Modern Ireland: Post-Colonial Society or Post-Colonial Pretensions?
Author(s): Liam Kennedy
Source: The Irish Review (1986-), No. 13, Autobiography as Criticism (Winter, 1992/1993), pp.
107-121
Published by: Cork University Press
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Modern
or
Ireland:
Post-Colonial
Society
Pretensions?
Post-Colonial
LIAM KENNEDY
INTRODUCTION
I speak without
And
exaggeration",
to an American
in 1880,
audience
claimed
the negro
slave of the South was
far better
the constant
of the tenant
condition
or,
farmers,
of the tenant
farmers
of Ireland."1 Patrick
majority
later, was
Ireland under
to suggest
the Crown
tion
It would
be
and
the
events,
a
Pearse,
genera?
the condition
of
some
between
parallels
that of a society
dominated
or Parnell
Pearse
that either
Such
claims very seriously.
comparative
as allusions
to a colonial
best interpreted
Parnell
at all
and
to say
unfair
Stewart
Charles
I say that the condition
of
than that which
has been
"when
polemical
by slavery.
took these
of fancy are
Ireland
linking
flights
relationship
Britain.
Historians
of
Ireland,
with
the notable
marxist
in the
of writers
exception
found
colonial
of
concepts
have generally
tradition,
in charting
little value
the course
of social and economic
in
In
recent
1800.
there has been
Ireland
after
however,
times,
change
an upsurge
as a post
in categorising
interest
of intellectual
Ireland
with
Ireland
colonial
the implication
that pre-independence
society,
"green"
limited
or
functioned
"Ireland
there
are
as British
much
Third World
perspective
striking
economy,
'Third World'
parallels
and
politics
countries.
is hardly
surprising.
lels are drawn."2
this
The
critic
land, sees
First World
Fredric
a "national
social
vealed
Western
between
in Africa
and Asia.
Given
What
our
and
life." Set
daily
as "an
underdeveloped
shared
is surprising
Jameson,
writing
situation
which
reality
country.But,
of Irish
aspects
many
and the situation
culture
lying structure is in fact much
colonised
elsewhere
a modern
is, supposedly,
our
colonies
The
is quite deliberate.
social
in the so-called
of
histories
is how
in fact,
- in
society
rarely
colonialism,
those paral?
Ire?
of early-twentieth
century
of
the
appearance
reproduces
... but whose
under?
relationships
closer to that of the Third World,
in colonial
context,
Joycean
Dublin
village."3
107
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or of
is re?
108
Let's
post-colonial
with
analysis,
These
should
Let's
the assumption
in some
engage
and quality
Ireland
is indeed a
of life indicators.
PRE-INDEPENDENCE
One
that
society.
systematic
comparative
the firm expectation
that major
will emerge.
similarities
in relation
to economic
be particularly
evident
structure,
conditions
living
from
therefore,
begin,
LIAM KENNEDY
approach might
be to compare
IRELAND
Ireland and its Third World
on the eve of emergence
from colonial
This
counterparts
dependency.
occurs:
moment
in the second
historical
for Ireland
decade
of
this century;
for many
and
African
for India,
African
colonies
Pakistan
and Sri Lanka
just before mid-century;
in the early 1960s. For the Portuguese
a decade
is roughly
the white
later, while
countries
the timing
of Rhodesia
are
cases apart.
and South Africa
regimes
perhaps
with
in Central
the
and
colonies
Dutch
Dealing
Spanish,
Portuguese
and South
America
is more
For one
of a problem.
their
thing,
lie in colonial
settler societies,
with
origins
"independence"
meaning
little more
than a break on the part of these settler elites
from their
racist
overlords.
The empirical
of assembling
relevant
European
problem
from
data
Latin
is com?
the early nineteenth
for
America
century
itmakes
sense
of whether
much
pounded
by the theoretical
problem
or more.
to compare
in time by a century,
countries
So,
separated
I
the purposes
of these threshold-of-independence
comparisons,
to Ireland
have
confined
the field
and selected
African
and Asian
for
countries.
sees these as overwhelm?
of colonial
societies
depiction
on the
in par?
of
commodities,
ingly dependent
primary
production
and other
ticular
foodstuffs
The
other
side
of
agricultural
produce.
a
this
industrial
is
weak
sector,
part?
lop-sided
development
The
icularly
between
the
usual
in the
structure
Here,
which
some
timing.
tween
brush
realm
different
of
as elsewhere
relate
instances
It may
countries,
strokes,
to
of factory
of labour
The distribution
industry.
as shown
in table 1, is a good
indication
of
sectors,
an economy
and
the extent
of industrialisation.
to present
I am attempting
figures
in
before
independence,
though
a
sense of
to make
do with
rougher
in this section,
the period
just
it is necessary
be added
also
but
as
the quality
this exercise
is being
this fact alone
that
is unlikely
of
the data
conducted
to invalidate
any
reached.
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varies
with
be?
broad
conclusions
MODERN IRELAND 109
I. Economie
Table
ture and
Structure:
industry
Country
of the
Share
the time of
around
labour
independence.
Industry
Agriculture
10%
72%
9%
76%
10%
68%
10%
68%
90%
7%
5%
88%
India (1950)
Pakistan (1961)
Malaysia (1947)
Ghana (1960)
Belgian Congo (1955)
Algeria (1954)
25%
43%
Ireland (1911)
Sources:
Labour
International
various
tics (Geneva,
(%) in agricul?
force
years);
Year Book of Labour
Organisation,
1911.
Census
of Ireland,
Statis?
are abundantly
I. Firstly,
Two points
the African
clear from Table
terms
in
of depend?
countries
show
remarkable
and Asian
similarity
ence on
sectors.
Sec?
and the weakness
of their industrial
agriculture
is a marked
between
the Irish and these
discontinuity
on
was
Irish
experiences.
dependence
agriculture
only half that
in
the
of indus?
for
Differences
for
example.
degree
reported
Algeria,
are
are also apparent.
these differences
under?
trialisation
Moreover,
ondly,
other
there
stated,
in that
the extent
is not
industry,
measure,
industrial
adequately
the proportion
sector, would
nature
advanced
of
of modern
especially
factory
(An alternative
figures.
accounted
for by the
product
more
out
the technologically
clearly
conveyed
of national
bring
Irish shipbuilding,
A much more
relevant
the
industries.)
brewing
would
be the contemporary
was
situated
and
industry,
by these
continental
in the mainstream
textiles
and
engineering,
reference
for
Ireland
point
countries.
Ireland
European
of
the European
uneven
distribution
even
experience,
of industry.
a
the extent of having
spatially
it is quite unexceptional
the angle of industrial
therefore,
history,
was
in Ulster.
concentrated
much
of the manufacturing
activity
an
of the colonial
also
from the viewpoint
irrelevance
argument,
the
island
natural
and
of Ireland,
unit of enquiry.
I turn now
favourable
to measures
to the
colonial
not
of economic
thesis.
indexes, for all its deficiencies,
head
of population.
of United
some
fraction
thereof,
which
welfare,
One
of the most
is Gross Domestic
In the following
table GDP
may
Product
States dollars, at 1960 price levels.
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that
is
This
since
prove
frequently
is expressed
From
to be
is held
to
the
more
used
(GDP) per
in terms
LIAM KENNEDY
110
2. Gross
Table
Domestic
Product
per
head
for selected
of population
in 1960 and, for Ireland, in 1913.
Third World Countries
$
$
74India
83
142
53
67
47
Pakistan
Sri Lanka
Nepal
Chad (1963)
Ethiopia
Portuguese Timor
Algeria (1963)
Angola (1963)
Ghana198
Belgian Congo 91
83
Gambia
6
248
170
Ireland (1913) $655
United
Sources:
Accounts
Statistics,
of National
P.
M.
Bairoch
and
1A;
Levy-Leboyers
since the Industrial Revolution
Development
(Lon?
even
a half
Nations,
1973), table
(New
York,
in Economic
Disparities
don,
1981), p. 10.
The
conclusion
earlier
1971
Yearbook
in Ireland,
and Asian
incomes
is inescapable:
average
in time than in the case of African
eds.,
countries,
was aWest
league. That league
much
the same average
European
enjoying
living
as countries
standards
like Spain, Norway,
Finland,
Italy. While
lag?
such as Britain
and Germany,
Ireland was
leaders
ging behind world
and Hungary.
ahead of Greece,
comfortably
Portugal
are other
or otherwise,
There
of the well-being,
of a
indicators
one of the most
Health
is
is of
fundamental.
Infant
society.
mortality
century
to a quite different
Ireland
one, with
belonged
interest
particular
income
and wealth
as well.
resources
economic
as
not
to the absolute
it is sensitive,
only
a
to
within
but
the distribution
society
The
table
shows
the
evidence
level
of
of
these
from
following
is expressed
of countries,
where
the number
of child deaths
variety
to each 1,000 live births. The comparative
out
is
relative
point
brought
more
of index numbers,
the medium
sharply
perhaps
through
using
Ireland
dred.
as
The
the reference
time periods
point
vary:
and setting
for the Asian
its level
countries
a
to one hun?
equal
the data refer to
the period 1945-49; forAlgeria and the black South African population
the subperiod
1914-18.
years
Wales
used
is 1960-64;
A more
local,
indicates
and Scotland
infant
death
these
islands.
rates were
and
if less exotic
that
actually
it is an average
for the
with
comparison
England,
for Ireland
in the decade
lower
before
in Ireland
than
independence
elsewhere
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in
MODERN IRELAND 111
as a Social
3. Health
Table
Indicator:
Infant Mortality
in Selected
Rates
Countries.
Rate
Country
to Ireland
Relative
1,000
per
138 159
159138
111
128
Aden 172 198
144
125
103
90
India
Pakistan
Sri Lanka
South Africa
Algeria
100
Ireland
87
Sources: United Nations, Demographic Yearbook, 1966 (New York, 1967);
Fifty-Fifth Annual Report of theRegistrar General ofMarriages, Births and
Deaths in Ireland 1918 (British Parliamentary Papers, 1919, X).
of health,
and health
facilities more
is apparent
between
pre-independence
In terms
gap
generally,
and
Ireland
an enormous
these
Ghana
had,
leged with
in 1960,
while
21,400;
The
Book, various
years.)
was
in 1911
2,000.
just under
One could go on to use other
women's
is surely
status
and
established.
roughly
indicators
such
Irish
A West
continents.
case
far more
European
privi?
as
for Ireland
figure
literacy,
educational
but
participation,
to its
Ireland prior
to that of Afri?
relationship
of political
of
condition
from Britain bore little
partial
breakaway
can and Asian
at the historic moment
societies
these
relatively
in 1961. (UN, Statistical
comparable
the extent
The
as
emerges
only 5,400 people per physician
Year
facilities,
the point
Algeria
other
in 1948; Sri
had 6,300;
countries. Thus Pakistan had 33,500 people per physician
Lanka had 13,200; India, in its first year of independence
in
of decolonisation
comparative
framework
fits
the
effectively.
THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD
Itmay
be that some
of historical
forces is somehow
conjuncture
peculiar
true picture
in the Irish case. If contemporary
the
is
Ireland
obscuring
a
same
or
are
in
that
much
the
India
Ghana
way
post-colonial
society
over
then this may have become more
societies,
apparent
post-colonial
time. In other words,
had
of colonialism
have
latent
the heritage
may
and the malign
effects may have only revealed
themselves
dimensions,
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112
LIAM KENNEDY
in the fullness
In
of time, possibly
several decades
after independence.
awide
to test this possibility,
Table 4 presents
of
indicators,
range
to
economic
and
health
education.
structure,
standards,
relating
living
in the table refers to the share of GNP accounted
for by the
Agriculture
order
are per
sector. Calories
adult
primary
capita per day, while
illiteracy
to
is
which
refers
females
for the year 1985. Life expectancy,
only and
to women.
in years, also relates
is counted
This is important.
Meaney,
a
for example,
has asserted
of experience
between
Irish
commonality
women
and women
as
the most
perhaps
economic
inequality
appropriate
but
within
the various
societies
be
the
data are
also
might
provided,
it to say that income
in
ismuch
cumbersome:
suffice
Ireland
inequality
than in
the same as in the developed
countries
and less acute
OECD
in the Third World,
with
Information
reference
group.4
Third World
countries
4.
Ireland
Indicators,
1989.
Table
Nepal
Ethiopia
Algeria
Angola
Ghana
Zaire
Peru
El Salvador
Brazil
Ireland
Source: World
Like
a
good
on
generally.5
in Third
World
Economic
Perspective:
GNPpc Agrie Calories
%
$
per day
India
Pakistan
Sri Lanka
Arabs
Infant
Life
Expectancy Mortality
49
30
8
12
9
59
55
73
51
49
66
47
56
54
64
67
69
11
3,699
77
8 ?
30
27
26
58
42
16
?
8,710
Social
Adult
Illiteracy
71
81
17
88
?
2,104
2,200
2,319
2,078
1,658
2,726
1,725
2,209
2,034
2,269
2,415
2,709
340
370
430
180
120
2,230
610
390
260
1,010
1,070
2,540
and
95
106
20
124
133
63
69
? 132
57
86
55
94
22
79
31
55
24
59
Bank, World Development Report 1991 (Oxford, 1991).
photograph,
that Ireland inhabits aworld
the figures
speak
volumes.
Suffice
other than the Third World.
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it to say
MODERN IRELAND 113
IRELAND: A COLONY ONCE AGAIN
or South,
in any
if Ireland, North
is not a post-colonial
society
Third World
the Irish Republic
sense, perhaps
is, nonetheless,
a
is a perspective
of some kind. This
neo-colony
espoused
by ultra
Even
obvious
to Mr G. Adams
others. According
of Sinn Fein,
nationalists,
among
a neo-colonial
"Britain
and
the ex-MP
for West
Belfast,
developed
was
to
in
it
which
their
(sic) economic
protect
relationship
possible
to occupy,
and strategic
interest without
the nuisance
of having
garri?
son
and
The
the 26 counties."6
administer
argument
is an old
and
one,
coloured
derived
the wider
from
traditional
literature
interpretations
by
ism. What
is a neo-colony,
and how adequately
the twentieth-century
Irish experience?
are not
notion
of the neo-colonial
Exponents
does
nationalist
on neo-colonial
this
idea explain
noted
for their
always
can be identified
across a
the
strands
rigour.
following
analytical
status
writers.
of
Neo-colonial
involves
domination
range
continuing
economic
and diplomatic
of the former colony, mainly
means,
through
is
after national
Political
subordination
facilitated
independence.
by
But
of an indigenous
class,
colony
comprador
in
the
The
the
country.
serving
bourgeoisie
imperial
in
economic
of
domination
rooted
mechanisms
are, however,
major
It
is the case at independence
and
be,
may
relationships.
frequently
are
In addition
to this
that the means
of production
foreign-owned.
the existence
the
in the former
interests
of
and trading
relationships
by foreign
capital, production
centre
involve
ele?
the former
and
the
metropolitan
colony
in
results
of monopoly.
power
bargaining
exploitation
Unequal
mass
extraction
from
the
of
the newly
of economic
surplus
domination
between
ments
the
liberated
benefits
as its
As well
political
peoples.
an
active
role
and
from,
plays
class
role, the comprador
in the process
of economic
exploitation.
It should be said immediately
that at independence
the bulk of the
means
of production,
that is the land and the industrial
resources,
an
were
owned
Irish
urban
bour?
and
(not just service)
agrarian
by
or
is nothing
in the economic
of the 1920s,
of the
There
geoisie.
history
use
to
to
extract
the
of
power
post-war
suggest
period,
monopoly
or other
from Ireland at less than the prevailing
agricultural
produce
market
the
1930s, it is true, the Irish Free State and the
price. During
as re?
in bi-lateral
United
Kingdom
engaged
monopoly
bargaining
some
It was,
and exports.
the Irish govern?
however,
imports
gards
a
to neo-colonial
ment
subservient
according
theory
necessarily
with
"eco
which
initiated
this
DeValera
action,
regime
declaring
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LIAM KENNEDY
114
nomic
on Britain.7
war"
The
was
of 1938
Agreement
Anglo-Irish
in terms of trading arrangements.
to outward-oriented
economic
poli?
eventual
to Ireland
favourable
distinctly
When
the Irish Republic
shifted
the publication
of Economic
cies, following
is little
interest,
sign of any British
multinationals
established
in 1958, there
Development
to
the
process. When
input
across
the
companies
subsidiary
to Bantry Bay, during
the 1960s and
still
less
foreign
face of Ireland,
from Malin
Head
source
of this manufacturing
the 1970s,
the major
Britain but the United
States,
Japan and continental
a hitherto-undiscovered,
tries.8 There may
have
been
to new
at work,
up Ireland
opening
a rainbow
alliance
of outside
capitalists,
ously
suppressing
If so, its existence
scientists.
Neo-colonial
has
opposition
to be established
yet
theory
the colonial
link
acts
to their
domestic
assumes
and
that
multilingual
forms of domi?
and
simultane?
of collaboration.
and
by historians
structured
ex-colonial
not
coun?
European
class
comprador
nation
by
was
capital
social
in?
of
relationships
a
countries
through
variety
to cultural
and capital flows
trade, technology
if the material
bases
last is not discussed
here, though
as
are so
to
for neo-colonialist
notions,
Ireland,
founded,
weakly
applied
on this score may be warranted
also. If Ireland
then some scepticism
equality
of mechanisms,
influences.
The
had
been
from
enmeshed
in a systematic
since 1921,
Britain
with
exploitation
real outcomes
incomes,
living
we are
rates.
Otherwise,
growth
compared
industrial
expansion
growth,
the twentieth
Both
century.
a
of dependency
have reflected
and
itself
in
economic
and industrial
standards,
in the realm of metaphysics.
The fact
terms of economic
in
Britain
with
favourably
is that Ireland
from
relationship
this would
variety
of
economic
have
and
crises
social
over
per worker
suffered
periodically
but
these have
been
in income
and growth
economies
qualitatively different from those in the Third World.
THERE ARE COLONIES AND COLONIES
The
two
sets
of empirical
conclusion:
earlier
conducted
enquiries
to place
in a Third World
Ireland
led
to a clear
perspective
attempting
to be a
the Irish Repub?
enterprise.
Treating
largely empty
are
was
more
But why
successful.
lic as a neo-colony
only marginally
us
so
to
the
This brings
the post-colonial
models
unilluminating?
turned
heart
out
of
pendence.
the issues
the matter:
the nature
relations
before
inde?
of Irish-British
a few of
to touch on more
it
not
than
is
Obviously
possible
run as follows.
statement
here. But a preliminary
might
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MODERN IRELAND 115
It is crude
and
to see
unhistorical
and
fixed
as
relationship
across
it stretched
the Anglo-Irish
not least as
time,
unchanging
through
It
centuries.
is
that in the mid-seventeenth
for
true,
instance,
many
of Ireland were
and
of
the
many
century
chieftainships
lordships
to the status of a colony
of
the
whole
reduced
and
island
destroyed
in
Other
of Europe,
That was
less than exceptional.
regions
England.
were
annexed
and
the early modern
by
being
period
subsequently,
in the process
of the
of the formation
regions,
powerful
neighbouring
states.
nation
modern
thinks
One
Catalonia,
Hanover,
150 or so officially-designated
today, itwould
of
regions
the European
to think of many
be difficult
some
have
of Brittany,
Provence,
and Lorraine.
Of the
immediately
Alsace
Schleswig-Holstein,
in some
of colonialism
community
do not
regions which
or other.
sense
To
sug?
experience
of their history
and contemporary
that the essence
gest, however,
to the idea of a post-colonial
status can be apprehended
by reference
or a
To go further,
would
be
far-fetched.
society,
region,
post-colonial
Hanover
and sketch
and Namibia,
between,
say,
superficial
parallels
more
nonsense
on
amount
to little
than
theoretical
would
strutting
stilts.
In
case
the
of
Ireland
Cromwellian
during
the effects
the
of
and
century
the Restoration
a half
and
after
the
Glorious
conquest,
of the Irish and British
the evolution
Revolution,
sys?
parliamentary
tems
in
Grattan's
the
Parliament),
(culminating
mildly-autonomous
as well
as
succeeded
of economic
and social change
processes
deeper
in transforming
ethnically-distinct
Anglo-Irish
region
state.
British
multi-regional
By the standards
cal
were
franchise
nineteenth
wholly
sense
relationships.
of Ireland was
century,
Under
absorbed
of Union
the Act
the
into a multi-ethnic,
and the politi?
of the time, political
representation
in the later
In some periods,
liberal.
particularly
was
in the Westminster
Irish influence
parliament
disproportionate,
of the number
of MPs
as
was
Irish representation
(in the
to population).
Members
of the
in
adminis?
the
willingly
participated
indeed
in relation
classes
Irish gentry
and middle
Thousands
of Irish officers
tration of the imperial
system world-wide.
a
in effect, was
its defences.
and soldiers
manned
Ireland,
junior
as the British Em?
in
vast
known
that
partner
enterprise
exploitative
were
Protestant
Ire?
within
variations
Ireland.
of course
pire. There
land was
far more
Catholic
Ireland's
significant
vigour
gious
commitment
respect. Catholic
in the
and
enthusiastic
task
cultural
of
in the pursuit
of imperial
projects,
more
in one
except
passive,
being
Ireland participated with
full Victorian
cultural
values
European
imperialism,
bringing
to "Darkest Africa",
and beyond.
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reli?
116
of cultural
Ireland had a high degree
emerging
it
United
The
before
seceded
from
the
Kingdom.
as
as 1831, fell
introduced
system,
fairly quickly
early
institutions
of cultural
national
control.
Local control
The
LIAM KENNEDY
autonomy,
long
school
primary
under denomi?
was
even more
a press hostile
in the sphere
where
of the printed media
pronounced
hin?
to Britain,
and all its pretensions,
flourished,
largely without
in its sporting,
and
The Gaelic
drance.
revival,
linguistic,
dancing
a further
institu?
of
cultural
added
forms,
layer
indigenous
literary
tions. The church of the majority
least
an
the second
autonomy
the nineteenth
remarkable
writer,
does
country
its ministers."9
no
such
the secular
arm
the
by
as France,
was
L. Paul-Dubois,
countries
European
Catholic
of
quarter
that was
(the Irish Catholic Church),
onwards,
century
enjoyed
standards
of continental
Spain
moved
show
from at
and
more
The French
Portugal.
to write
in 1908 that "in
for religion,
respect
and
In some
of thought
and
the opportunities
for freedom
respects
were more
1920.
rather
than
after
before
expression
developed
was achieved
be loosely
termed
When
by what might
independence
in a classic
this was no war of liberation,
Catholic
nationalist
Ireland,
sense.
Third World
bore
which
little
The
in Algeria,
occured
of Griffith
struggles
complementary
to the mass
resemblance
uprisings
Vietnam
and
Cambodia,
the most
Again
or
and Collins
bloody
retribution
Mozambique.
What
are to be
was
secession.
relevant
parallels
happened
in
in Europe,
in the secession
from the Netherlands
of Belgium
found
in
secession
the mid-nineteenth
the
of
the
century,
Basque
attempted
state in recent decades,
from the Spanish
and, closer home,
provinces
in the secessionist
on Scottish
All
of
consistent
tendencies
demands
within
the United
Kingdom
centering
for independence.
itmay
is
be worth
commentary,
emphasising,
of national
the view
that the pursuit
independence
Its point
is to gain some understanding
and desirable.
of the Anglo-Irish
before
and after inde?
relationship
this historical
with
was
both good
the quality
To
pendence.
of
do
between
dichotomy
scends historical
to a simple
complex
reality
a
manner
tran?
in
which
colonised,
to the lived experiences
is to do violence
of the
otherwise,
coloniser
time,
to reduce
and
Irish peoples.
THE COLONIAL CONCEPT
The
terms.
last point may be developed
use
The
indiscriminate
a little
of
an
further,
ill-defined,
and
in more
umbrella
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general
term like
MODERN IRELAND 117
as well
as illu?
the past, can distort
when
colonialism,
reconstructing
coun?
minate.
of
The specificity
of the historical
different
experiences
must
Even where
tries and regions
be respected.
there are formal
across
in phenomena
space or time, differences
of degree
a
in an opponent's
be
fist
face, or helping
may
all-important.
Shaking
a Jewish
into a Nazi
child
each be catego?
gas chamber,
push
might
But the difference
rised as acts of violence.
of degree makes
the two
similarities
acts
incommensurable.
a theoretical
At
notions
in applying
there are problems
undifferentiated
to Ireland
In relation
in the century
before
level,
colonialism.
of
independence,
els are being
for instance, what particular
Is it classic military
applied?
theoretical
model
or mod?
free-trade
imperialism,
as a
of imperialism
stage
we are
in the development
of capitalism.
Perhaps
dealing
or Andre
with models
of internal
Gunder
Frank's
dialec?
colonialism,
we are in the
tic of development
and underdevelopment?
Or perhaps
variations
of dependency
realm of one of the many
theory? Usually,
or Lenin's
imperialism,
the highest
we
are not
becomes
famous
told. Hence,
even
formulation
the category
of thought
labelled
post-colonial
its logically-entailed
antecedent
is it?
because
fuzzier,
so ill-defined.
self
POSTING IRELAND
It is a post-peasant
It is a
is a post-colonial
society.
society.
a
It
is
Revolution
North?
society.
society.
post-Gaelic
post-Devotional
a type of
ern Ireland
Ireland can be
represents
society.
post-industrial
in many ways.
posted
to convey
ismeant
the use of the "post" formulation
the
Presumably
can
in
state
the
the
for
hand,
that,
purposes
post-X
insight
particular
or
associ?
the
cluster
of
be explained
variables
mainly
exclusively
by
Ireland
we are not
a
In other words,
dealing
dating
simply with
are
We
device.
notions
of
strong
chronological
claiming
linkage
to be demonstrated,
not simply
and causation.
need
assumed.
These
to be assessed
to other,
And
sometimes
relative
competing
they need
ated with
X.
or
These
explanations.
formation
that
the
to processes
assessed
evangelists
either
the
It would
be
of
conference
adjective
invidious
papers
is applied
from changing
of family
range
patterns
is little evidence
industrialisation.
There
might
of
of
the
have
post-colonial
paradigm
or historical
theoretical
materials
to cite
on
examples,
literary
subjects
but
one
where
liberally and in passing,
thinks
the
critically
they exploit.
in particular
"post-colonial"
seemingly with
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little
118
LIAM KENNEDY
or context.
to argument
this use of language
has
Perhaps
to
and
intent, merely
atmosphere
emphasis
contributing
not unlike
in the dialogue
of work?
in a manner
the use of "fucking"
as reconstructed
in the novels
of
Dubliners,
Doyle.
Roddy
ing-class
relevance
little
serious
More
while
it is commonplace,
and
indeed
intuitively
to begin with
the
accounts,
interpretative
developing
in steps of
set of explanations
and then descend
ex?
to
it
with
is
confuse
easy
high
increasing
generality
specificity,
in
In
of
location
the
fact,
may
power.
hierarchy
explication
planatory
or
no clues
as to relative
contain
explanatory
weight.
significance
one needs
to show
in terms of the colonial
debate,
Thus,
/post-colonial
seriously,
when
appealing,
most
generalised
how
precisely
present,
means
causal
this model
the relative
and
placing
colonial
our
illuminates
of any
within
importance
influences
of past and
The latter
gained.
insights
an overall
framework
of
understanding
relationships.
WHY?
to be the case, the pursuit
for
of a Third World
If, as appears
identity
it
command
is a somewhat
fatuous
then
should
Ireland
exercise,
why
Here one is on to the
of the Irish intelligentsia?
of sections
the attention
of
marshy
ground
For the Field Day
even
satisfaction,
which
metaphors
continuing
threadbare
agonies
quality
a
patina
and
given
liberation
a few
may be in order.
hypotheses
there
may be emotional
tendency
politics
in
of
loose images
and
the
inspiration,
exploitation
some resonance
seem
in the context
to have
of the
but
speculation,
in cultural
of Northern
Ireland.
For
ultra-nationalists
the
can be
modernised
seemingly
with
of legitimacy
identification
genuine
through
in the Third World.
the traditional
Moreover,
as the
source of all Irish
never-failing
"England",
of traditional
rhetoric
struggles
with
preoccupation
of the post
shelflif e through
the medium
ills, can be given an enhanced
In short, the image-making
forms part of a political
colonial
additive.
are to the fore.
in which
and anti-Unionism
Anglophobia
agenda
or further
be moved
considera?
may
by other,
a
with
Irish
tions. After
all, we are not dealing
phenomenon.
purely
owes much
to the influence
of
The surge of post-colonialist
thought
one
that
countries
the
notion
of
the
richest
Canadian
writers,
though
in the world
is a victim
and exemplar
of post-colonialism
partakes
Academic
of
the
critics
low-cost
writers
to shiny objects,
Like
literary
jackdaws
to be drawn
to labels and packaging.
Assertion
substitute
for evidence.
masquerade
Metaphors
surreal.
seem
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and
cultural
becomes
as
theory.
a
MODERN IRELAND 119
is a good
theory
thing,
As Bourdieu
make.
suggests,
and competitive
one, in which
And
in pursuit
of reputation
for homo
particularly
the academic
game
a
of
variety
strategies
on
academicus
the
is a status-driven
be deployed
may
and preferment.10
CONCLUSION
nor
is not that Ireland escaped
of this essay
colonisation
argument
no
colonial
to be explored.
But it is arguing
that there is
that
heritage
an
of
is
Ireland
aided
understanding
twentieth-century
only weakly
The
to such a
There are a number
of reasons why,
by reference
perspective.
to
when
the
colonial
and
subjected
inquiry,
empirical
post-colonial
a matter
so
it
notions
fit the Irish experience
is
of
Partly,
poorly.
a
to
too
it
But
is
due
superficial
parallels
readily.
mainly
indulging
to Ireland
in relation
and other
interpretation,
of
the
character
Irish-British
rela?
evolving
By misconstruing
in their economic,
it is hardly
and social
political
totality,
tionships,
to
of
the
that
the
fail
materialise,
"theory"
surprising
predictions
or
a much
either on the eve of independence
subsequently.
Clearly,
more
issues
of
indus?
fruitful
comparative
perspective
illuminating
sectarian
and ethnic
trialisation,
tensions,
urbanisation,
demography,
and secessionist
the
be
derived
from
of
may
experiences
politics
of historical
failure
societies.
Ireland's
European
the time-worn
and
with
also
This means
neighbours.
almost
exclusive
preoccupation
from
away
getting
with
comparisons
Britain.
On
every
significant
is positioned
and South
part of the First World.
economic
and
social
the richest
among
I do not mean
this
indicator
countries
in a passive
Ireland
North
of the world.
sense.
It is
It is not
to find itself included in the top 20%, as
simply that Ireland happens
its role
of its inhabitants.
Mirroring
by the living standards
as
a
core
in the nineteenth
the
the
British
of
of
century
part
Empire,
its
is an integral part of the developed
world.
Ireland
Through
today
measured
in various
involvement
fends
Ireland
its own
does
interests
not have
treaties
international
it de?
frameworks,
countries
(as Northern
and
against Third World
I am referring
external
policies,
here
to the Irish
Republic only.)
The
Irish
nity, actively
discriminate
state,
through
promotes
its membership
policies
of
the European
of agricultural
protectionism
It also
World
imports.
Third
against
strongly
to dump
in schemes
pates
European
onto world
of EC subsidy,
conditions
Commu?
which
partici?
under
output,
surplus
produced
markets,
thereby undercutting
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LIAM KENNEDY
120
of Third
the prices
The
World
producers.
years, while
the last thirty
During
to trade have been
non-tariff
barriers
reduced,
to filter out exports
First
countries
World
by
measures
tries. These
include
quotas,
not
does
story
have
tariffs
end
there.
been
progressively
ever-more
widely
coun?
developing
restraints,
export
used
from
"voluntary"
theMulti-Fibre Arrangement
(alone estimated by theWorld Bank to
have cut $75 billion off potential sales of textiles from the developing
and
world),
of which
other
Ireland
far bigger
and
European
Community,
was
a
maker,
junior decision
such
than other rich countries
in this respect
offender
The
devices.
protectionist
is a full member
a
as the
United States or Japan (WorldDevelopment Report, 1991).
stance
Ireland's
this
hard-headed
Nation's
target
years
official
approach.
0.7% of
of giving
can't help
One
wished
for something
of a shared
down
essay
some
Itmanaged
Country.
come obscured,
The
a
issues
key
the lives which
it is well
poor
40,000
who
as aid
Product
National
a level of 0.16% of GNP
of
variety
in the debate
of being
to the United
itself
pared
Ireland
back
to
in 1980,
in the
to 0.17
in
less
donated
societies
the
last
during
countries
have
that
might
developing
thinking
more
from
Ireland
than
protestations
tangible
identity.
has assembled
Lest
horror
its Gross
in line with
is also
committed
in 1986, and even this miserly
level was
that followed.
Viewed
comparatively,
aid than most
other West
European
decade.
This
to the Third World
aid
Ireland
countries.
developing
0.28%
on official
on
lie behind
to remind
statistical
measures
Ireland
as a Third
the statistics
of
ourselves
the
to pin
World
have
may
intensity
be?
of
the
in the real Third World.
will
die
today
of malnutrition
and
disease
won't be dying quickly and dramatically. Most of them will have
were
born and what will kill
since the moment
they
dying
of malnourishment
off will be either a cumulative
process
a
or
or a
diarrhoea
that could
fever
disease,
stupid,
insignificant
a
cost
of
box
of
matches.
be prevented
for the
....
are not nice
their
that to pay
decide
The
They
starving
must
of
let
and
their
one,
two,
land,
mortgage
maybe
they
keep
die.
their children
They beg, they steal,
preferably
daughters
to smart foreigners
to sell razor blades
and shoelaces
they want
razors and whose
be insulted
shoes would
have electric
who
by
been
them
the cheap,
the hungry
The
age
or
made
from
laces, probably
shoddy
hold up in front of their noses.11
to equate
attempt
with
such
not,
life in contemporary
is not
conditions
recycled
rags,
colonial
Ireland,
misconceived.
only
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that
herit?
It is
MODERN IRELAND 121
to
trivialise
the
suffering
of
of millions
hundreds
the world's
of
peoples.
NOTES
1
Wisconsin
2
Is Ireland a Third World Country?
Conference
Programme,
(April 1991).
were
in a book of the same title,
The Conference
later published
papers
edited by Th?r?se Cahery et al. (Belfast, 1992)
3
F. Jameson, Nationalism,
Colonialism and Literature: Modernism
no. 14, Deny,
alism (Field Day Pamphlet
1988).
4
Sex and Nation: Women
G. Meaney,
phlet, 1991).
5
K.A. Kennedy
et al., The Economic Development
Century (London, 1988).
6
G. Adams,
7
D.S.
8
L. Kennedy,
9
L. Paul-Dubois,
The Politics
F. O'Toole,
1880.
The Modern
in Irish Culture
of Irish Freedom
The Interwar Economy
Johnson,
10 P. Bourdieu,
11
State Journal, 26 Febr.
Homo Academicus
Irish Times, 23 Nov.
(Brandon,
1986).
1985).
of Ireland, 1940-88
Ireland (Dublin,
(Cambridge,
(Lip Pam?
of Ireland in the Twentieth
in Ireland (Dublin,
Industrialisation
Contemporary
and Politics
and Imperi?
1908).
1988).
1989.
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
(Dublin,
1989).