ABSTRACT
FDR AND THE PRESS
Despite the research of many historians concerning Franklin Delano
Roosevelt and his administration, research concerning the president’s interaction
with the press is lacking. Franklin Roosevelt used the press to further his
administration and its goals. More importantly, Roosevelt and those within his
administration actively took steps to manipulate this institution. In addition, the
president bypassed negative reports by appealing directly to the American public.
This thesis will specifically add to the historiography of Franklin Delano
Roosevelt by looking at the president’s press relations. How did Roosevelt interact
with those within the institution? How and why did he manipulate them? And
finally, how effective was FDR? These questions will be addressed in this thesis.
By looking at those who surrounded the president, letters sent to the White House,
and Gallup Polls, the success of the president’s actions can be determined.
Emily Wolfe
December 2011
FDR AND THE PRESS
by
Emily Wolfe
A thesis
submitted in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts in History
in the College of Social Sciences
California State University, Fresno
December 2011
APPROVED
For the Department of History:
We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student
meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the
university and the student's graduate degree program for the
awarding of the master's degree.
Emily Wolfe
Thesis Author
Blain Roberts (Chair)
History
Lori Clune
History
DeAnna Reese
History
For the University Graduate Committee:
Dean, Division of Graduate Studies
AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION
OF MASTER’S THESIS
X
I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in
its entirety without further authorization from me, on the
condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction
absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of
authorship.
Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must
be obtained from me.
Signature of thesis author:
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would first like to thank my committee members. Dr. Blain Roberts, thank
you for your guidance throughout this process. I cannot express my gratitude for
all of the work and support you have dedicated to my thesis. In addition, I owe
much to Dr. Lori Clune. My thesis is better because of your help. More
importantly, you have supported me throughout my tenure at Fresno State. The
time I have spent in your office has helped me to navigate the ups and downs. I am
so appreciative of your advice and guidance. Dr. DeAnna Reese, I want to thank
you for your openness. It is easy to lose oneself in the day-to-day routines of
school and work. You helped me to remember that life is not just about school or
career. Thank you for reminding me of the important things in life.
I would also like to thank my family for their constant support. To my
parents, Donald and Mary Kay, you have both encouraged me to do whatever I
dream. You have sacrificed so much for me and I will never be able to repay you.
I love you so much. Thank you for everything. Alicia, thank you for coming on
this journey with me. I could not have done it without you next to me. Chris and
Laura, thank you for both being there for me. And Grandma, thanks for always
listening to me and telling me that I can do it. I love all of you so much and could
not have done this without you.
I would like to thank Matthew Vega. I am forever grateful for your
encouragement throughout this program. Finally, I want to acknowledge the great
friends I gained while at Fresno State. You all have made this journey bearable. I
literally would not have finished this thesis without all of you.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1 THE PEOPLE SURROUNDING FDR AND THEIR PART AIDING IN THE
PRESIDENT’S MANIPULATION ............................................................ 11 TECHNIQUES USED BY FDR ............................................................................ 23 THE EFFECTIVENESS OF FDR ......................................................................... 37 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 47 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................. 50 APPENDICES ........................................................................................................ 56 APPENDIX A: “IN HIS STEPS AND IN THE WRONG DIRECTION” ............ 57 APPENDIX B: “THE KING CAN DO NO WRONG” ......................................... 59 INTRODUCTION
Our President
The hero of our hopeless hour,
Alone to fight the foeInto the battle front he rides
To fight Depression’s Woe…
We are saved from grave disaster,
We are free from selfish scorn.
Our President has faced the Night;
And a new day is born.1
Laura E. Park of Greenville, Illinois sent this poem to President Franklin
Delano Roosevelt (FDR) in May 1933. The sentiments she expressed about
America’s courageous leader, bringing light and hope to its citizens, are echoed in
the thousands of letters and telegrams President Roosevelt received each day while
in the Oval Office. But Roosevelt’s high popularity was not determined by mere
chance. Instead, Roosevelt and his staff carefully propagated the president’s
image. Early on, Roosevelt identified the media as an essential tool of political
life.
The invention and distribution of the radio in the 1930s was key to
Roosevelt’s success. Within years, hundreds of thousands of Americans tuned in
1 Laura E. Park to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Greenville, Illinois, May 1933, in The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 77.
2
every week to hear the president’s message. It is estimated some 1,000,000,000
hours were spent in front of the radio listening to its content.2 Hadley Cantril and
Gordon Allport wrote The Psychology of Radio in 1935 in which they stated that
this new technology was “the greatest single democratizing agent since the
invention of printing.”3 Essentially, the radio paved the way for the president to be
able to speak directly to thousands of American citizens. FDR capitalized on this
new technology. He used it almost every day to speak with the American people in
their homes.
In time, certain radio addresses became known as “Fireside Chats.”4 The
radio and FDR’s Fireside Chats offered a kind of access to the President that
Americans had never experienced before. With his first Fireside Chat “On the
Bank Crisis” given on Sunday, March 12, 1933, many citizens were instantly
mesmerized and fascinated with the sound of the President. Americans heard
Roosevelt and developed an image of him. The President and his staff carefully
crafted that image. Through his voice, Roosevelt portrayed a strong, courageous,
patriotic leader. At the same time, Roosevelt hid his disability from the public.
After contracting polio in 1921, FDR was confined to a wheelchair.5 Few images
of the president were ever published showing this handicap, especially during his
2 Hadley Cantril and Gordon W. Allport, The Psychology of Radio (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1935), 14, 19, quoted in Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine, The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 1.
3 Cantril and Allport, The Psychology of Radio, 19.
4 The term came about after Harry C. Butcher of CBS’s Washington D.C. office used it in a
broadcast. Although this term was adopted by the people of the time and later used by historians, the
President and his staff never officially adopted it. Thus, discrepancies on the exact number of Fireside
Chats have arisen. In this paper, I have chosen to acknowledge 30 Fireside Chats; this is the amount listed
and recognized on The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Presidential Library website.
5 In August 1921 while vacationing with his family at their summer cottage in Campobello Island,
Roosevelt fell ill. A high fever and flu like symptoms soon developed into paralysis. Doctors then
diagnosed Roosevelt with infantile paralysis, or Polio.
3
days in office. Roosevelt was unwilling to let others see him as weak or different.
What citizens heard every time they gathered in their living rooms around their
radio were carefully crafted speeches.
Moreover, Roosevelt relied on the public to judge his effectiveness. He
invited the nation to write to him and tell him its thoughts. It took the American
public no time to answer the President. The sheer number of letters to the White
House overwhelmed the staff. Ira Smith, the White House Chief of Mails, stated
that people “believed that [Roosevelt] was speaking to them personally and
immediately wrote him a letter. It was months before we managed to swim out of
that flood of mail.”6 Impressively, the President implemented a policy that every
letter had to be answered. This policy accentuated the country’s feeling of deep
intimacy with the President. Lorena Hickock, a White House staff member who
reported on the conditions of the country to the head of the New Deal program,
Harry Hopkins, stated that
the number of letters you see around over the President’s and Mrs.
Roosevelt’s signatures. They are seldom anything more than the briefest and
most formal acknowledgment of a letter… But I doubt if any other President
– or his wife – had ever been so punctilious about acknowledging letters.
And these people take them all very seriously, as establishing a personal
relation.7
This relationship was essential to FDR’s manipulation of the press. Roosevelt thus
created a connection from the Oval Office to the American people. This
relationship was created by his ability to make citizens feel as if he were speaking
directly to them. Without this ability, Roosevelt would not have been able to gain
as much support as he did for his administration.
6 Levine and Levine, The People and the President, 5.
7 Richard Lowitt and Maurine Beasley, eds., One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok Reports on
the Great Depression [Chicago: University of Illinois, 1981], 215.
4
Roosevelt’s accomplishments while in office were due in large part to his
ability to gain public support for his administration and its policies. Unlike past
presidents, Roosevelt was a master at media techniques. He used his abilities to
position his administration in a positive light among the American public. In
addition, once the U.S. entered World War II, the President went so far as to
censor and manipulate the media. I will argue that FDR’s upbringing and those
who surrounded him while in politics contributed to his development of
techniques that gave him more control over the media. As a result, Roosevelt saw
unprecedented levels of support while in office. At the same time, he was able to
bypass negative media coverage by appealing directly to the American people.
Essential to understanding Roosevelt’s presidency is a basic knowledge of
his political philosophy. While in office, Roosevelt sought to grow and liberalize
the Democratic Party. To do this, Roosevelt prescribed to the ideology of
liberalism. Liberalism holds that the federal government must participate in the
curbing of economic and social crises. Historian Sean J. Savage aptly concludes
that the President “had always been committed to making the Democratic Party
more liberal in its ideology and policy objectives.”8 But this philosophy did not
discourage capitalism in the United States. Instead, it was simply a rejection of a
laissez-faire economy. Roosevelt, in fact, held that capitalism, as long as it did not
promote injustice, should control the American economy.9 In addition, Roosevelt
held the idea that the government should not only promote greater economic
security but should also actively be involved in creating opportunities for citizens
8 Mark J. Rozell and William D. Pederson, eds., FDR and the Modern Presidency Leadership and
Legacy [Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997], 122.
9 Rozell and Pederson, FDR and the Modern Presidency, 124.
5
to improve their lives socially, economically, and culturally.10 Furthermore, while
Roosevelt sought to lead the Democratic Party toward liberalism, at the same time,
he hoped to set an example for the rest of the world. In his Four Freedoms Address
(1941), Roosevelt explained that the U.S. and the world must allow freedom of
speech and expression, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and freedom from
fear, if the world desired peace.11 Essentially, he believed in promoting a
pluralistic, liberalized party at home and abroad. To achieve these goals, the
President developed media techniques that allowed him to promote his
administration and, thus, expand not only the Democratic Party but also liberalism.
Yet, many stood against Roosevelt’s radical new stance. Resistance against
these principals, however, was unacceptable to Roosevelt. To fight against those
who did not subscribe to these same ideologies, Roosevelt created his own press
stories. He asked Americans to follow him and ignore reports by the elite
controlled media. At this time, Roosevelt faced a heterogeneous Democratic Party
along with Republican opposition. The Democratic Party as a whole consisted of
representatives elected from different states, cultures, and beliefs.12 As a result,
Roosevelt had to overcome negative attacks on his presidency. Furthermore,
Roosevelt believed that the press as a whole was against him and his policies. The
press, run by the wealthiest class of Americans, he believed, fought his ideologies
and actions because the institution was beholden to business. As William E.
Leuchtenburg states, “government had often been the handmaiden of business, and
many presidents had shared the values of businessmen. When FDR made it clear
10 Rozell and Pederson, FDR and the Modern Presidency, 125.
11 Ibid., 126.
12 Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine, The Fireside Conversations: America Responds
to FDR During the Great Depression [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010], 249.
6
that he did not hold the same values, he was denounced as a traitor.”13 One can
look at political cartoons to see how some newspapers were reporting on and
portraying the President. For example, in 1933 one newspaper published a cartoon
that stated “In his steps, in the wrong direction.”14 This cartoon portrayed the
President as continuing on the path of former president Hoover. In yet another
political cartoon, Roosevelt is portrayed as a king crossing out the constitution and
claiming that it is “cancelled.”15 In addition, the Wall Street Journal declared
Roosevelt’s policy of deficit spending and public works programs a “spectacular
failure.”16 He viewed any negative attack as a personal attack. As a result, the
President took steps to counter these reports.
Other factors contributed to FDR’s leadership style and thus his
antagonistic relationship with the press. For example, Franklin D. Roosevelt’s
family profoundly influenced him as president. Growing up in a politically minded
family, Roosevelt learned political power came not by chance but through hard
work. Born on January 30, 1882 in Hyde Park, New York, Roosevelt was
welcomed into a distinguished family. His father, James, was trained as a lawyer
but made money in urban real estate and landholding.17 His extended family was
also prominent within the community. Roosevelt’s fifth cousin, Theodore “Teddy”
13 William E. Leuchtenburg, “The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy,” The Washington
Post [online], 5. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chapter1/fdryears.htm>
14 Refer to Appendix A. Paul Bachorz, “The FDR Cartoon Archive.” Niskayuna High School,
http://www.nisk.k12.ny.us/fdr/1933/33011902.gif [accessed March 13, 2010].
15 Refer to Appendix B. Christine A. Lutz, “Political Cartoon Exhibition Reveals Common
Themes of American Presidential Elections,” Mudd Manuscript Library, http://blogs.princeton.edu/mudd
/2008/09/political-cartoon-exhibition-reveals-common-themes-of-american-presidential-elections.html
[accessed March 13, 2010].
16 “A Spectacular Failure.” Wall Street Journal (1923 – Current File), March 5, 1940: 4.
http://search.proquest.com/docview/131268864?accountid=10349.
17 Roosevelt Facts and Figures, “Franklin D. Roosevelt,” Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential
Library and Museum, http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/facts.html [accessed March 13, 2010].
7
Roosevelt, held the presidency from 1901-1909. FDR greatly admired his cousin
and often mimicked his leadership, later incorporating ideals and beliefs held by
Theodore into his own political decisions and demeanors. In fact, FDR learned
from Theodore the importance of controlling the media. Theodore had a great
talent for dealing with the press and Roosevelt, from a young age, witnessed the
techniques Theodore employed in public office. This set a pattern for Roosevelt to
follow and expand upon.18 FDR prescribed to the idea that the press was an
essential tool of the office, just as Theodore exemplified repeatedly for him. FDR
even stated that he wanted to “be a preaching president-like my cousin
Theodore.”19
Yet even earlier, FDR showed his skill in press relations. While at Harvard,
Roosevelt joined the college newspaper. It was at this time that he began to
explore and develop his political ideas toward social and economic change that
later dominated his presidency.20 Moreover, while at Harvard, FDR took several
classes that shaped his future in public office. His university curriculum included
Public Speaking, English Letter Writers, and Constitutional Government. These
classes and the skills he gained from them aided the future President in his
political career. These classes and experiences set the stage for the President to
manipulate the press. In addition, FDR developed a reputation at Harvard. He was
known as outright liar, often pontificating many exaggerated stories. Due to this,
Roosevelt never hesitated to situate himself in the most favorable light, and
18 Betty Houchin Winfield, FDR and the News Media (Chicago: University of Illinois Press,
1990), 4.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
8
dismiss any claims to the contrary.21 Certainly, this early character of Roosevelt
influenced his role as president.
Many historians study FDR, his life, his political career, and his legacy.
Terry Golway argues that the President’s addresses allowed him to enter the
homes of thousands of Americans and gain their support. At the same time, he
describes the situation and timeline Roosevelt was faced with before each Fireside
Chat. He concludes that, “[Roosevelt] remains one of the nation’s most beloved
Presidents, and for good reason. For twelve years, he had a conversation with the
American public, not only as a president, but as a friend.”22 William E.
Leuchtenburg in his studies of Roosevelt states, “To be sure, much that American
presidents did in the ensuing decades owed little or nothing to FDR… If there was
a large cult of FDR-worshipers, millions of Americans loathed him… Still, no one
doubt[s] that FDR was a protean figure.”23 He was able to almost immediately lift
the spirit of the American people. Because of this, Leuchtenburg argues that FDR
was “the new president.”24 Radio addresses were literally and figuratively
electrifying to the American public.25 As Leuchtenburg states “By quickening
interest in government, Roosevelt became the country’s foremost civic
educator.”26 Furthermore, Hugh Gregory Gallagher argues that FDR manipulated
the press in order to overcome his disability. His “splendid deception” was in fact
21 Ted Morgan, FDR: A Biography (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985), 76-77.
22 Terry Golway, Together We Cannot Fail: FDR and the American Presidency in Years of Crisis
(Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks Media Fusion, 2009), 286.
23 William E. Leuchtenburg, In The Shadow of FDR: From Harry Truman to Barack Obama
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), xi.
24 Leuchtenburg, “The FDR Years,” 5.
25 Ibid, 9.
26 Ibid.
9
his strategy of minimizing his handicap by demanding the press respect his
authority.27 As a result, out of the thirty-five thousand still photographs of FDR at
the Presidential library, only two show the President in his wheelchair.28
Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine argue that FDR’s use of the radio
reached farther than creating a relationship with the American people “The radio
expanded the ballot box… It helped FDR and his audiences transcend boundaries
both spatial and social.”29
I will add to other historians’ interpretations of FDR’s presidency and his
use of the press. This thesis will discuss FDR’s manipulation of the media. I will
address how FDR maneuvered the press and show the American public response
to the President, his Fireside Chats, and his manipulation. It will also look at why
the President took actions to circumvent the American media. Those close to the
President, including Eleanor Roosevelt, Louis McHenry Howe, and Steve Early
will also be discussed. Their presence and role within the President’s manipulation
proved immensely helpful. They aided in addressing and overcoming negative
media coverage of Roosevelt and his administration. While many historians have
looked at Roosevelt’s press relations, I will be looking at its effectiveness through
those surrounding the President himself, letters, and Gallup polls. By looking at
this subject from this angle, a greater depth of knowledge can be gained.
First I will look at those who surrounded the President, including Louis
McHenry Howe, Steve Early, and Eleanor Roosevelt. It will also discuss the
actions that these people took to assist the President in his manipulation and how
27 This term is taken from Hugh Gregory Gallagher. It was the basis of his book, FDR’s Splendid
Deception (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1985).
28 Hugh Gregory Gallagher, FDR’s Splendid Deception (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company,
1985), xiii.
29 Levine and Levine, The Fireside Conversations, 253.
10
the President turned the news making process into a powerful tool of the office.
Chapter two will focus on the President’s Fireside Chats. It will discuss how the
President used specific techniques in his radio addresses and media gatherings,
which allowed him to gain public support. Chapter three will examine the
effectiveness of the President’s manipulation. In sum, it is clear that Franklin
Roosevelt took steps to control and censor the media. By his own hand and with
the help of those surrounding him, FDR succeeded in his endeavor to bypass what
he saw as an elite controlled media. One can judge his success by looking at how
the American people viewed him. Americans’ sentiments are clearly seen in the
letters they sent him while in office and by looking at Gallup polls.
THE PEOPLE SURROUNDING FDR AND THEIR PART
AIDING IN THE PRESIDENT’S MANIPULATION
FDR’s first personal secretary, Louis McHenry Howe, played a significant
role within the presidential administration. Howe grew up in Saratoga, New York,
a playground of the wealthy and elite. His parents, however, lost their fortune in
the panic of 1873. They moved to Saratoga, where Louis would grow up under the
watchful eye of his parents. His father, Edward, played a major role in influencing
his only son. After years of working menial jobs in the publishing world, The elder
Howe bought the Saratoga Sun.1 This paper developed into the town’s only
Democratic weekly in the heavily Republican town. The younger Howe went into
the family business. He became co-editor and proprietor of the Saratoga Sun at the
age of twenty-one. It was while working for his father that Louis developed his
cynicism, relentless inquiry, and tough demeanor.2 These characteristics helped
Howe to influence the press.
Howe first met senatorial candidate Franklin Roosevelt while in Albany,
New York, working for the newspapers the Herald and the Telegraph.3 Roosevelt
began his relationship with Howe when he was trying to pass environmental
legislation in the Senate. Working part-time, Howe focused his efforts on
petitions, letters, and sending delegations of Grangers to Albany in his effort to
help the Senator’s legislation gain the public’s endorsement. 4 When Roosevelt
began to drop out of Americans’ favor, he hired Howe to push his bills as a full
1 Alfred B. Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2002),
66.
2 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 70-71.
3 Ibid., 26.
4 Ibid., 42.
12
time member of his staff. Howe received $250 in mailing expenses as well as a
$10-dollar-a-week retainer.5 Throughout Roosevelt’s senatorial term, Howe
played an important role in establishing the growing political giant. He effectively
lobbied for the Senator and aided the future president in his increasing political
influence. As a result, the two men became more than coworkers; they became
close friends. After Roosevelt entered the presidential office, he offered Howe
full-time employment in politics and in return Roosevelt put his trust in one man,
which allowed him to focus on other responsibilities. Howe concentrated on aiding
Roosevelt by strengthening personal contacts, ending quarrels, organizing voters,
and promoting the president.6 Howe would remain a close ally in the Roosevelt
Administration. Howe’s part in the administration was essential for Roosevelt to
be successful in his manipulation of the press. Without Howe, Roosevelt would
not have achieved many of his political goals.
Eleanor Roosevelt characterized Howe as an “astute politician, a wise
reader of newspapers and of human beings.”7 Alfred B. Rollins, Jr. stated that,
“Howe was alert to every opportunity for a political play.”8 Furthermore,
Roosevelt and Howe complimented each other. While Roosevelt used his personal
charm to win appeal, Howe maneuvered the press, questioned and managed the
loyalty of those surrounding the soon-to-be president, and dealt with the political
pettiness Roosevelt was unwilling to engage in.9 More importantly, he was there
for Roosevelt when criticism surfaced. Howe was often the scapegoat for
5 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 42.
6 Ibid., 57.
7 Eleanor Roosevelt, This Is My Story (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1937), 192.
8 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 58.
9 Ibid., 61.
13
Roosevelt.10 He would be blamed and criticized in place of the politician. This
made Howe an essential player in FDR’s inner circle.
Within the administration, Howe focused on presenting the President in the
most beneficial way to the U.S. citizens, making certain that his agenda was well
known by all. First, Howe penned articles for major publishing outlets including
the Saturday Evening Post, American Magazine, and Cosmopolitan. In these
articles, Howe romanticized the president. He wrote of FDR’s achievements in
politics and his relentless push against corrupt politics.11 The names of these
articles give historians an idea of how Howe began to promote the President.
Articles including “The Winner,” “Behind the Scenes with the President,” “The
President’s Mail Bag,” and “Uncle Sam Starts After Crime” idealized the
President and his actions in office.12 Howe’s actions directly resulted in aiding the
President to manipulate the press.
Moreover, Howe often used the media to test ideas before they were
announced to the public.13 One way he did this was through radio guest
appearances. In February 1933, Howe gave his first radio address. After this
initiation, Howe soon saw the radio as an important tool of the administration. He
quickly signed a contract for a thirteen-week recurring guest appearance on an
RCA Victor program.14 This program, set up as an informal question-and-answer
segment, provided the stage for Howe to further his manipulation of the American
people’s perception of the President and his administration. The informal
10 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 61.
11 Ibid., 418-419.
12 Ibid., 418.
13 Betty Houchin Winfield, FDR and the News Media (Chicago: University of Illinois Press,
1990), 80.
14 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 422.
14
“question-and-answer” format was instead a scripted program written both by
Howe and the host, Walter Trumbull. However, Howe retained absolute power
over what the final script included and refused to answer any questions thrown at
him without warning. Howe used this program to focus on the administration’s
immediate goals.15 Trumbull remembered that, “Louis Howe always thought that
what the country needed was a big man with plenty of ego – a leader with faith
enough in America and in himself, to lead the people out the Valley of Jitters.
Also he had no doubt as to who was best fitted to guard and guide that man. In my
opinion, Louis Howe came near to being ‘Assistant President of the United
States.’”16 As Rollins states, “He proved himself an adept dodger, an effective
explainer, a master of personalizing the most abstract matter and oversimplifying
the most complicated.”17
From this, Roosevelt and his administration tested out ideas to elicit
feedback for public reaction. If information pointed toward a positive response,
the President formally adopted that policy or position. However, if there was a
negative reaction, the administration abandoned the approach or idea. More
importantly, this technique allowed the White House to assess which issues
Americans held as critically important. Furthermore, Howe was the first secretary
to a president to compile intelligence bulletins. These included stories, compiled
and organized, from newspapers across the country.18 Again, this allowed
Roosevelt to see what the American public was interested in. Another talent Howe
15 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 422-423.
16 Lela Stiles, The Man Behind Roosevelt: The Story of Louis McHenry Howe (New York, The
World Publishing Company, 1954), 259.
17 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 423.
18 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 80.
15
possessed was his ability to recognize significant news stories. Edward Anker of
the Associated Press stated, “Louis Howe was the bane of every newspaperman in
Albany. He could smell a story a mile off and he kept us all digging to keep up
with him. He never slept.”19 Howe was fundamental to the Roosevelt
administration. Howe’s talents helped him to distinguish himself within the
Roosevelt staff, and his influence grew with his reputation. Lela Stiles aptly
speaks to Howe’s influence when she stated, “Louis was like a man who had
helped design a great piece of architecture. He knew that the building of it took
many craftsmen, but he never lost sight of the fact that he was the one who laid the
foundation.”20 As time passed, Howe’s health grew worse and as a result he was
placed under 24-hour assistance. The press in 1935 began to report that in his
absence, the President had begun to slip in his effectiveness. One newspaper
stated, “Roosevelt had better get his political brains out from under that oxygen
tent.”21 Yet, as Rollins states, “his major strength remained to the end what it had
always been, his steady presence, his loyalty, his willingness to do anything for
Roosevelt, their deep personal friendship. Howe was Roosevelt’s one complete
refuge from the job he insisted was the loneliest in the world. Only with Louis
could the President let his guard down completely.”22
Steve Early, successor to Howe, became the first presidential “press
secretary” in 1932. Early had learned from Howe the strategies for dealing with
the media as a member of the White House staff. Early ushered in new ideas that
reinvigorated Roosevelt’s relationship with the press. For example, Early did away
19 Stiles, The Man Behind Roosevelt, 22.
20 Ibid., 276.
21 Ibid., 288.
22 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 454.
16
with the previous rule of the written-question-requirement, in which reporters
needed their questions pre-selected in order to ask them. Instead, he favored the
idea of letting reporters ask any question when called upon. To counter the
possibility of leaving Roosevelt unprepared, Early spent the day of scheduled
press conferences preparing the President for possible questions.23 Early was
present at press conferences and often interjected when the President needed
assistance. Skillfully, Early hired professional journalists who were out of work
due to the Great Depression. In return for their new jobs, these journalists repaid
the administration by respecting the President’s wishes in regards to limiting
information to the public.24 This control was monumental to Roosevelt’s political
ambitions. The participation of staffers in Roosevelt’s manipulation of the press
allowed the President to actively shape the news-making process.
Roosevelt’s own wife, Eleanor, also became a tool of the administration.
Her political influence was seen, however, even before Franklin was inaugurated.
Eleanor was a devoted wife who prescribed to Victorian ideals of marriage. She
dutifully followed her husband on his quest to become Vice President. More
importantly, however, she played an active role in her husband’s daily political
life. For example, Franklin often lost himself in his speeches. Although those
around him put forth much effort to change his often boring speeches, it was
Eleanor who held real power. She stated in a letter to her mother-in-law, “It is
becoming almost impossible to stop F[ranklin] now when he begins to speak, but
when nothing succeeds I yank his coat tails!”25 In addition, it was on his campaign
23 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 83.
24 Ibid., 87.
25 Lois Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: Fist Lady of American Liberalism (Boston: Twayne
Publishers, 1987), 60-61.
17
that Eleanor learned the ins-and-outs of politics. This is also the time when
Eleanor gained the friendship of Louis Howe. With the defeat of the 1920
presidential Cox-Roosevelt ticket, Eleanor and Franklin returned home. However,
Eleanor’s new-found education in politics prompted her to explore her own
political interests.
With this knowledge, Eleanor would become an essential player in her
husband’s administration. One way she gained experience in the political world
was by joining the National American Women’s Suffrage Association
(NAWSA).26 During her time in this organization, Eleanor became part of the
leadership of the organization along with Elizabeth Read and Esther Lape. Her
involvement taught her to recognize the problems facing the organization. She
began to realize that legislation offered women a way to change their standings in
their male-dominated world.27 After Franklin was stricken with polio, his wife
took an even more active role in his political career and she was able to do so
because of her previous experience in political matters. Encouraged by Louis
Howe, Eleanor many times stood in place of her husband. This not only
maintained his presence within the political world, but it also solidified her own
entrance as a political player.28 As Lois Scharf states, “She had completed her
apprenticeship and was a full-fledged master of the trade.”29 These skills helped
Eleanor aid her husband in his political manipulation of the press.
From the first moments of FDR’s campaign for the presidency, Eleanor
played a massive role in her husband’s political career. While on the campaign
26 Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism, 61.
27 Ibid., 62-63.
28 Ibid., 67.
29 Ibid., 79.
18
trail, Eleanor took part in FDR’s agenda by giving speeches and making
appearances. This did two things. It allowed Franklin to reach a wider audience
but it also allowed him to perpetuate his political goals. In her speeches and
appearances, Eleanor answered questions, addressed misconceptions of her
husband, and perpetuated his bold reputation. What is important to note, however,
is that Eleanor did this even when her own beliefs went against her husbands.30
For example, while Eleanor favored prohibition, Franklin did not. Yet, in public,
Eleanor agreed and promoted her husband’s stand.31 Franklin had complete
control over those who surrounded him. Thus, all dealings with the media were
strictly influenced by the President. With her influence, more people came to
support the future president and his political ideology. Of course, her role did not
end once FDR was in the Oval Office. By 1932, the country was suffering from
the effects of the Great Depression. Citizens began to look to their president for
relief. Eleanor assured many that their plight would not endure longer than they
could afford.
The President’s wife began holding her own weekly press conferences,
known as The First Lady’s Press Conference. Female journalist Lorena Hickok
first suggested that Eleanor contemplate the idea of all-female conferences.32
However, it was Louis Howe who convinced Mrs. Roosevelt that her role in these
conferences would be helpful to the administration. Quickly, Mrs. Roosevelt held
press conferences in which only female reporters were invited, the first only two
days after FDR’s inauguration. This special access allowed women to sustain their
position within the field of journalism, as they were the only reporters with the
30 Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism, 83.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid., 87-88.
19
exclusive stories to be printed. These “press girls” became ardent supports of the
Roosevelt’s and Eleanor in particular.33 They were forever grateful for her role in
keeping their jobs open while the rest of the country was seeing its jobs slip away.
Howe went on to “train” Eleanor. The First lady stated, “I was able to
detect the implications of the questions and avoided any direct answer. Louise
Howe had trained me well.”34 Beyond coaching the First Lady, Howe assumed
much of the responsibility in regards to the Gridiron Widows’ Parties. They were
his creation. He decided who was invited, what they would discuss, and how
Eleanor would respond. At these events, Mrs. Roosevelt invited women reporters,
reporters’ wives, and cabinet wives who were unwelcome at the Newsmen’s
Annual Dinner.35 Hosted by Mrs. Roosevelt, these get-togethers not only fostered
ties to the President, but they also created them. Eleanor reached out to American
women and gained their trust and confidence.
More surprisingly, Eleanor occasionally participated in her husband’s press
conferences. She answered questions addressed to her, asked questions when she
thought her husband needed to be more concise, and even answered for the
President when he needed her to.36 Eleanor also wrote for magazines and
newspapers to promote both her husband’s and her own projects. The column
entitled “My Day” was published six times a week and was written without the
help of assistants despite her hectic schedule.37 Like before, Howe played an
important role in her writing endeavors. He acted as her literary agent.38
33 Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism , 88.
34 Lela Stiles, The Man Behind Roosevelt, 264.
35 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 426.
36 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 82.
37 Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism, 100.
38 Rollins Jr., Roosevelt and Howe, 426.
20
Furthermore, Eleanor held a weekly radio series where she discussed life in the
White House and topics centering on the family.39 Eleanor reached constituents
that Franklin was not able to. Moreover, Eleanor described everyday events and
appearances that FDR made to her readers. She characterized mundane events in
such a way that her husband’s presidency and achievements seemed important to
the average citizen.40 This gained her the respect and following of countless
women. Hence, her influence was important to the Roosevelt administration.
In addition, Mrs. Roosevelt also prescribed to the same political philosophy
as her husband, becoming a champion for social and economic reform.41 Issues
including women’s rights, segregation, and poor relief stood prominently in her
efforts. Accordingly, Eleanor realized that by helping her husband’s
administration, she was at the same time furthering her own political agenda. In
the same way, Franklin used his wife’s position to his advantage. He often gauged
public opinion through his wife’s actions and dealings. If women responded
negatively to Eleanor’s purposed ideas, he knew not to officially adopt it.
Likewise, he was able to see questions reporters wanted to ask by listening to
women reporters with Eleanor. This allowed him to identify poor policies and thus
dodge the critical press. Roosevelt’s reliance on others not only helped his
administration, but it also allowed him to actively manipulate the press.
Eleanor Roosevelt was effective at reaching the American people. One can
gauge her effectiveness through the thousands of letters sent to her while living in
the White House. These letters tell of her reassuring presence in everyday
39 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 82.
40 Scharf, Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism, 100.
41 Mark J. Rozell and William D. Pederson, eds., FDR and the Modern Presidency Leadership
and Legacy (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997), 210.
21
America. For example, On May 16, 1933, Mrs. A. L. Holland wrote, “It is
inspiring to know we have as our ‘First Lady,’ one so really great and influential,
who is so kindhearted-charming simple and wholly unselfish.”42 In other
instances, citizens wrote to Mrs. Roosevelt asking for help. Hundreds of letters
came to the White House with pleas for money, clothes, food, and jobs. Mrs. E. P.
Hazel Kelley Hatch asked in a letter, “Would you make me a loan of $25? I would
repay it. I have tried in every way to get this sum but it is impossible.”43
Moreover, letters written to the First Lady shed light on her effectiveness at
publicizing the policies of her husband’s administration. On January 20, 1934 Mrs.
W. F. Allen of Tampashores, Florida wrote, “I am writing to express my
appreciation, of your splendid talk (via radio) urging the passage of the ‘Old Age
Security Act’- each word found a warm response in my heart.”44 The response to
Eleanor was overwhelming. She herself stated, “Letters, and letters and letters:
Wire baskets on my desk, suit cases of mail going home even on Sundays with my
secretary, Mrs. Scheider. A sense of being snowed under by mail.”45 The mere
fact that thousands of Americans wrote to the Mrs. Roosevelt solidifies her place
in the Roosevelt administration. The First Lady stated, “I think the fact that the
people in the United States, especially at this time, feel they can write just what
they think and feel to people at the head of their government is a very healthy
42 Holland to Eleanor Roosevelt, Siloam Springs, Arkansas, May 16, 1933, in Dear Mrs.
Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through Depression and War, ed. Cathy D. Knepper (New York:
Carroll and Graf Publishers, 2004), 7-8.
43 Hatch to Eleanor Roosevelt, Old Greenwich, Connecticut, June 15, 1939, in Dear Mrs.
Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through Depression and War, ed. Cathy Knepper (New York:
Carroll and Graf Publishers, 2004), 59.
44 Allen to Eleanor Roosevelt, Tampahores, Florida, January 20, 1934, in Dear Mrs. Roosevelt:
Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through Depression and War, ed. Cathy Knepper (New York: Carroll and
Graf Publishers, 2004), 83-84.
45 Cathy D. Knepper, Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through Depression
and War (New York: Carroll and Graf Publishers, 2004), XIV.
22
thing. I also think it an excellent thing that people generally feel that the President,
his wife, and the people in the government belong to them and that they have a
real stake in what is being done.”46
Those who surrounded the President aided in his manipulation of the press.
Louis Howe played an important role. His political prowess allowed the President
to outmaneuver the media. Steve Early also aided the President. By hiring inhouse journalists who had previously been out of work due to the Depression, the
President strengthened the loyalty of the journalists in the White House. Howe
also influenced Eleanor Roosevelt. Mrs. Roosevelt had the ability to sway the
American people and this was beneficial to the White House. The actions she took
to aide FDR bolstered his popularity and solidified his control over the press.
There is no greater example of this than Eleanor’s participation in press
conferences, both her husband’s and her own. In conclusion, FDR consciously
used the actors around him to overcome the elite press that stood against his
administration.
46 Knepper, Dear Mrs. Roosevelt, XV.
TECHNIQUES USED BY FDR
Roosevelt strove to overcome negative perceptions concerning his
administration. To do this, he developed certain skills to deal with the press. No
clearer an example of Roosevelt’s extraordinary techniques can be seen than in his
radio addresses. On May 7, 1933, Harry Butcher of CBS described Roosevelt’s
upcoming speech as a “Fireside Chat.”1 This reference soon became the common
phrase employed to describe Roosevelt’s radio addresses. In these broadcasts,
Roosevelt sought to develop a unique relationship with the people of the United
States. And, by the end of his presidency, he obtained this goal. Roosevelt
effectively reassured and comforted the American public in a time of great
uncertainty and crisis. The radio gave Roosevelt the vehicle to reach the masses,
assuring his eventual success with the citizenry. Like the media techniques he
employed at press conferences, Roosevelt also developed techniques that allowed
his speeches to go beyond what any previous politician accomplished.
As his administration had done for press conferences, Roosevelt relied on
those surrounding him to help push his “Fireside Chats” to succeed. During his
time in office, Roosevelt employed numerous speechwriters, including two
Pulitzer Prize winners, Archibald MacLeish and Robert E. Sherwood.2 Other
noteworthy speech writers included Samuel Rosenman, Harry Hopkins, Huge
Johnson, Raymond Moley, Rexford Tugwell, Benjamin Cohen, Thomas Corcoran,
Donald Richberg, and Adolf Berle.3 But Roosevelt did not simply rely on others to
write his speeches. On the contrary, the President took a proactive role in their
1 Russell D. Buhite and David W. Levy, eds., FDR’s Fireside Chats (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1992), xv.
2 Ibid., xvi.
3 Ibid., xv-xvi.
24
drafting. As Rosenman, a White House staff member, stated “the speeches as
finally delivered were his-and his alone- no matter who the collaborators were.”4
The President, along with his staff, spent hours writing and rewriting speeches.
Roosevelt practiced reading the speeches aloud, adjusting and fine tuning as he
went.5 He was also known to revise the speeches as he was delivering them, often
by adding a phrase or changing the wording in certain places.6 Roosevelt was
continually changing and modifying these speeches in hopes of finding the best
way to reach the American public. As Rosenman expressed “[H]e loved to ‘ad
lib,’ and, in many cases, his ‘ad libbing’ improved the prepared text.”7 By doing
so, Roosevelt was seen as authentic by the American people.
In addition, he went further than simply editing his speeches. He employed
numerous other techniques to make his speeches more effective. Breaking with
tradition of past presidents, Roosevelt expressed himself in a unique way that
allowed the American people to feel as if they were having a conversation with
him while they sat in their homes. He did this by using colloquial, everyday
language. Moreover, he referred to himself as “I” and to the public as “you.”8 By
using this type of language, he made it seem as if he was speaking to his friends.
And the American people began to feel as if they were indeed close to the
President. Moreover, in some of his speeches, FDR rallied the American people
4 Samuel I. Rosenman, Working With Roosevelt (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1952), 5-6,
quoted in Russell D. Buhite and David W. Levy, eds., FDR’s Fireside Chats (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1992), xvii.
5 Buhite, FDR’s Fireside Chats, xvi.
6 Ibid., xviii.
7 Samuel I. Rosenman, “Forward,” to The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt
(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), 10:ix, quoted in Russell D. Buhite and David W. Levy, eds.,
FDR’s Fireside Chats (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992), xviii.
8 Buhite, FDR’s Fireside Chats, xvii.
25
and their support for his policies by naming a common enemy and telling of their
unpatriotic actions. For example, when Roosevelt faced the milling strikes of
1934, he vilified the powerful milling bosses and asked Americans to do their
patriotic duty and go back to work. In addition, Roosevelt called upon Americans
to remember the nation’s heroic past and to carry on the tradition with himself as
their leader. At the conclusion of these addresses, Roosevelt appealed to God and
followed this with the playing of the “Star Spangled Banner.”9 The President
employed patriotism to rally the American people to support him. He claimed to
carry on the traditions of America’s Founding Fathers, and by doing so, portrayed
himself as a leader trying to uphold the original American ideals. By appealing
directly to the American people, Roosevelt was successfully able to overcome
ideas they had developed listening to media outlets.
Roosevelt continued to perfect his media techniques. FDR employed the
radio to speak directly with the American people. Yet Roosevelt was careful not to
overuse the radio and his Fireside Chats. Each Fireside Chat was followed by two
or three months of silence by the President. At one point, he even allowed eight
months to pass between two addresses. He stated “I am purposely avoiding the use
of the air because to use it at the controversial state of a controversial legislative
body spells more controversy!”10 Clearly, this was another strategy used by
Roosevelt. By not overusing the radio, his Fireside Chats remained effective tools
for his administration.
On October 12, 1942, President Roosevelt gave a Fireside Chat known as
the “Report on the Home Front.” This radio address is an example of the clear
9 Buhite, FDR’s Fireside Chats, xviii.
10 Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. The People and the President: America‘s
Conversation with FDR (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 93.
26
intentions the President had when attempting to influence the public’s perception
of WWII. He began this address by stating “My fellow Americans.”11 By doing
this Roosevelt brought himself down to the level of the ordinary American citizen.
This allowed the public to better relate to him and, thus, find it easier to trust him.
In this address, Roosevelt discussed what he observed on a recent trip to Europe.
He built unity within the public stating “this whole nation of one hundred and
thirty million free men, women and children is becoming one great fighting
force.”12 This linked every American, whether they were actively participating in
the war effort as soldiers or those citizens supporting the cause, through their
effort or voice in war efforts. He went on to state “whatever our individual
circumstances or opportunities - we are all in it, and our spirit is good, and we
Americans and our allies are going to win - and do not let anyone tell you anything
different.”13 Here, Roosevelt directly attacked those who reported anything
negative about the war effort. He countered the claims made by some about the
devastating effects the war was having on American soldiers. Roosevelt appealed
to Americans because he had just seen first-hand the war and its effects on
soldiers. This gave the President credibility to make such claims. At the same
time, the President reassured the public that America was not struggling to win the
war. In fact, he insinuated that an Allied victory was practically inevitable. Using
such strong language translated into growing confidence among the American
people. Moreover, FDR was able to project a sense of calm through the radio.
Roosevelt further claimed that the U.S. and its allies had not yet reached their full
11 John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters, The American Presidency Project [online]. Santa
Barbara, CA, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=16178 (accessed February 24, 2010).
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
27
fighting potential while Germany and Japan had. By stating this, he astutely told
the American people that there was still work to be done. At the same time, he
urged American citizens to actively participate in doing their part towards a
successful war effort. Roosevelt continued to refer to the “inevitable result”
envisioned at war’s end.14 By using this type of language, the President persuaded
the American people that there was hope, in what many saw as a horrible and
losing proposition.
Moreover, FDR encouraged Americans at home. He praised their work on
the production lines and prompted these citizens to keep up their dedication. He
stated “I can say to you that we are getting ahead of our enemies in the battle of
production.”15 Clearly, Roosevelt tried to keep the all-important morale high on
the home front. His use of words showed the President was actively trying to
infuse upbeat thought processes into the American citizenry. Roosevelt even
appealed to parents in this address. He stated:
I want every father and every mother who has a son in the service to know again, from what I have seen with my own eyes - that the men in the Army, Navy
and Marine Corps are receiving today the best possible training, equipment and
medical care. And we will never fail to provide for the spiritual needs of our
officers and men under the Chaplains of our armed services.16
Roosevelt addressed, without question, the biggest threat to public morale
in the war, the tragic loss of life. Once again, he assured Americans that his firsthand knowledge on the state of the troops was important. He comforted families
14 Roosevelt equates the “inevitable result” of the War to mean the U.S. successfully winning and
ending the war in his October 12, 1942 radio address “Report on the Home Front.”
15 Woolley and Peters, The American Presidency Project [online], 16178
16 Ibid.
28
everywhere telling them their sons and daughters were in good hands as they were
off fighting in the war effort. This particular Fireside Chat serves as just one
example of FDR’s attempt to gain public support for his administration. One can
see through his use of language and emotional appeals that he directly attempted
to influence the public and their thinking.
On September 8, 1943 in another Fireside Chat, Roosevelt again illustrated
his skills as a well-rehearsed orator. In this address, the President began with an
anecdote of Americans coming together to form a community. Roosevelt told of
citizens working to keep a town from the destructive forces of a raging flood. He
applied this story to modern times by asking Americans to once again form a
community during the flood of opposing forces threatening the American way of
life. He stated, “Today, in the same kind of community effort, only very much
larger, the United Nations and their peoples have kept the levees of civilization
high enough to prevent the floods of aggression and barbarism and wholesale
murder from engulfing us all.”17 Roosevelt told the American people they had the
ability to band together and fight a common enemy. His word choice shed the
most negative light upon the common enemy, while at the same time, referred to
the United States in the most positive manner. Roosevelt clearly tried to infuse
confidence among the American people as he continued to reassure and uplift. He
reminded the country the war was far from over when he stated, “the time for
celebration is not yet.”18 This was important because he essentially appealed to the
American people to continue to have faith in his administration and the great effort
the U.S. was putting forth overseas. Again, Roosevelt appealed to Americans at
17 Woolley and Peters, The American Presidency Project [online], 16312.
18 Ibid.
29
home when he stated “your fellow Americans have given a magnificent account of
themselves - on the battlefields and on the oceans and in the skies all over the
world. Now it is up to you to prove to them that you are contributing your share
and more than your share.”19 Roosevelt spoke to the citizens’ familial ties. He
asked for everyone to participate, not for him or the United States, but rather for
their loved ones who fought overseas. This address showed that Roosevelt
carefully and deliberately tried to get the American people involved in the war
effort. Roosevelt drove this point home when he stated, “so it is up to you, the
Americans in the American homes - the very homes which our sons and daughters
are working and fighting and dying to preserve.”20 This Fireside Chat made
specific claims in hopes of promoting the involvement of all Americans. His word
choice was deliberate and accentuated his arguments. Roosevelt tied the war and
the loss of life to American homes. By directly appealing to the citizenry, the
President presented his administration in a positive light.
Roosevelt showed his ability to call on patriotism to gain support for his
presidential policies. On May 2, 1943, Roosevelt delivered an address specifically
calling upon coal miners to continue their “patriotic work.” After workers’ hours
were increased at the same time of a wartime wage freeze, the United Mine
Workers of America declared a strike on FDR’s policies. FDR opened the speech
by listing numerous groups of citizens who he believed to be furthering the war
efforts. These groups included soldiers, farmers, and production workers who
“accomplished a miracle” by Roosevelt’s standards.21 By stating this, Roosevelt
was first complimenting the hard work the American people performed. Next, he
19 Woolley and Peters, The American Presidency Project [online], 16312.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid., 16393.
30
asked coal miners to pick up their tools again and begin work immediately. He
tied the stoppage in coal mining to hindering the war effort when he stated “A
stopping of the coal supply, even for a short time, would involve a gamble with
the lives of American soldiers and sailors and the future security of our whole
people. It would involve an unwarranted, unnecessary, and terribly dangerous
gamble with our chances for victory.”22 In essence, Roosevelt placed the burden
for the loss of life on the coal miners themselves. More importantly, he argued that
the outcome of the war was in danger from this laying down of tools. In addition,
Roosevelt appealed to the families of coal miners “I am speaking to the essential
patriotism of the miners, and to the patriotism of their wives and children.”23 By
arguing this, Roosevelt tried to convince husbands to begin work immediately.
Roosevelt assigned blame for this crisis when he stated “The responsibility for the
crisis that we now face rests squarely on these national officers of the United Mine
Workers, and not on the Government of the United States.”24 The President went
further by stating that he understood coal miners and their families faced
difficulties with the higher cost of living. However, he placed the war above their
complaints. In fact, he argued that the government helped the coal miners by
addressing these concerns. Moreover, Roosevelt again invoked patriotism when he
concluded the speech “Tomorrow the Stars and Stripes will fly over the coal
mines, and I hope that every miner will be at work under that flag.”25 Clearly,
FDR employed techniques in this speech to place his presidency in a favorable
light. He argued that the U.S. government tried and continued to help coal miners
22 Woolley and Peters, The American Presidency Project [online], 16393.
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
31
and their families placing the onus on the miners. At the same time, he called for
coal miners to remember their patriotic duty by returning to work. Roosevelt used
this speech to tell the nation why his administration was right to ask the miners to
return to work. This radio address exemplifies Roosevelt’s use of media
techniques.
In addition, while in office FDR developed unique techniques that helped
him to control the news-reporting process. First, Roosevelt was sure to obtain
information, not only from his official sources, but also from informal sources.26
Moreover, Roosevelt would have sources report directly to him, instead of getting
information second-hand from a staffer, so as to make certain he was receiving all
the facts and nothing was omitted.27 Furthermore, information obtained from the
White House staff was often double checked and verified.28 By doing this,
Roosevelt received the most recent and current information. In addition, FDR
assigned multiple aids to the same project. As Fred Greenstein states “He seemed
not to want any one person to know the whole story.”29 This leadership style
allowed Roosevelt to have the final decision in matters, as he was the only person
in the White House who possessed all the information necessary to do so. His
news sense and ability to release material at the right moment turned routine
affairs into newsworthy stories, earning him the admiration of professionals
throughout the news industry.30 As president, he essentially revived dull press
conferences of the past and turned them into exciting, revealing events. At these
26 Rozell and Pederson, eds., FDR and the Modern Presidency, 16.
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid.
29 Fred I. Greenstein, The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style From FDR to George W.
Bush (New York: Princeton University Press, 2004), 18.
30 Graham J. White, FDR and the Press (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1979), 9.
32
proceedings, Roosevelt handled reporters in such a way as to benefit himself. The
President held strict expectations for the press; he expected them to be fair,
accurate, and responsible.31 While these standards were for the press, they were
not for Roosevelt himself. Instead, he used press conferences to put intense
pressure on news correspondents to conform to the standards of reporting which
he deemed important.32 He refused to comment on stories he thought unimportant.
At the same time, he would make sure someone, even a White House aid if
necessary, asked a question concerning a story he did want to speak on. By doing
this, this allowed Roosevelt to influence and control the media. FDR thus did not
have to answer to reporters. He could gloss over things that were seen as
unfavorable to his administration. Effectively, he kept control of the news by
strictly running these press conferences. But manipulation of the press was not
limited to presidential press conferences. For example, FDR often fed the press
stories he deemed important, especially in heavily rural Republican populated
areas, to curtail what he deemed Republican bias. Often, Roosevelt made sure that
human interest stories were making their rounds in the media, something that
gained him popularity among American citizens.
New rules and expectations introduced by Roosevelt for press conferences
ultimately helped the President and his administration. One rule did not allow
news stories stemming from the White House to be quoted. Instead, quotation
marks were only to be used if the story was given to the press in writing.33 This
allowed the President to avoid being tied to quotes. This was especially helpful in
31 Betty Houchin Winfield, FDR and the News Media (Chicago: University of Illinois Press,
1990), 5.
32 Ibid., 22.
33 Ibid., 110-111.
33
keeping the popular sentiment of public opinion. When the public reacted poorly
to information released from the White House, the President did not claim
responsibility or direct ties to that information. This allowed Roosevelt to distance
himself from ideas that did not resonate favorably with his constituency. Another
tacit trick employed by FDR was to hold press conferences right before the
deadline for newspapers to send the front page to the printing press.34 By doing so,
Roosevelt created the impression that his news conferences were breaking news.
With only a small amount of time before printing deadlines, writers were
consistently subjected to Roosevelt’s mercy. Moreover, by holding press
conferences everyday, Roosevelt immediately responded to events. This allowed
the President to have his views heard nightly by the American people.
Roosevelt held that the federal government must take an active role in
citizens’ lives; hence, the importance for himself to respond immediately to
newsworthy events around the country. Moreover, Roosevelt restricted press
conferences to only those reporters with special credentials.35 This technique
allowed him to keep reporters who tended to question the President or negatively
write about his administration out of the White House. Roosevelt’s media
techniques helped him shape the news that reached the American public. The
President’s ability to control the media was essential to his success as President.
Roosevelt deliberately turned to manipulation in order to further his administration
and policies. As Arthur Schlesinger Jr. states, “He was forever weighing questions
of personal force, of political timing, of congressional concern, of partisan benefit,
of public interest.”36
34 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 29.
35 Ibid., 31.
36 Arthur Schlesinger Jr., quoted in Greenstein, The Presidential Difference, 18.
34
Roosevelt’s staff played a key role in his manipulation of the press. For
example, when Roosevelt had specific questions he wanted to address, he had his
press secretary plant the inquiry with a reporter in attendance.37 Roosevelt did
more than just find ways to answer questions he deemed important. He avoided
questions he did not wish to address. Roosevelt did this through his ability to
convey non-verbal clues to reporters.38 He often made reporters who asked
unfavorable questions feel extremely uncomfortable. His body language changed
and the tone of the meeting instantly followed. Roosevelt even suggested to
reporters how stories might be written. In many of his dealings with the press he
prefaced his responses to questions by stating “If I were writing the story…”39
Roosevelt set up reporters so that they wrote on what he thought was important.
The President was sure to address items that were helpful to his administration,
while at the same time avoiding any questions that potentially were harmful to
answer. Roosevelt developed a system that essentially allowed him to create the
news.
Another example of FDR’s manipulation of the press is seen in a
government document referred to as “The Hackett Papers.” In this document, the
conditions at the end of the war and the position of the Allies were discussed.
Roosevelt’s administration talked about manipulating the press to ensure that the
U.S. was not portrayed in a negative fashion. “In announcements all media we
should use the technique of issuing only news and objective commentaries. These
may be used skillfully to be put across propaganda points (largely through
selection and emphasis) but they should be handled as statements of fact and not
37 Winfield, FDR and the News Media, 30.
38 Ibid., 38.
39 Ibid., 40.
35
as attempts to persuade.”40 Roosevelt participated in blatant manipulation. The
administration condoned the use of “selection and emphasis” in its news reports.
This document encouraged reporters to put across opinions but in such a way as to
be seen as fact by viewers while avoiding negative press. The Roosevelt
administration cleared the way for the press to be dishonest with the American
public. Moreover, they encouraged the press to report on the Allies and to
disregard any alarming news harmful to the cause. The document went on to give
specific examples of what type of news reporters should be presenting to the
public.
1. Announcements and warnings from Allied military authorities. 2. News of
punishment of war criminals and recalcitrant Germans generally. 3. Any
news that can be found about occasional clashes between law-abiding
Germans and Nazi outlaws. 4. Factual and colorful news of orderly life in
Allied occupied enemy territory (Both German and non-German). This
should cover the orderly appearance of the towns, the justice of Allied
authorities, the cooperation of local sub-officials, the number of babies born,
the fact that women still hang out the wash.41
This outline presented by the government clearly portrays FDR engaged in
behavior that was not completely honest. One can see from the wording of this
document that the administration was open to practicing deceitful media
techniques. FDR looked for specific examples to be reported on by the press. He
was not interested in any reports that hurt the Allies’ cause or, more importantly
his administration, being published. By stating that the press needed to report on
“colorful news,” FDR actively sought storylines that, most likely, created good out
of the ordinary. By reporting on such stories, FDR’s administration encouraged
40 30 October 1944, Box 32, File: Hackett Papers. Department of State to Grace Tully. Franklin
D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum. 2010. Hyde Park, NY. http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu
/PSF/BOX32/A298C11.TXT (accessed March 13, 2010).
41 Ibid.
36
the press to not show the whole story. Instead, he tried to accentuate only the
positive aspects of the Allies’ war efforts.
Concern with the media was not confined within the borders of the United
States. In one document found in the Hackett Papers, the German press was
discussed.42 It stated in order for a German press to be created, the country must
comply with certain conditions. It continued “newspapers that are contrary to the
general good must be prohibited. We demand legal opposition to a direction in art
and literature which exercises a disintergrating influence on our national life, and
the closing of organizations that violate the foregoing demands.”43 By using vague
language such as “contrary to the general good,” it left much to interpretation.
This left the door open for the government to define what they found as harmful to
the nation. While it was obvious that the U.S. was at war and was trying to counter
Nazi propaganda, it is important to realize that to ban negative media was a
dangerous step for the President to take. Although FDR’s administration was
certainly not the first, nor the last, to use propaganda during war times, the fact
that he so clearly participated in the manipulation of the press cements the vision
one must hold of the President. Roosevelt deliberately accentuated and propagated
news stories which helped his administration achieve favorable results.
42
28 November 1936, Box 31, File: Hackett Papers. Dodd to Secretary of State Hull. Franklin D.
Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum. 2010. Hyde Park, NY. http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu
[accessed March 13, 2010]. This document was found using a keyword search through the FDR Library. It
does not state who the author is or whom it was intended for.
43
Ibid.
THE EFFECTIVENESS OF FDR
The effort Franklin Roosevelt put into his Fireside Chats, speeches, and
public appearances resulted in considerable public support, even when the
President faced some of his most challenging days in office. More importantly,
FDR intimately connected with the American people. Americans often gathered
together, becoming a supportive audience for Presidential addresses.1
Furthermore, citizens were driven to action by the President’s words. These chats
tended to “stimulate audiences thought and action, and gave them a sense of
participation and inclusion - often for the first time in their political lives.”2
Letters written to the President by everyday citizens give modern historians
the ability to judge Roosevelt’s effectiveness on the radio. Alice Timoney is one
such citizen who came to support the President after listening to his Fireside
Chats. “For the first time in my life I feel that I have a President,” she wrote, “I
read what you write, I listen to what you say. I believe in you. I talk to you.”3
Roosevelt provided a forum for American citizens to connect with him. FDR’s
radio addresses allowed people like Timoney to feel that they had an intimate
connection with the president. Her statement “I talk to you” accentuates the
closeness she felt to the Commander-in-Chief. Timoney’s experience was not
unique. FDR reached many Americans who previously did not find themselves
connected to the presidency, or the government. More than any other president,
1
Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. The People and the President: America‘s
Conversation with FDR (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 20.
2
3
Ibid., 22-23.
Timoney to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New York, 1934, in The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 97.
38
FDR turned his harsh circumstances as President into an opportunity to gain public
support. Timoney stated “For the first time I feel that the leader of my country has
some interest in me - that those in my walk of life are not altogether forgotten.”4
This relationship Roosevelt created between himself and the citizenry of the U.S.
through use of the media was monumental in helping him to push his political
agenda. It is obvious that FDR was successful in reaching the American public.
Furthermore, one can see the interest the American people took in hearing
these Fireside Chats. Micaela Chapa stated in a letter to the President “I was
listening to your speech as a child does when he listens to grandmother tell a
Mickey Mouse story or The Three Bears. I sat close to the Radio so I would be
sure, I would get every word you spoke. And I did too…”5 The American citizens
were drawn to Roosevelt. They listened to every word he said as if he was
speaking directly to them. Through FDR’s great precision he, unlike past
presidents, revived interest in public office. Citizens were listening, and listening
intently, to the president. He successfully rejuvenated the public and captured their
attention. As one woman stated in a letter to Roosevelt “[I] cannot find words too
high to praise you[,] your speech, was not a speech, but, a heart to heart talk, like a
Brother talking to Brothers and Sisters.”6 The leadership FDR offered affected
many Americans. They came to respect Roosevelt, but more importantly, they felt
as if they knew him personally. Faustino Gregoire shows the intimacy between
citizens and the President when he stated “Believe me, Sir, when I say that it was
4
Timoney to Franklin D. Roosevelt, in The People and the President. Levine and Levine, 97.
5
Chapa to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Mission, Texas, June 28, 1934, in The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 98.
6
Levine and Levine. The People and the President, 70.
39
not so much a speech as a personal conversation. I was made to feel that you were
speaking directly to me – explaining, so simply, what my country expects of me in
this hour of its greatest need.”7 Roosevelt was effective at reaching the American
people. His tactics were clearly successful. He used simple language and created a
setting in which the American people could relate. As a result, people saw
Roosevelt as a tangible figure who they considered a friend.
Roosevelt created interest among citizens centering around institutions of
the presidency. As Beth Fisher stated in a letter to Roosevelt “In my little
apartment here about as far away from you as I could be I have listened with great
interest to your talk tonight and when you were through, I wished that you were
here or I were there because there were many things that I wanted to hear more
about.”8 As this letter shows, ordinary citizens began to take an interest in his
presidential ideologies and policies. They were intrigued by these addresses and
subsequently wanted to hear more from Roosevelt. And Roosevelt capitalized on
this. This support was not limited to Democrats. Elmer R. Jones, in a letter to the
President, Roosevelt showed support from Republicans too. Mr. Jones stated
“Although I am a Republican and a friend of those other great presidents Theodore
Roosevelt the late president Taft and Hoover I desire to avail myself of this
opportunity to congratulate you on your sound speech of tonight which has just
come over the radio in magnificent manner.”9 Roosevelt gained support even
7
Gregoire to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New York, April 29, 1942, in The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 442.
8
Fisher to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Long Beach, California, September 30, 1934, in The People and
the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 114.
9
Jones to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New York, September 30, 1934, in The People and
the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 120.
40
outside of his party because of his Fireside Chats. Agnes D. Strong points out
FDR’s ability to cross party lines stating “Your speaking voice is one of the most
powerful forces in America today. Not only your voice but the thought behind
your words, is so eloquently expressed that I find my republican friends are in
absolute agreement with your views.”10 Clearly, this talent of FDR speaks to the
importance of these addresses within his administration.
Joe Frigo of Keystone, West Virginia emphatically endorsed FDR. In a
letter he wrote to the President, he stated just how impressed and moved he was by
his September 30, 1934 Fireside Chat. He said to the President
One hundred and twenty millions of Americans ought to go down on their
knees daily to thank the Almighty God that a man of your caliber is at the
head of this Nation. Of the remaining few, some are to be pitied, while others
deserve the hospitality of Alcatraz Island – Your stirring address to the
Nation last Sunday night was a master piece of statesmanship, honesty,
frankness, and knowledge. Mr. President I have a wife and child – I love
them but I do worship you.11
Mr. Frigo clearly sided with FDR. He even condemned those who disagreed with
his politics. In this case, it is clear to see how effective the President was in
addressing the public in his Fireside Chats. He was able to reach Mr. Frigo in a
way that few politicians did. He gained Mr. Frigo’s trust and led him to believe
that he was honest with the American people.
We see Mr. Frigo’s sentiments repeated again and again. Hundreds wrote to
Roosevelt thanking him for his honesty, frankness, and courage in his speeches.
These sentiments come across even stronger after the U.S. entered into World War
10 Strong to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Fortress Monroe, Virginia, September 11, 1941, in The
People and the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine
(Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 380-381.
11 Frigo to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Keystone, West Virginia, October 3, 1934, in The People and
the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002), 113.
41
II. Lenore B. Parker echoed this response in her letter to FDR “Your frankness,
honesty, and sincerity makes us all want to fight to the bitter end for victory for
this wonderful country of ours.”12 James C. Hughes of Chicago Illinois, expressed
his thoughts of Roosevelt’s character when he stated “Your message to the
American people tonight carried so much sincerity of purpose and determination
that I am impelled to, as no doubt thousands of others are doing, to thank you for
your courageous words, while at the same time thanking God because we have
you.”13 Walter C. Tabor showed just how much listening to FDR on the radio
influenced his support of the President when he stated “I have just heard that
splendid talk over the radio. It sure did come in good and clear. ‘We are for
you.’”14 FDR’s ability to convey these sentiments gained him the trust of the
American people. FDR effectively used his Fireside Chats to bypass the negative
press reported by some.
These letters the FDR received were imperative for judging the
administration’s success. A system was developed that allowed the President to
see his effectiveness. Every letter sent to the White house was separated and
organized by subject. For example, separate piles were made for “NRA,” “requests
for financial aid,” and “Supreme Court Reorganization.” Each pile was then
counted and the results given to the President.15 This allowed the administration to
12 Parker to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Llanarch, Pennsylvania, December 10, 1941, in The People
and the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine
[Boston: Beacon Press, 2002], 406.
13 Hughes to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Chicago, Illinois, December 9, 1941, in The People and the
President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine [Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002], 406-407.
14 Tabor to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, may 7, 1933, in The People and
the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine [Boston:
Beacon Press, 2002], 77.
15 Leila A. Sussmann, “FDR and the White House Mail,” The Public Opinion Quarterly 20, no. 1
(Spring 1956): 8. http://www.jstor.org.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/stable/2746548?seq=4&Search=
42
directly see what the public deemed important and any increase or decrease in
mail was seen as a change in public interest. Roosevelt paid attention to the swings
in correspondences, as White house aid Stiles stated “Whenever there was a
decrease in the influx of letters we could expect to hear from him or one of his
secretaries, who wanted to know what was the matter - was the President losing
his grip on the public?”16 In addition, the fact that so many Americans wrote to
FDR shows his effectiveness at reaching the citizenry. In his Fireside Chats,
Roosevelt asked the American citizens to write to him. And they did. When he
needed information or wanted to gather his own facts, all he needed to do was ask
the American people. He did not need to rely on newspapers or public polls to get
information. When he did not like what was reported on, he asked Americans to
verify the facts. Hundreds of thousands would support Roosevelt and his quest for
“the real facts.”
Mail briefs also allowed the President to manipulate the press. These briefs
were compiled from the thousands of letters the President received on special
issues or controversial topics. They were then subdivided by support or nonsupport.17 Access to mail briefs gave Roosevelt a way to circumvent bad press. For
example, following his October 1937 speech in which FDR asked the American
people to “quarantine the aggressor nations,” thousands of Americans wrote to
FDR in protest. The following day, the President retracted his statements from the
previous day realizing “Having gone too far out on a limb, too fast he decided the
yes&searchText=media&searchText=FDR&list=hide&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuer
y%3DFDR%2BAND%2Bthe%2Bmedia%26gw%3Djtx%26acc%3Don%26prq%3DFDR%2BAND%2Bm
anipulation%26hp%3D25%26wc%3Don&prevSearch=&item=23&ttl=2652&returnArticleService=showF
ullText&resultsServiceName=null (accessed May 17, 2011).
16 Sussmann, “FDR and the White House Mail,” 10.
17 Ibid., 10-11.
43
next day at his press conference that he had better get back, or at least not go out
any further.”18 Furthermore, FDR’s success at circumventing negative press when
it came to war topics was substantial. For example, in May of 1940 the Allied
forces in Europe saw major setbacks in the war. With this in mind, FDR took to
the airwaves asking the American people for support as he dedicated the U.S. to
increased war appropriations. After collecting and studying the mail brief on this
subject, Roosevelt saw that the American people did in fact like his policy. Five
days later, Roosevelt approached Congress and successfully asked for additional
appropriations for national defense.19 This technique of waiting to see where
public opinion stood allowed Roosevelt to only push policies he knew would be
supported by the majority of Americans. Even with devastating losses in Europe,
the American people were willing to do more to help the situation. Much of this
support can be attributed to the fact that FDR spoke directly to the people. He
appealed to their senses and made them feel as if he was doing everything he
could while also keeping the everyday citizen in his thoughts. As a result,
Roosevelt experienced enormous support for his policies and decisions.
Franklin Roosevelt’s effectiveness at circumventing negative press is also
seen in Gallup Polls. For example in August 1937 President Roosevelt’s voter
appeal stood at 60.4%.20 Yet after his Fireside Chat broadcast on November 14,
1937, his voter appeal increased. On November 21, voter appeal for Roosevelt
stood at 62.8%.21 This increase in approval can be tied directly to his Fireside
18 Sussmann, “FDR and the White House Mail,” 11.
19 Ibid.
20 George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935-1971, vol. 1 [New York: Random
House, 1972], 68.
21Ibid., 76.
44
Chat. This radio address spoke to the millions of those unemployed. Roosevelt
asked jobless Americans to fill out paperwork, which allowed him to see the true
numbers of those seeking work. Americans viewed this as the President taking
steps to help them. In these desperate times, this gained him approval. At the same
time, his general policies were also supported. For example, after his Fireside Chat
Americans were asked “Do you think all the unemployed should register weekly at
some such place as the post office so that the Government can know each week
how many are out of work?” Americans on the whole agreed with Roosevelt and
answer 62% yes. More specifically, of those employed, 62% supported this policy.
Among those citizens unemployed support stood higher at 64%.22 Support for the
unemployment census can, even a small amount, be attributed to Roosevelt’s
address to the public. If citizens had not agreed with FDR they would not have
participated in his call for facts. He asked citizens to help him gain information
about unemployment because he did not think that others had done it effectively.
This shows how he bypassed information he did not agree with. And Americans
answered FDR’s call. They favored the idea that FDR should be able to gather his
own information if he disagreed with what was provided to him. Moreover, after
Roosevelt’s Fireside Chat on economic conditions given on April 4, 1938
Americans were asked “Do you think Government spending should be increased
to help get business out of its present slump?” Only 42% of Americans said yes
while 58% said no. However, of those persons who heard Roosevelt’s Fireside
Chat, 49% agreed while 51% did not think that government spending should be
increased. In comparison, of those persons who did not hear the President’s
address, 40% thought that spending should increase while sixty percent held that
22 Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 79.
45
spending should not be increased.23 It is interesting that support for government
spending was higher among those who listened to the President speak. While
many factors play into this support, it can be assumed that the President gained
support after his speech by those who tuned in.
Roosevelt’s success as a master manipulator of the media is evident. His
use of the radio allowed him to enter into the homes of Americans. He created an
image that Americans bought into. His control of the press gained him the support
of countless and led to the passing of many policies. Lumeng Yu describes FDR’s
use of the radio as “quality time to clear up rumors spreading across the nation,
and squelch his critics as he gave people the ‘real news,’ on Roosevelt’s terms,
unfiltered by the press.”24 A great example of Roosevelt’s ability to overcome
negativity came in the days following his “Day of Infamy” speech. Before this
speech, public support for the U.S. to enter the war was extremely low. Knowing
this, Roosevelt dictated his radio address in such a way as to gain as much public
support as possible. FDR simplified the events of the Japanese attack. He did not
want to confuse the American people nor make them think that entrance into the
war was too complicated or too dangerous for the U.S. to handle.25 For example,
he did not mention the attack on Manila, did not mention Germany, and the
estimated number of those killed from the events of that day. Again he used
precise language in this address. Using the words “attack” instead of “attacks”
23 Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 100.
24 Lumeng Yu, “The Great Communicator: How FDR’s Radio Speeches Shaped American
History,” The History Teacher 39, no. 1 [November 2005]: 1. http://www.jstor.org.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.
edu/stable/30036746?&Search=yes&searchText=FDR&searchText=Effectiveness&list=hide&searchUri=
%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DEffectiveness%2Bof%2BFDR%26acc%3Don%26wc%3Don
&prevSearch=&item=14&ttl=1450&returnArticleService=showFullText [accessed May 17, 2011].
25 Ibid., 91.
46
made the situation seem smaller and not so overwhelming.26 Words such as
“peace” and “deliberately” are stressed while “Japan” was said with bitterness in
his tone.27 Even in the days after the attack, FDR deliberately played down the
numbers of those believed to have been lost due to the attack.28 Knowing that
public morale was essential in order to bring the U.S. into the war, Roosevelt
chose to once again manipulate the media. Clearly support for the war was due to
more than just Roosevelt’s moving speech. However, without FDR at the helm, it
is questionable if the same intensity of support would have been seen among
Americans. Support for the President following this speech was considerably high.
A Gallup Poll taken just days after Roosevelt’s “Day of Infamy” speech shows his
approval rating at 84%.29 This type of support is unprecedented and only
accentuates how successful Roosevelt was.
Many of FDR’s accomplishments would not have been possible without his
ability to effectively communicate with the American people. At the beginning of
his term in office, FDR faced an economic depression, which had crippled the
nation. The radio allowed Roosevelt to overcome the negative, depressing
coverage of the economic state of the country. He injected the nation with hope
and thus gained much support for his New Deal policies. Likewise, the radio
allowed FDR to bolster the American spirit and lead the country into war with
Germany, Italy, and Japan after December 7, 1941. The use of the radio was not
happenstance but a conscious decision by the President. This led many Americans
to directly support FDR and ignore any negative publicity.
26 Yu, “The Great Communicator,” 91.
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid., 92.
29 Gallup, The Gallup Poll, 319-320.
CONCLUSION
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s time as president set the stage for his predecessors
to the Oval Office. As Mark J. Rozell and William D. Pederson state “although it
is correct that FDR did not singularly create the powers of the modern presidency,
it is considerable testimony to his impact that many accounts give him credit for
having inaugurated what we call the modern presidency and look to his leadership
as a model of achievement.”1 In fact, the first one hundred days of every president,
since FDR, are compared to Roosevelt’s extraordinary time in office. As Fred I.
Greenstein states “Roosevelt is to later presidents what Mozart and Beethoven
have been to their successors - inimitable but endlessly inspiring.”2 No other
president before FDR had been able to effectively reach the American public as no
one before him had. His ability to do so allowed him to implement and expand his
liberal ideology. Predecessors to FDR would follow in his footsteps realizing that
without the support of the American citizens their time in office would
undoubtedly be less effective.
Roosevelt spent a great deal of time and effort manipulating the press. He
did this in order to further his political ideology, which held that the federal
government must take an active role in furthering citizen’s lives economically,
socially, and culturally. Roosevelt relied on those surrounding him in order to
manipulate the press. From his own White House aids to his family, FDR used
every available avenue to further his presidential policies. Louis Howe was an
essential tool to the administration. His political genius and experience in the
1 Mark J. Rozell and William D. Pederson, eds., FDR and the Modern Presidency Leadership and
Legacy [Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997], 2.
2 Fred I. Greenstein, The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style From FDR to George W. Bush
(New York: Princeton University Press, 2004), 22.
48
media propelled Roosevelt from the early days of his political tenure. Eleanor
Roosevelt stands out in this story as well. Her role within Roosevelt’s career was
imperative. Through her own political undertakings, Eleanor aided her husband.
When he became ill, she stood in his place. When he became president, she began
to hold her own “women only” press conferences. These press conferences gained
her and her husband the loyalty of hundreds of women journalists, something FDR
could not have done himself. As a result, their loyalty allowed the administration
to ensure that only positive news stories were reported. Furthermore, techniques
Roosevelt used to manipulate the media included the use of selective language,
limiting reporter’s admission to press conferences to those who explicitly
supported his administration, and maybe more importantly, the use of his Fireside
Chats to counter reports which ran contrary to his administration. The employment
of such techniques enabled Franklin Delano Roosevelt to usher in the modern
presidency.
Letters written to the President also played an important role. No other
previous president had seen such letter writing. Roosevelt welcomed the thousands
of letters that arrived at the White House each day. From the collection of letters,
FDR determined public opinion on specific policies and the popularity of his
administration. Creating mail briefs was yet another tactic Roosevelt employed
while in the presidency. After learning if the American people were in favor or not
of a specific policy, Roosevelt would either choose to push that policy through or
not. This allowed him to bypass negative press by simply no longer endorsing
things that the public did not support.
Roosevelt’s effectiveness in manipulating the press and gaining favorable
public opinion is seen through the analysis of these same letters. Thousands took
the time to write to the President telling him their feelings. Citizens expressed how
49
his radio addresses made them feel as like they were friends of the President. They
now felt connected to the highest office in the land. No other president had been as
successful as FDR in this aspect. In the end, Roosevelt used new technology along
with specific tactics to gain the public as his greatest ally in the fight against the
elite press.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES
Allen, W.F. W.F. Allen to Eleanor Roosevelt, Tampahores, Florida, January 20,
1934. In Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through
Depression and War, edited by Cathy Knepper. New York: Carroll and Graf
Publishers, 2004.
“A Spectacular Failure.” Wall Street Journal (1923 – Current File), Mar 05, 1940.
4, http://search.proquest.com/docview/131268864?accountid=10349.
Bachorz, Paul.“The FDR Cartoon Archive.” Niskayuna High School,
http://www.nisk.k12.ny.us/fdr/1933/33011902.gif [accessed March 13,
2010].
Chapa, Micaela. Micaela Chapa to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Mission, Texas, June
28, 1934. In The People and the President: America’s Conversation with
FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. Boston: Beacon Press,
2002.
Contril, Hadley and Gordon W. Allport, The Psychology of Radio (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1935), 14, 19. Quoted in Lawrence W. Levine and
Cornelia R. Levine, The People and the President: America’s Conversation
with FDR Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Fisher, Beth. Beth Fisher to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Long Beach, California,
September 30, 1934. In The People and the President: America’s
Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine.
Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Frigo, Joe. Joe Frigo to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Keystone, West Virginia, October
3, 1934. In The People and the President: America’s Conversation with
FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. Boston: Beacon Press,
2002.
Gallup, George H., The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935-1971, vol. 1. New
York: Random House, 1972.
Gregoire, Faustino. Faustino Gregoire to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New
York, April 29, 1942. In The People and the President: America’s
Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine.
Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
52
Hackett Papers. Department of State to Grace Tully. 30 October 1944, Box 32,
Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum. 2010. Hyde Park,
NY. http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/PSF/BOX32/A298C11.TXT [accessed
March 13, 2010].
Hackett Papers. Dodd to Secretary of State Hull. 28 November 1936, Box 31,
Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum. 2010. Hyde Park,
NY. http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu [accessed March 13, 2010].
Hatch, E. P. Hazel Kelley. E.P. Hazel Kelley Hatch to Eleanor Roosevelt, Old
Greenwich, Connecticut, June 15, 1939. In Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to
Eleanor Roosevelt Through Depression and War, edited by Cathy Knepper.
New York: Carroll and Graf Publishers, 2004.
Holland, A. L. A.L. Holland to Eleanor Roosevelt, Siloam Springs, Arkansas, May
16, 1933. In Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt Through
Depression and War, ed. Cathy D. Knepper. New York: Carroll and Graf
Publishers, 2004.
Hughes, James C. James C. Hughes to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Chicago, Illinois,
December 9, 1941. In The People and the President: America’s Conversation
with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. Boston: Beacon
Press, 2002.
Jones, Elmer R. Elmer R. Jones to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New York,
September 30, 1934. In The People and the President: America’s
Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine.
Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Lutz, Christine A. “Political Cartoon Exhibition Reveals Common Themes of
American Presidential Elections.” Mudd Manuscript Library.
http://blogs.princeton.edu/mudd/2008/09/political-cartoon-exhibitionreveals-common-themes-of-american-presidential-elections.html [accessed
March 13, 2010].
Park, Laura E. Laura E. Park to Franklin D. Roosevelt, May 1933. In The People
and the President: America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine
and Cornelia R. Levine. Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Parker, Lenore B. Lenore B. Parker to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Llanarch,
Pennsylvania, December 10, 1941. In The People and the President:
America’s Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R.
Levine. Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
53
Roosevelt, Eleanor. This Is My Story. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers,
1937.
Rosenman, Samuel I., “Forward,” to The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin
D. Roosevelt. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. Quoted in Russell D.
Buhite and David W. Levy, eds., FDR’s Fireside Chats. Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1992.
Rosenman, Samuel I., Working With Roosevelt. New York: Harper and Brothers,
1952. Quoted in Russell D. Buhite and David W. Levy, eds., FDR’s Fireside
Chats. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992.
Stiles, Lela. The Man Behind Roosevelt: The Story of Louis McHenry Howe. New
York, The World Publishing Company, 1954.
Strong, Agnes D. Agnes D. Strong to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Fortress Monroe,
Virginia, September 11, 1941. In The People and the President: America’s
Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine.
Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Tabor, Walter C. Walter C. Tabor to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma, may 7, 1933. In The People and the President: America’s
Conversation with FDR, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine.
Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Timoney, Alice. Alice Timoney to Franklin D. Roosevelt, New York, New York,
1934. In The People and the President: America’s Conversation with FDR,
Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine. Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
SECONDARY SOURCES
Buhite Russell D. and David W. Levy, eds. FDR’s Fireside Chats. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1992.
Gallagher, Hugh Gregory. FDR’s Splendid Deception. New York: Dodd, Mead &
Company, 1985.
Golway, Terry. Together We Cannot Fail: FDR and the American Presidency in
Years of Crisis. Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks Media Fusion, 2009.
Greenstein, Fred I. The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style From FDR to
George W. Bush. New York: Princeton University Press, 2004.
54
Knepper, Cathy D, ed. Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt
Through Depression and War. New York: Carroll and Graf Publishers, 2004.
Leuchtenburg, William E. “The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy,” The
Washington Post [online], 5. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpsrv/style/longterm/books/chapter1/fdryears.htm>
Leuchtenburg, William E. In The Shadow of FDR: From Harry Truman to Barack
Obama. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009.
Levine, Lawrence W. and Cornelia R. Levine. The Fireside Conversations:
America Responds to FDR During the Great Depression. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2010.
Levine, Lawrence W. and Cornelia R. Levine. The People and the President:
America’s Conversation with FDR. Boston: Beacon Press, 2002.
Lowitt, Richard and Maurine Beasley, eds. One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok
Reports on the Great Depression. Chicago: University of Illinois, 1981.
Morgan, Ted. FDR: A Biography. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985.
Rollins Jr., Alfred B. Roosevelt and Howe. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction
Publishers, 2002.
Roosevelt Facts and Figures. “Franklin D. Roosevelt.” Franklin D. Roosevelt
Presidential Library and Museum. http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu
/facts.html (accessed March 13, 2010).
Rozell, Mark J. and William D. Pederson, eds. FDR and the Modern Presidency
Leadership and Legacy. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997.
Scharf, Lois. Eleanor Roosevelt: Fist Lady of American Liberalism. Boston:
Twayne Publishers, 1987.
Sussmann, Leila A. “FDR and the White House Mail,” The Public Opinion
Quarterly 20, no. 1 (Spring 1956): 8. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2746548
(accessed May 17, 2011).
White, Graham J. FDR and the Press. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1979.
Winfield, Betty Houchin. FDR and the News Media. Chicago: University of
Illinois Press, 1990.
55
Woolley, John T. and Gerhard Peters. The American Presidency Project [online].
Santa Barbara, CA, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws
/index.php?pid=16178 (accessed February 24, 2010).
Woolley, John T. and Gerhard Peters. The American Presidency Project [online].
Santa Barbara, CA. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=16312
(accessed February 24, 2010).
Woolley, John T. and Gerhard Peters. The American Presidency Project [online].
Santa Barbara, CA. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=16393
(accessed February 24, 2010).
Yu, Lumeng. “The Great Communicator: How FDR’s Radio Speeches Shaped
American History,” The History Teacher 39, no. 1 (November 2005): 1.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/30036746 (accessed May 17, 2011).
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: “IN HIS STEPS AND IN THE WRONG
DIRECTION”
58
APPENDIX B: “THE KING CAN DO NO WRONG”
60
California State University, Fresno
Non-Exclusive Distribution License
(to make your thesis/dissertation available electronically via the library’s eCollections database)
By submitting this license, you (the author or copyright holder) grant to CSU, Fresno
Digital Scholar the non-exclusive right to reproduce, translate (as defined in the next
paragraph), and/or distribute your submission (including the abstract) worldwide in print
and electronic format and in any medium, including but not limited to audio or video.
You agree that CSU, Fresno may, without changing the content, translate the submission
to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation.
You also agree that the submission is your original work, and that you have the right to
grant the rights contained in this license. You also represent that your submission does
not, to the best of your knowledge, infringe upon anyone’s copyright.
If the submission reproduces material for which you do not hold copyright and that would
not be considered fair use outside the copyright law, you represent that you have obtained
the unrestricted permission of the copyright owner to grant CSU, Fresno the rights
required by this license, and that such third-party material is clearly identified and
acknowledged within the text or content of the submission.
If the submission is based upon work that has been sponsored or supported by an agency
or organization other than California State University, Fresno, you represent that you
have fulfilled any right of review or other obligations required by such contract or
agreement.
California State University, Fresno will clearly identify your name as the author or owner
of the submission and will not make any alteration, other than as allowed by this license,
to your submission. By typing your name and date in the fields below, you indicate
your agreement to the terms of this distribution license.
Emily Wolfe
Type full name as it appears on submission
November 22, 2011
Date