Nagaland and 11.31 per cent in Tripura are practising shifting cultivation
(Datta, 1988). It is surprising that, while the National Wasteland map shows a
trend of substantial increase in the areas under shifting cultivation in the North-East,
the above figures indicate a significant fall in the number of dependent families in
the course of three years (1980 to 1983).
It is significant to observe that though shifting cultivation is practised by the tribals in
India, there are instances of others also resorting to it. Roy Burman has cited the
case of Nepali migrants practising shifting cultivation in Manipur. Mahapatra has
reported that in U.P., the Saharia, a scheduled caste, and in Ernad Taluka in Andhra
Pradesh the peasant castes also take to shifting cultivation from time to time. Walter
Fernandes has indicated that in the Koraput district of Orissa, shifting cultivation has
become a profitable investment for outside business communities.
62 J.J. Roy Burman
Economic Dependence on Shifting Cultivation by Swiddeners
It is usually assumed that shifting cultivators maintain a subsistence economy
through shifting cultivation. Administrators are also often mistaken in thinking that
swidden cultivators depend exclusively on shifting cultivation for their succour. But,
both the assumptions have been questioned by many.
On the basis of extent of community-wise and individual-wise cultivation, Mahapatra
has classified the swiddeners' dependence on shifting cultivation as i) exclusive
dependence, ii) major dependence, iii) contingent dependence and iv) marginal
dependence. Roy Burman, however, questions the validity of such classification
when he argues that there has been hardly any swiddening community for which
shifting cultivation has been a source of exclusive dependence or major dependence.
He states, for most of the shifting cultivators, it is a source of contingent dependence
or marginal dependence. It is related to a complex of political-economic relationship
centering on land and land based resources, histories, sociological relationship with
neighbouring communities and kinship relationship and gender roles (Roy Burman,
B. K., 1988: 8).
S. C. Chin also states in a similar vein, that researchers concerned about the impact
of shifting cultivation on forests, often overlook the fact that shifting cultivators are
more than just farmers, they are also carpenters, fishermen, hunters, gatherers and
collectors. Based on a study on the Kenyahis in Malaysia, he observed that a large
proportion of the food of the forest people was obtained from the wild. Based on the
frequency of consumption at meal time over a period of 14 to 20 months, gathered
food was used 9.8 to 24.9 per cent of the time. Resources from the river, usually fish,
swalls, prawns and terappins were used 16 to 33 per cent of the time. Hunting
contributed food which was used 16.9 to 21.4 per cent of the time. As a whole, forest
resources (gathered plants, animals and so on) were used 47.6 to 64.4. per cent
of the time. Domestic plants and animals were used 33.3 to 40.6 per cent of the time
and purchased food items only 2.3 to 11.8 per cent of the time (Chin, 1987).
A study conducted by the Administrative Staff College, Hyderabad, on shifting
cultivators, indicated the extent to which they accrued their income through the
collection and sale of minor forest produce.
Roy Burman observes that though similar data in respect to the tribal communities
of North-East India are not available, those who are acquainted with tribal life in
different regions of the country, would readily admit that dependence on collection
and gathering of forest produce is of much greater magnitude among the swidden
cultivators of North East India, than among the forest dwellers in other part of the
country.
Shifting Cultivation
63
Though shifting cultivation economy is basically subsistence oriented, it is not that
surplus is never generated. It is very well known that the tribals of the North-East in
particular, had always generated some surplus which was stored by the village
councils or chiefs for tiding over crisis situations like famine, drought or fire. Apart
from this, the surplus generated was consumed by the community as a whole
through occasional feasts of merit or pot latches. This mechanism prevented capital
from accumulating in the hands of a few members of the tribe. The feast of merit did
however help in forming elaborate hierarchies through social ranks.
It will, however, be wrong to assume that shifting cultivation existed exclusively in
non-monetary, barter economic forms. Roy Burman mentions that in most parts of
the country, shifting cultivation has been in existence for quite some time, mostly in
cash and commercial nexus (Roy Burman, B. K., 1988). In 1892, when about 100
shifting cultivators migrated to Tripura from the Chittagong Hill Tract, they were
considered to be a great gain, and in 1894, a circular was issued to the subdivisional
officers to ensure that such migrants did not feel any inconvenience. The State had a
vital interest in it, as at the end of the third quarter of the last century, export duties
on cotton and oil seeds produced by shifting cultivation were the single most
important source of revenue for the State.
Walter Fernandes has indicated that in the Koraput district of Orissa, where
shifting cultivation has been taken up by outside business communities for commercial
gains, new economic class formations are taking place in shifting cultivation areas
(Fernandes, 1988). Along with the class distinctions, differences in cropping patterns
too are being noticed. In place of the traditional mixed cropping with a predominance
of cereals, presently more emphasis is being laid upon cash crops like pulses and oil
seeds. In many cases, big plots are being planted exclusively or predominantly with
pulses. It has been observed similarly in Mizoram, that cash crops like chilli, cotton
and ginger are being raised on shifting cultivation plots, by people for whom shifting
cultivation is not the primary source of livelihood.
Roy Burman, however, states that involvement of the shifting cultivators in the wider
market need not mean that their productive activities were integrated with the wider
market. They produced primarily for consumption and partly in fulfilment of their
social roles. In fact, involvement in external transactions also was frequently a
dimension of social obligation (Roy Burman, B. K., 1988).
Nature of Cropping And Production Efficacy Of Shifting Cultivation
Shifting cultivation does not imply a uniform farming technology. There are diverse
practices having differential bearings on productivity. There are shifting cultivation
areas where the rotation cycle is of long duration and there are areas with short
duration. There are areas where the cropping is done for two to three consecutive
years on the same plot and there are areas where cropping is done only once. In
some places, the cropping is done on steep gradients and in other places on gentle
slopes. All these variables, apart from the social variables, invariably affect the
nature and volume of production. However, whatever may be the extent of such
variations, shifting cultivation practices certainly provide a very efficacious productive
system under the given environmental conditions. Speaking in general terms, Bose,
an ecologist with the Anthropological Survey of India observed
if we compose data on physiography, rainfall, temperature and soil with density
of population, then it will be realised that this land use system is specially
64 J. J. Roy Burman
restricted within hill slopes below 1000 metres, where high rainfall with low
density of population (in solution) could not find a better land use system at the
beginning. Even today in some remote hills of North East India, where density
of population is very low there is no better land use system to shifting
cultivation, suitable for local conditions (Bose, 1982: 217).
Jagannath Pathy also states similarly:
Shifting cultivation is a highly organised and efficient method of agriculture
based on empirical and irreplaceable knowledge accumulated through
centuries... Compared to an energy output of less than one for every unit of
energy input into the mechanized agriculture, and an average output of 7 for
Indian agriculture, the energy efficiency of shifting cultivators with their
unique knowledge of ecosystem management, natural resources and a simple
technology, makes a rather healthy living in inhospitable uplands, where the
modern society with sophisticated technology is destined a crushing defeat.
(Pathy, 1986:215).
One of the major factors attributed to the efficacy of shifting cultivation, is the
common practice of mixed cropping, adopted by almost all the swiddeners throughout
the world. P. S. Ramakrishnan, who has conducted intensive studies on shifting
cultivation, which is called jhum cultivation in North East India has observed that
mixed cropping, which used several species of crops with diverse growth habits in
the aerial and underground parts, ensures efficient use of the space and natural
resources. Thus, the photo-synthetic efficiency stored, and nutrient uptake efficiency
are optimized. The multi-storeyed canopy also protects the land from erosion and
leaching after the crop is well established. Pests and diseases are kept under control
due to mixed cropping. Above all, it offers an all crop diet to the farmer. The
successive harvesting of crops also permits other crops to have more space and
resources at their peak growth period. Further, organic debris added to the site from
the harvested crops improves the site quality. B. D. Sharma states similarly,
the mixed crop grown in the jhum fields is so evolved that the root systems of
different plants reach out to varying depths. In this way, different crops are
able to use the nutrients of different layers of the soil. In contrast, all plants
under monoculture systems draw up on the same stratum. Diversification of
cropping is also done both to meet consumption needs and as an insurance
against vagaries of weather so that if some crops fail others will come up
(Sharma, 1989).
Ramakrishnan and Toky have, however, observed that the pattern of crop mixture
vary considerably in different jhum cycles in North East India. In the shorter jhum
cycles, usually less crops are raised with almost equal emphasis on cash crops and
cereals. In the longer jhum cycles greater emphasis is placed in cereals (Toky,
and Ramakrishnan, 1981). Femandes and Menon have observed that in Koraput,
with the reduction of jhum cycles and new classes, formation of crop priorities
differ among the different classes. In the past, all classes used to grow a variety of
crops, which accounted for a balanced diet. Presently, the poor can afford much less
variety than in the past. Given the reduced fertility of the much smaller plots
available to them, the poor are forced to cultivate mainly protein rich cereals (their
staple food) and very little vitamin rich pulses. The upper classes do the opposite,
since they sell most pulses they grow (Fernandes, and Menon, 1987).
Shifting Cultivation
65
With regard to the productive output in shifting cultivation, there is, however a lot of
controversy in the country. Usually, it is said that jhum is an unscientific and
inefficient mode of production and that the yields from it are very low. According to a
report of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (Borthakur et al, 1979) the
yield of jhum was found to be very low (190 kg ha-1) compared to terrace cultivation
(1860 kg ha-1 ). Roy Burman observes that this study did not specify the amount of
fertilizer inputs under terrace cultivation, nor did it indicate the jhum pattern, the
cycle of which determines the yield (Roy Burman, B. K., 1988: 25).
According to some of the scholars, shifting cultivation yields are comparable to dry
terrace cultivation and other simple technological input agricultural systems under
similar conditions. A survey conducted by the Agro-Economic Research Centre,
Jorhat (Assam) concluded that the annual average ranges between 800-900 kg ha-1,
as against the average annual yield of 1145 kh ha-1 for the country as a whole in
1971-72. On the other hand, the rice yield under jhum cultivation in Tripura was
reported to be around 1200 kg ha-1. A recent study in Byrnihat (Meghalaya) showed
a comparable yield between jhum cultivation and dry terrace cultivation, i.e., 738 kg
ha-1
and 823 kg ha-1 (Sahu, 1978). Comparing the monetary input output ratio,
including labour input, Ramakrishnan observes in the same study at Byrnihat, that
the output from jhum under a 30 year cycle was the highest, and comparable with
sedentary valley cultivation of rice, which is another common landuse practice in the
region. In spite of both labour input and fertilizer input, which is so essential to
maintain terrace cultivation, the monetary yield at best is comparable with a 10 year
jhum cycle.
In spite of the efficacy of the long swidden cycles, it is commonly agreed that shorter
cycles are not that energy efficient. Low yield in the shorter cycles, due to decrease
in water holding and poor field capacity of the soil, caused by the loss of organic
carbon content, has been reported (Jha, 1979). Ramakrishnan and Toky (1981) made
a comparison of soil nutrient status between three jhum cycles of 30, 10, and 5
years. Depletion in soil carbon and nitrogen during cropping periods extended upto
five years fallow. Phosphorous build up after jhuming and fallow started after five
years and increased in the soil, but declined rapidly in the early phase of regrowth of
vegetation. This decline was most pronounced for potassium. Dendrocalamous
hamiltons, a common bamboo species dominated the fallow upto 20 years. This
species has a heavy accumulation of potassium and plays an important role in soil
conservation. In 50 years fallow, calcium and magnesium levels decline with depth,
which is in contrast with that of potassium and phosphorus. Five year jhum cycles
generate very low level soil fertility and low crop yields.
Impact on Environment
Most of the development agencies consider shifting cultivation to be a very wasteful
and unscientific process of cultivation, which results in wanton depletion of forests
and adversely affects the environment. L. K. Mahapatra states:
Swidden cultivation has been denounced as a primitive agricultural practice
which seriously interferes with the eco-system in the region of its incidence
and brings about permanent and cumulative degradation of the quality of
environment. This is broadly the viewpoint of forest officials and botanists
since 19th century colonial times (Mahapatra, 1988: 8).
66 J. J. Roy Burman
There are, however, numerous studies made by scholars acquainted with shifting
cultivation who do not take the same view about the impact of shifting cultivation on
environment as above.
Roy Burman in particular takes strong exception to the environmental criticism
about shifting cultivation. He argues that such allegations are not substantiated by
any authentic data. He also points out the fallacies of some of the studies carried out
on shifting cultivation by scientific institutions in this country. The National Committee
on Development of Backward Areas, for example, quotes the erosion rate of shifting
cultivation in North-East India in '60-70 to be as:
First year
Second year
Abandoned jhum
(First year fallow)
National Bamboo Forest
Soil erosion t/ha/yr
146.6
170.2
30.2
8.2
According to Roy Burman, these data represent only the extremely rare cases, since
jhumming in the region is usually avoided on steep slopes under extreme conditions.
A study by Prasad indicates soil loss ha-' year has been found to be 30.2-170.2 in
case of small plots and 5.1 -83.3 in the case of large fields of shifting cultivation. In case
of tuber crops or medium sized tuber crops on raised bed, it is 40.0-5.0 and in
pineapple cultivation along the slope (first 2 years) it is 24.0-62.6. The small, medium
and large fields are 2-5 metres, 16-40 metres and 69.00 metres respectively. These
data suggest that under some conditions soil loss is least and under some conditions,
highest, in shifting cultivation. Roy Burman also points out that according to official
statistics, out of 175.0 million hectares of land in the country with environmental
problem, 3.00 million hectares are under shifting cultivation. Thus shifting cultivation
accounts for less than 2 per cent of the area which has been delineated as
environmentally problematic (Roy Burman, B.K., 1988: 26).
According to many anthropologists and sociologists, the jhum cultivators traditionally
always took care of the environmental conditions. In fact, many of the tribes in the
North-East had their specialists, who possessed adequate knowledge of the quality
of the soil and of the slopes in different parts of the village/community land. These
groups of specialists kept track of the jhum cycles and they selected new jhum plots
every year. The Ramhuals are, perhaps, one of the best illustrations of such
specialists among the Mizos. The Ramhuals not only enjoyed a special status in
the society, but were entitled to receive a tribute or fathang, or one tin of paddy
from every household, as payment for the specialized services rendered by them.
Though the post of Ramhual no longer exists, the services of such specialists are still
taken while selecting new plots each year.
Roy Burman observes that many tribes have age-old systems of regulating slash and
burn by the side of rivers, rivulets and big streams so as to prevent silting of river
beds. A study conducted in 1986 by the institute of People's Action in Manipur showed
that the plots selected combine medium slopes and gentle slopes in the same farming
unit, and that pre-monsoon crops are grown on the medium slope, so that, by the time
the heavy rains come, the top soil is covered by stalks of harvested crops.
Some scholars have also indicated the elaborate indigenous methods adopted by
the tribals to check soil erosion in shifting cultivation fields. Planting of alder trees
Shifting Cultivation
67
on swidden plots is a very common practice all over Nagaland. Alder trees are
planted at regular intervals on the swidden plots. Their branches are lopped off and
dried and burnt along with other trees and bamboos. The standing stumps of the
trees are able to withstand the great heat generated during the burning of the wood.
The alder trees fertilize the soil because of the high nitrogen fixing quality of
their roots. Besides, the roots also help in binding the soil during the heavy monsoon
rains. Rupa Chinai reports:
The planting of alder has proved to be a highly scientific method of soil
conservation. The practice of planting alder to enrich soil fertility in jhum fields
and building bund walls around the periphery of the field to prevent soil
erosion, has significantly helped to reduce the jhum cycle. It has also led to
more plots being thrown open to afforestation, horticulture and many economic
benefits to villages (Chinai, 1989).
Construction of field channels and rudimentary contour bunds by putting logs across
the slope and fixing them with pegs, is also a practice widely popular in Nagaland
and parts of Manipur. Again, plantations across the slopes to prevent soil and water
erosion during monsoons, is commonly found in different parts of Arunachal Pradesh.
Roy Burman observes that
Paradoxically the technologically more evolved type of swiddening is practised
in the more outlying areas than near the market and urban centres. One of
the reasons is that in places located near market areas split wood, branches
and twigs have market value as fuel wood and hence cannot be spared for
rudimentary contour bunding, the other reason is altered time budgeting for
women in these areas. As a sequel to the coming up of the market and the
town, the ecosystem is disrupted and the women are to spend more time
fetching water, for collection of jungle products, needed for household
consumption. Besides, as some of their men folk get alternative employment,
their work load in cultivation goes up. As a cumulative effect of all these,
technological deterioration in swidden cultivation sets in.
B.D. Sharma observes that shifting cultivators have a very strong sense of environmental
management and show great keenness in preserving the forests. The shifting
cultivators kept aside certain areas as sacred groves which were supposed to be the
abodes of the spirits of the area. Incidentally they also served as 'gene sanctuaries'
and acted mainly as aids to the maintenance of the ecological systems. The sacred
groves were generally located in areas which were ecologically critical. So long as
jhum was in harmony with ecology, the question of waste of resources simply did not
arise. In effect, the shifting cultivator had only moderated and modified the natural
birth, maturity and decay cycle to suit his needs.
It has been observed that swiddeners not only show uncanny concern about
checking erosion on the jhum fields, but also see to it that the cultivation does not
harm the habitats by fire. Also, encroachments on forests are thoroughly guarded.
Tree rings are, therefore, maintained around the villages. Rules are also set up for
controlling grazing of cattle and collection of fuelwood from the forests. Even in
Mizoram, where after the formation of Group Centres, the customary rights and
practices have withered away to a large extent, tree rings called Safety Reserve and
Protective Reserve, are all around the habitations, and are still very strongly
maintained.
68 J. J. Roy Burman
In spite of all the virtue of the traditional practices of swiddening, of late it has come
under great stress in many places. Due to the increase of population density and
the commercial exploitation of forests, jhum cycles have become considerably
smaller and are, thus, adversely affecting the environment. Many scholars, however,
refuse to accept the negative features of swidden cutivation per se and they
attribute politico-economic aspects to be more responsible. Pathy strongly suggests
that even a cursory glance at the process of deforestation would reveal that it is the
cumulative consequence of various forces, in which shifting cultivation has played if
at all a very marginal role.
Until the mid-nineteenth century, though shifting cultivation was much more wide
spread, there was no problem of deforestation. It was the colonial system's severely
restricting the area under shifting cultivation for ulterior motives, that caused the
reduction of the recuperation cylce and the consequent decline in productivity. B.D.
Sharma also observes that commercialization of jhum has resulted in over exploitation
of soil resources and in progressive desertification. Walter Fernandes has substantiated
the above trends in his study in Koraput, where he observes that very little new land
had been added for shifting cultivation during the last 30 years, and that some of the
land, till recently available, had been transferred to the reserve category. Hence,
more persons have to depend on the smaller area available. Only the richer sections
have been able to add some land to 'production' by encroaching on reserve forests
which are inaccessible to poorer classes.
Social Organisation and Land Ownership System of Swiddeners
The majority of the shifting cultivators in the world are tribals. The tribal social
organisations are in most cases centred around unilineal segmentary systems.
Lineage, clan, phratry.moiety are thus the core of their social structure. These units
of social structure not only guide the network of kinship relations, but also closely
guide the economic systems which, in fact, are closely webbed together. Therefore,
in shifting cultivation areas it is very commonly noticed that ownership of land
is usually of corporate nature. Although the systems in such areas may vary
considerably, basically, they revolve around the ownership rights vested with
the community, the clan and the individual. The individual's right over land is
usually of usufruct nature, i.e. he can possess the land as long as he makes use of it.
In case of rights over shifting cultivation plots, in the course of jhum cycle, this
system is followed among the Adis, Arunachal and Rongmeis of Manipur. There are
other tribes among whom the families have to select a new plot for every cycle,
as among the Mizos where the choice of plots is made through casting lotteries.
In spite of such differences, in both the cases, the land is reverted back to the
village/community after the crops are harvested. Roy Burman observes that in the
ultimate analysis, a person has the right to a fair share of the resources of the
community, but not to a particular plot in rotation. He further states that in some
tribal communities, an individual has rights of mortgage or sale of shifting cultivation
plots, but he cannot do it according to his free will. He has to deal with a person
of the same community and the same village unless he is specially permitted to do
otherwise by the traditional village authority. Right of alienation belongs to the
community, not to the individual.
Based on the principles of corporate rights and close kinship ties, shifting cultivation
forms an extensively closed, community oriented, economic system, manifestations
Shifting Cultivation
69
of which are to be noticed in almost all aspects of their life. Even the choice of
marriage partners, to a large extent, is guided by the system of work exchange or
exchange labour between families. The practice of inlawm among the Mizos is one
of the best examples of this. Quite obviously, shifting cultivation usually lacks the
system of hired labour and family labour is utilised to the optimum. However, in
recent times, in the semi-urbanised areas, a few instances of employment of Nepali
and Bangladeshi labourers on the jhum fields, by the local tribals of the North-East,
have come to be noticed. Importantly, though, while the women have little importance
in the choice of plots, and cutting and burning trees, they play a significant role in
the entire jhum process, right from deciding about the crops to be planted, to
harvesting and storing the same. In fact, Boserup has described it as a female
farming system.
The total involvement of the community, in carrying out the shifting cultivation
practices, provides a great amount of security to all the participating members. The
old and the disabled are benefited most by it. B.D. Sharma observes,
when assignment of individual fields in the jhum is taken up two important
elements, viz. the physical capabilities and the needs of a family come into play.
The central fields are assigned to the old, the infirm and widows, while the
young ones share the fields on the periphery. This arrangement guarantees
full protection against wild animals to those who are incapable of protecting
their fields on their own. Moreover, all operations including clearing of fields,
sowing and harvesting, all largely communal, are started from the central area
of the jhum site. Therefore, the fields of the old, infirm and the widows,
automatically, are first in the series and are adequately taken care of. Since the
size of the field assigned to a family depends on the size of the family, no
household is formally dependent on another. Each household is a partner in
harmonious operation of the total economic system, without elements of
deprivation, destitution, gratis or obligation (Sharma, 1984: 9).
Alternative to Shifting Cultivation: The Critical Issue
In spite of the inadequacy of scientific data substantiating the harmful effects of
shifting cultivation, the development agencies continue to adopt the policy of
condemning swidden cultivation and replacing it with settled agricultural practices,
by construction of terraces for horticulture with rubber and coffee plantation, and
with scientific agricultural practices. This stance of the Government has been further
vindicated by its taking resource to legal and political alibis.
One of the alternatives of shifting cultivation, commonly suggested by the development
agencies, is the construction of terraces and earmarking individual ownership rights
to such land. There has been a strong reaction against this policy of the Government,
by many scholars acquainted with the problem. Ramakrishnan for instance had
observed, that terracing is intenable both from the point of view of ecological and
economic considerations. In a high rainfall area such as the North-East, the
terraces are subjected to rapid wash out, particularly along with the boundary of
terraces, resulting in gradual shrinkage in the cultivable area. The thin and porous
soil, with poor physical characteristics, is unable to sustain cropping for an extended
period so that the terraces are often abandoned after 5 to 6 years of continuous
cultivation. It has also been observed, and indicated earlier by many, that the
70 J. J. Roy Burman
yield in dry terraces in situations like the North-East does not significantly exceed
that of shifting cultivation with long cycles.
Apart from the question of technical viability of terraces, if an account of social
feasibility is taken into consideration, one cannot ignore the negative fallouts which
are associated with it. The swiddeners are not usually acquainted with the use of
drought animals which is essential in terrace cultivation. Consequently, they have to
employ outside labourers who are adept at it. But not many swiddeners can afford
to employ outside labourers, consequently class formation and processes of social
disharmony crop in. Apart from this, the introduction of a high number of outside
labourers can threaten the demographic composition of the region. This is exactly
what has happened in many of the states of North-East, due to Government policies.
The crops which have been included under horticulture programmes and settled
cultivation programmes, initiated by the Government and other development agencies
as alternatives to shifting cultivation are, usually, pineapple, ginger, potatoes and
tapioca. But all these crops are tuberous in nature, and extensive cultivation of such
crops cannot in any way curtail soil run-off, as compared to crops under shifting
cultivation. It is feared that the absence of adequate conservation methods and
social regulations, which are associated with shifting cultivation, in the new cropping
system is adversely affecting the soil conditions to a large extent.
It is a pity, that many scholars who are in general sympathetic to the cause of the
shifting cultivators, have also occasionally fallen into the trap of the Government's
alibi of technological propriety, and have implicitly suggested individualisation of
land, gradual switch over to valley cultivation, horticultural practices and sylvicultural
practices along with rubber and coffee plantation. Ramakrishnan for example, inspite
of having worked extensively on shifting cultivation, has put forward such an
alternative for doing away with shifting cultivation.
One of the most important reasons for condemning shifting cultivation by the
Government, appears to be for the sake of gaining control over the large territory
of land owned by the tribal communities. Usually, areas of 200 to 300 sq.km. are
under the possession of swiddening villages. The present conditions in the country
which is witnessing rapid growth of population and a simultaneous depletion of
forest resources elsewhere, naturally tempt the Government to take possession
of the lands of swiddeners by any means. This view gains credence as one goes
through the suggestions made by the National Committee on Development of
Backward Areas, 1981 in their Report on Development of Tribal Areas, regarding
jhum control measures:
It will have to be ensured that lands set free from shifting cultivation,
are put under alternative use without any time lag, so that individuals in the
group are not attracted to resume shifting cultivation at the slightest pretext.
If the group itself is engaged in plantation programmes on the vacated lands
and is also aware about the accrual of benefit therefrom to the community
itself, it will help in the possibility of the resumption of shifting cultivation
being completely ruled out.
Sachidananda appears to have academically substantiated this viewpoint, when he
observes:
Shifting Cultivation
71
Swiddening has become a problem since the concerns the wider society
are impinging on the life of the people living in little communities. Hitherto
these little communities have been largely isolated from the larger populations.
With the development of communications and the consequent process of
integration of the little communities with the wider society, it is no longer
possible for the people in simpler societies to carry on their activities in a
way as if they existed in a closed society. In larger areas where swiddening
is done there are enormous forest resources. These resources are no longer
considered the preserve of the communities who live nearby. They are
regarded as the wealth of the state and as such, the latter sees to it that
they do not want only to be destroyed. (Sachidananda, 1989: 166).
In regions, where the states have sponsored individual oriented development
programmes, it applies to the shifting cultivators. The results have not been very
forthcoming. B.D. Sharma observes that pressure on shifting cultivation is not being
relieved even where the economic base of the community is getting diversified. The
basic reason is that the benefits from new developments go to individuals, particularly
those who happen to be in vantage positions, and are not being shared by the
community as a whole. Moreover, Sharma also objects to the new relations which
emerge when the state abrogates the land of the swiddeners for scientific forestry
management. This leads to a shift in the swiddeners position, and from being
masters of their land, they become servants of the State, which employs them as
wage labourers in the forest. Such a situation also often leads to social disruptions.
The shifting cultivator is forced into a new situation of master-servant, or employeremployee relationship which is unknown in his traditional system. Those of them,
who are unable to adjust psychologically to this situation have to undergo extreme
forms of deprivation and their condition continues to deteriorate.
It is thus quite apparent, that villification of shifting cultivation by the government
sources, are ultimately related to a complex of political-economic relationships
centering on land and land based resources, historic-sociological relationship with
neighbouring communities and kinship relationship and gender roles. Therefore, it
will be naive to treat shifting cultivation only as an aspect of environmental management.
In fact, if one studies the politico-economic background of the jhumias, it is apparent
that they themselves had taken resources to jhum, not only due to ecological
compulsions, but also with the view of gaining and retaining control over large tracts
of land. This becomes apparent as one takes notice of Mahapatra's observation,
under the same ecological set-up, neighbouring tribal groups may practice
different types of cultivation. For examle, the Apa Tani have their permanent
irrigated terraces surrounded by swiddens of the Dafla in Subansiri district in
Arunachal Pradesh. The Angami Nagas similarly have terrace (permanent)
cultivation while other Naga tribes have swidden cultivation.
It is quite well known that, while the Angamis had military means to keep control
over their lands, the other Nagas were not so privileged. Control over land through
shifting cultivation, provided them with the moral authority over the land. It is no
doubt that under the given situation, with the shifting cultivation areas being a part of
a nation-state, the shifting cultivators cannot be left with control over large tracts of
land, only for their own consumption. They also must learn to share their responsibilities
towards the nation-state. But this does not mean that their control should be seized
72
J. J. Roy Burman
by the State through deceit under the excuse of environmental management,
ubiquitous laws and political coercion. Rather, the nation must learn to construct new
premises which could allow the shifting cultivators to share the responsibilities of
the nation, through their own traditional institutions.
It may be worthwhile to conclude with Roy Burman's observation on tribal technology,
which to a large extent stands true for shifting cultivation as well, "There are no
'universal' technologies but only specific technologies which are the product of
specific socio-economic pressures". Keeping this in view, one has to evaluate the
meaning of acceptance or rejection of modern' technologies by the population of
Third World countries, in general, and the tribal population, in particular. The earlier
conceptual work of evaluating the responses as rational-irrational is found to be
spurious. In fact, much of what passes for rationality is only instrumental efficiency
for maximisation of profit, rather than maximisation of harmony with man's social and
physical environment. With the new insight, when one examines the technologies
prevailing among the tribal communities, one finds continuous processes of adaptive
response to the environment and to the aspirations which grow along with the
growth in skill in harnessing the productive forces. Though these adaptive responses
and concomitant technologies are based on empirical experiences rather than on
logico-empirical constructs, often these are found to be quite efficient in the context
of their specific environment and socio-cultural framework. It is, therefore, important
to start with an assumption that the technologies prevailing among the tribal
communities, though simple, are not necessarily backward. Ethno-science, ethnoecology and ethno-philosophy should receive serious attention.
In case of shifting cultivation as well, it is needed that all the development agencies
weigh the merits and demerits of the system, before condemning it as an aspect of
primitive vandalism. Apart from this, the academicians and the technocrats must
exercise extreme caution in their scientific endeavours and be careful not to
become part of the politico-economic manipulations of the vested interests, who are
bent on exploiting natural resources, even to the extent of endangering the very
existence of tribal societies.
REFERENCES
Bose, Saradindu,
1982
Chin, S. C.
1987
et
al
:
"Shifting Cultivation in India" (ed) K. S. Singh, Economics of the
Tribes and Their Transformation. New Delhi: Concept Publishing
Company.
:
"Do Shifting Cultivators Deforest?" In Proceedings of Forest
Resources Crisis in the Third World, September 6-8, 1986 Sahabat
Alam, Malaysia.
Chinai, Rupa
1989
"Naga Trees Hold Key to Growth", Indian Express, March 28.
Conklin, H. C
1961
"The Study of Shifting Cultivation", Current Anthropology, February.
Reference in "Shifting Cultivation in India: An Overview", Roy
Burman, B. K. Main Stream, November 26, 1988.
Datta, P. S.
1988
"Shifting Cultivation of North East—A Case For Reassessment",
(Mimeograph paper), presented in IASSI Seminar, November 1-3
New Delhi.
Fernandes, Walter
1988
:
"Shifting Cultivation, Deforestation and Technical Changes",
(Mimeograph paper), presented in IASSI Seminar, November 1-3,
New Delhi.
Shifting Cultivation
Forest-Economy",
Indian Social
73
Fernandes, W. and Menon. G.
1987
"Tribal Women and
New Delhi.
Institute,
Government of India
1958
Report of the Inaccessible Areas Committee, Ministry of Food and
Agriculture, Department of Agriculture.
Mahapatra, L. K.
1988
"Ecology and Economy of Swidden Cultivation in India", (Mimeograph paper), presented in IASSI Seminar, November 1-3,
New Delhi.
National Committee on the
Development of Backward Areas,
1981
Report on Development of Tribal Areas, June.
Pathy, Jaganath
1986
"Shifting Cultivators of India: Bearing the Brunt of Development", in
proceeding of the Conference on Forest Resources Crisis in the
Third World, 6-8 September.
Prasad, R. N. et al
1988
"Shifting Cultivation and Land Degradation", (Mimeograph paper),
presented in a Seminar on Review and Reprisal of Shifting Cultivation
in North-East India, 13-14 May.
Roy Burman, B. K.
1988
"Shifting Cultivation: A Closer Look", (Mimeograph paper) presented
in a Seminar of Indian Association of Social Science Institutions,
November 1-3, New Delhi.
1988
"Shifting Cultivation in India: An Overview", Mainstream, November
26, New Delhi.
Sachidananda
1989
"Shifting Cultivation in India", New Delhi: Concept Publishing
Company.
Sharma, B. D.
1989
"Shifting Cultivators and their Development" in The North-Eastern
Hill University Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, AprilJune.
Toky, O. P. & Ramakrishnan, P. S.
1981
"Cropping and Yields in Agricultural System of the North-Eastern
Hill Region of India", in Agro-Ecosystems, Amsterdam: Elsevier
Scientific Publishing Company.