Outline
Successive-cyclic movement
IGRA 00: preparatory course
1
Motivation
2
Reflexes of succ.-cyclic movement
3
The Where-question
4
Analyses
Doreen Georgi
Leipzig University, Institute of Linguistics
April 15, 2014
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Outline
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Long-distance movement
Observation:
Ā-movement is unbounded, viz. it can in principle span an unlimited number of clauses
(in many languages, but not e.g. in Tsez, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, cf. Polinsky
and Potsdam 2001):
1
Motivation
2
Reflexes of succ.-cyclic movement
3
4
(1)
Chomsky (1973):
Long-distance movement does not apply in one fell swoop. Rather, movement is
broken up into a sequence of more local steps, i.e. movement applies
successive-cyclically.
The Where-question
Ā-movement makes a stop-over in the Comp position (= SpecCP) of every clause
on the path of movement.
Analyses
(2)
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
[ CP Whatk [ IP do you think [ CP that [ IP Mary believes [ CP that [ IP Bill bought
k ]]]]]] ?
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Comp-to-Comp movement:
[ CP Whatk do [ TP you think [ CP
Bill bought k ]]]]]] ?
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
k
that [ TP Mary believes [ CP
Successive-cyclic movement
k
that [ TP
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Motivation
Motivation
Two constraints on movement:
Subjacency Condition and the Wh-Island Condition
(3)
(4)
(5)
Chomsky (1973) analyses Wh-island effects as Subjacency violations:
Subjacency Condition (Chomsky 1977):
a. Movement must not cross two bounding nodes.
b. Bounding nodes in English: NP, IP (=TP)
(6)
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
Successive-cyclic movement
k
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Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
Successive-cyclic movement
Motivation
Question 1:
But then why is (1) grammatical where even more IP bounding nodes intervene
between the base position and the landing site of the wh-phrase?
Question 2:
But why is successive-cyclic movement not available in (6)?
Answer:
The wh-phrase in (1) moves successive-cyclically through every Comp (SpecCP)
position. Each movement step crosses only one bounding node (the TP in the
respective CP):
Comp-to-Comp movement:
[ CP Whatk do [ TP you think [ CP
[ TP Bill bought k ]]]]]] ?
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
]]]] ?
]]]] ?
Motivation
(7)
k
The wh-phrase moves from its base position directly to its scope position without
a stop-over and thereby crosses two bounding nodes (IP in the embedded and in
the matrix clause).
Wh-island condition (Chomsky 1973):
Movement must not cross a CP with a wh-element in SpecCP or C.
*?[ CP Whatk [ IP did Sue wonder [ CP where [ IP Bill bought
*?[ CP Whatk [ IP did Sue wonder [ CP where [ IP Bill bought
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Answer:
The wh-phrase cannot stop in Comp of the embedded clause because, by
assumption, every phrase has only one specifier position.
Hence, the wh-phrase has to move in one fell swoop.
k
that [ TP Mary believes [ CP
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k
that
7 / 41
As a consequence, it violates the Subjacency Condition.
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Motivation
Outline
Note:
This argument does not go through anymore if a phrase can have more than one
specifier, as is assumed in (some versions of) Minimalism. The wh-phrase could
make a stop-over in a second specifier of the embedded CP.
A great deal of empirical evidence has been accumulated since the 1970s for the
assumption that movement applies successive-cyclically.
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Types of reflexes
1
Motivation
2
Reflexes of succ.-cyclic movement
3
The Where-question
4
Analyses
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Reflexes in XP positions
Position of the reflex:
1 reflexes in intermediate positions (in specifier positions)
2 reflexes on heads that project intermediate landing sites
(8)
The reflex is
1 phonological
2 morphological
3 syntactic
4 semantic
in nature.
Effect of the exponent:
addition of an exponent
deletion of an exponent
Wh-copying in Afrikaans and German:
a. [ CP waaroork dink jy [ CP waaroork dink die bure
[ CP
whereabout think you
whereabout think the neighbors
waaroork stry ons k die meeste ]]]
whereabout argue we
the most
‘What do you think the neighbors think we are arguing about the most?’
A
Afrikaans, du Plessis (1977: 725)
b. [ CP Wiek glaubst du, [ CP wiek sie das
k gelst hat ]]
how believe you
how she that
solved has
‘How do you believe that she has solved that?’
A
German, Fanselow and Mahajan (2000: 220)
replacement of an exponent
For a data overview see e.g. Boeckx (2008); Lahne (2008); Georgi (2014).
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Reflexes in XP positions
(9)
Reflexes in XP positions
Partial wh-movement (+ scope marking):
a. [ CP Tom meng-harap [ CP apak yang Mary beli
k ]]
Tom trans-expect
what foc Mary bought
‘What does Tom expect Mary bought?’
A
Indonesian, Saddy (1991: 192)
b. [ CP Was meinst du, [ CP wemk Peter
die Leute
k
sco think you
who.dat Peter.nom the people.acc
vorgestellt hat ]]
introduced has
‘To whom do you think Peter introduced the people?’
A
German, Sabel (2000: 411)
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Reflexes in XP positions
(10)
Quantifier Float in West Ulster English (McCloskey 2000: 58):
a. [What all]k did you get k for Christmas
b. [What]k did you get k all for Christmas
(11)
Quantifier Float in WUE under long wh-movement (McCloskey 2000: 61):
a. [ CP [ What all ] k did he say [ CP (that) he wanted k ]]
b. [ CP Whatk did he say [ CP (that) he wanted k all ]]
c. [ CP Whatk did he say [ CP all (that) he wanted k ]]
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Reflexes on heads
1. Complementizer agreement in Wolof (Niger-Congo): morphological, addition
(13)
(12)
Pit-stop reflexives (Barss 1986: 25):
a. [ CP1 [ DP Which pictures of himselfi ] did Johni think Fred liked ]
b. [ CP2 [ DP Which pictures of himselfi ]k did Johni think [ CP1
k Fred
liked k ]]
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u-construction in Wolof (Torrence 2012: 1151):
a. Øk k-u
k togg ceeb ak jën
q cl-u
cook rice and fish
‘Who cooked rice and fish?’
b. Øk y-u jigéén j-i
togg
q cl-u woman cl-def.prox cook
‘What(pl) did the woman cook?’
(14)
SU question
k
DO question
Long-distance wh-movement in u-chains (Torrence 2012: 1171):
a. [ CP Øk f -u a defe [ CP f -u Maryam wax [ CP f -u ñu teg
q cl-u 2sg think
cl-u Maryam say
cl-u 3pl put
b-i
k ]]]
cl-def.prox
‘Where do you think Maryam said they put the book?’
b. [ CP Øk k-u Kumba wax [ CP ne k-u Isaa defe [ CP ne k-u
q cl-u Kumba say
frc cl-u Isaa think
frc cl-u
dóór k ]]]
hit
‘Who did Kumba say that Isaa thought that Maryam hit?’
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
Successive-cyclic movement
tééré
book
Maryam
Maryam
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Reflexes on heads
Reflexes on heads
2. men-deletion in Indonesian: morphological, deletion
(15)
Declarative sentence with an active transitive verb (Macdonald and Dardjowidjojo
1967: 238):
(17)
a. [ CP Bill (men)-gira [ CP Tom (men)-harap [ CP Fred (men)-cintai siapa
Bill trans-think
Tom trans-expect
Fred trans-love who
]]]
Dia (mem)-beli
buku itu
he trans-bought book dem
‘He bought that book.’
(16)
‘’Who did Bill think Tom expects Fred loves?
wh-in situ
b. [ CP Siapak yang Bill (*men-)kira [ CP Tom (*men-)harap [ CP Fred
who foc Bill trans-think
Tom trans-expect
Fred
(*men-)cintai k ]]]
trans-love
‘’Who did Bill think Tom expects Fred loves?
wh-ex situ
Obligatory men-deletion under wh-movement (Saddy 1991: 186):
a. Siapa yang Sally cintai k
whok foc Sally love
‘Who does Sally love?’
b.*Siapak yang Sally men-cintai
who foc Sally trans-love
‘Who does Sally love?’
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
k
Successive-cyclic movement
Long-distance movement and men-deletion (Saddy 1991: 186):
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Reflexes on heads
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Reflexes on heads
3. Irish complementizer selection: morphological, replacement
(18)
go / aL-alternation with clause-bound Ā-movement (McCloskey 2001: 67, 70):
a. Deir said gu-r ghoid na sı́ogaı́ ı́
say they go-pst stole the fairies her
‘They say that the fairies stole her away.’
b. an ghirseachi [ CP [ OPi ] k a ghoid na sı́ogaı́
the girl
aL stole the fairies
‘the girl that the fairies stole away’
(19)
declarative
k
(20)
DO relativization
go / aL-alternation with long-distance Ā-movement (McCloskey 1979: 54) :
a. [ an t-úrscéal ] i [ CP [ OPi ] k a mheas mé [ CP a dúirt sé [ CP a
the novel
aL thought I
aL said he
aL
thuig
sé
k ]]]
understood he
‘the novel that I thought he said he understood’
long relativization
b. [ CP [ cén t-úrscéal ] k a mheas mé [ CP a dúirt sé [ CP a
which novel
aL thought I
aL said he
aL
thuig
sé
]]]
k
understood he
‘Which novel did I think he said he understood?’
long wh-movement
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
Successive-cyclic movement
4. Inversion in Spanish: syntactic
]
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Invershion in Spanish (Torrego 1984: 103-104):
a. Quék querı́an
esos dos
k
what want.3pl.pst dem two
‘What did those two want?’
matrix question, inversion
b.*Quék esos dos querı́an
k
what dem two want.pst
‘What did those two want?’
matrix question, no inversion
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Reflexes on heads
(21)
Outline
Long extraction and inversion in Spanish (Torrego 1984: 108, 109):
a. [ CP Juan pensaba
[ CP que Pedro le habı́a
dicho [ CP
Juan think.3sg.pst
that Pedro him have.3sg.pst told
que la revista habı́a
publicado ya
el artı́culo ]]]
that the journal have.3sg.pst published already the article
‘John thought that Peter had told him that the journal had published
the article already.’
declarative
b. [ CP Quék pensaba
Juan [ CP que le habı́a
dicho
what think.3sg.pst Juan
that him have.3sg.pst told
Pedro [ CP que habı́a
publicado la revista
k ]]]
Pedro
that have.3sg.pst published the journal
‘What did John think that Peter had told him that the journal had
published?’
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The where-question
1
Motivation
2
Reflexes of succ.-cyclic movement
3
The Where-question
4
Analyses
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The where-question
Which positions serve as intermediate landing sites?
In recent Minimalism, successive-cyclic movement is enforced by the Phase
Impenetrability Condition (PIC):
Chomsky (1973; 1981): SpecCP
Chomsky (1986): SpecVP, SpecVP
Sportiche (1989); Manzini (1994); Takahashi (1994): the specifier of every phrase
is an intermediate landing site
(22)
(23)
(24)
Comp-to-Comp movement:
[ CP Whatk do [ TP you think [ CP
Bill bought k ]]]]]] ?
k
Stop-overs in SpecVP and SpecCP:
[ CP Whatk do you [ VP
k think [ CP
that Bill [ VP k bought k ]]]]]] ?
that [ TP Mary believes [ CP
k
that [ TP
PIC (Chomsky 2000: 108):
In a phase α with the head H, the domain of H is not accessible to operations
outside α; only H and its edge are accessible to such operations.
A moving phrase must make a stop-over at the edge of every phase. Hence, which
positions are intermediate landing sites depends on which XPs are phases.
CP and vP are phases (Chomsky 2000; 2001).
k
that Mary [ VP
k
believes [ CP
Stop-overs in every SpecXP:
[ CP Whatk do [ TP k you [ VP k think [ CP k that [ TP k Mary [ VP
believes [ CP k that [ TP
1 ]]]]]]]]] ?
k Bill [ VP
k bought
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
(25)
Successive-cyclic movement
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k
k
23 / 41
Every phrase is a phase (Epstein and Seely 2002; Bošković 2002; 2007b; Boeckx
2003; Müller 2004; 2011; Chomsky 2008 among others).
An even more local approach: The information that an element is extracted is
available on every projection (Slash Feature Percolation in GPSG and HPSG
(Gazdar 1981; Gazdar et al. 1985; Pollard and Sag 1994)).
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The where-question
The where-question
Arguments for the phase status of other XPs beside CP and vP:
Abels (2003) classifies analyses of successive-cyclic movement with respect to the
question whether all categories crossed by movement are treated alike or not.
DP is a phase (Heck and Zimmermann 2004; Svenonius 2004; Kramer 2010).
PP is a phase (Abels 2003; Baker 2008).
uniform paths:
All XPs (or all projections) are targeted by intermediate movement steps.
TP is a phase (at least as an option in some language, cf. Richards 2004;
2011; Chomsky 2005, contra Abels (2003; 2012)).
punctuated paths:
Only some designated categories provide an intermediate landing site.
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The where-question
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Outline
There is a substantial amount of evidence for SpecCP and SpecvP as
intermediate landing site.
(26)
What is debated is the phase status of TP, DP, and PP.
1
Motivation
For a critical review of the arguments for movement through SpecCP see
Bošković (2007a); den Dikken (2009a;b)
2
Reflexes of succ.-cyclic movement
3
The Where-question
4
Analyses
Indonesian: men is a prefix on v (Macdonald and Dardjowidjojo 1967: 153):
a. John telah mem-beli buku itu di kedai semalam
John has trans-buy book def at shop yesterday
‘John has bought the book at the shop yesterday.’
b. Saya akan mem-beli-kan
Siti buku itu
I
will trans-buy-ditrans Siti book dem
‘I am going to buy that book for Siti.’
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Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
Successive-cyclic movement
Feature-driven Attract
Feature-driven Attract
Assumption:
Intermediate movement steps are triggered by a subcategorization feature on
heads, just like the final movement step.
Problems for this account:
Overgeneration: Heads that can project intermediate landing sites cannot
generally bear or be freely assigned a movement-triggering feature [uF].
Two hypotheses:
These features must be added to heads in case there is a [uwh]-feature on the
C-head that will project the final landing site for the wh-phrase.
1
The feature is the same for final and intermediate movement steps
(McCloskey 2002; Abels 2012)
2
Intermediate movement steps have a designated trigger which is different
from the trigger of final movement steps.
Look-ahead: But how can we know whether such a head will be merged if the
structure unfolds in a bottom-up fashion ?
pseudo-wh-features (Ferguson and Groat 1994; Collins 1997)
focus features (Sabel 2000; Sabel and Zeller 2006)
[-wh]-features (Müller 1999)
D-features (Fanselow and Mahajan 2000)
edge features (Chomsky 2000; 2001)
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Proposal: make reference to the numeration
(27)
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Greed-based theories
Phase Balance (based on Heck and Müller (2000; 2003), simplified):
A head H is assigned an edge feature (which drives an intermediate movement
step to SpecHP) if (i) there is a C-head with a [uwh]-feature in the numeration,
(ii) there is no LI with a matching [wh]-feature in the numeration, and (iii) the a
wh-phrase is contained in the current phrase marker.
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Greed-based theories
Bošković (2007a;b):
Intermediate movement steps: apply in order to fulfill the PIC.
Movement of an XP is driven by a [uF] on the XP that undergoes movement
(greedy movement); the XP is not attracted by a [uF] on a c-commanding head.
Assumption: Every phrase is a phase. If XP cannot check the [uFoc]-feature in its
base position, it must move to the edge of the next higher phrase to remain
accessible.
The feature on wh-phrases is [uFoc].
Assumption: [uF] has to c-command a matching feature [F] ([FOC] on C) to get
discharged.
Final movement step: applies in order to bring the phrase with the [uFoc]-feature
into the closest position from which it c-commands the head with the matching
feature.
(28)
Final movement step:
a. [ GP G
[YP
[Foc]
b. [ GP
XP
If XP stayed in its base position, its [uFoc]-feature would be trapped in the
complement domain of a phase head and could thus never be checked.
Advantage: no look-ahead
(29)
Intermediate movement steps:
a. [ YP
′
XP
[Y
...
Y
...
tXP ]]]
...
Y
GP = phase
...
XP ]
YP = phase
[uFoc]
[uFoc]
[G′
[//////
uFoc]
Doreen Georgi (Leipzig University)
G
[YP
tXP
[Y′
. . . Y . . . tXP ]]]] GP = phase
[Foc]
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b. [ YP
XP
[ Y′ . . . Y . . . tXP ]]
YP = phase
[uFoc]
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Non-feature-driven movement
Non-feature-driven intermediate steps
Heck and Müller (2000; 2003):
Final movement steps to SpecCP are driven by a [•F•] on C ([•f•]) which needs
to be discharged:
(30)
Merge Condition (MC):
Structure-building features ([•f•]) participate in Merge.
PB requires an XP with the feature [wh] to be accessible at the phase level for the
corresponding structure-building feature [•wh•] in the numeration.
Under the ranking PB ≫ LR non-feature-driven movement is enforced.
Intermediate movement steps are not feature-driven. Hence, they violate (31):
(31)
OT-analysis with local optimization: the domain of optimization = XP
Last Resort (LR):
Every Movement requires matching [F] and [•F•] (under sisterhood).
(34)
(32)
(33)
Optimization of the vP:
Input: [ VP V DPwh ], DPnom , v
Numeration: { C[•wh•] , ...}
In an OT-system, Last Resort can be violated in favor of the satisfaction of a
higher ranked constraint:
O1 :
☞O2 :
Phase Balance (PB): For every feature [•F•] in the numeration there
must be an accessible feature [F] at the phase level.
[ vP DPnom [ v′ v [ VP V DPwh ]]]
[ vP DPwh [ v′ DPnom [ v′ v [ VP V twh ]]]]
PB
LR
*!
*
Accessibility :
A feature [F] is accessible if (i) or (ii) holds:
(i) [F] is on X or edgeX of the present root of the derivation.
(ii)[F] is part of the workspace of the derivation.
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Non-feature-driven intermediate steps
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[•wh•]
Numeration: { ... }
O1 : [ CP C
[•wh•] [ TP DPwh [ T′ T [ vP twh [ v′ DPnom . . . [ VP V twh ]]]]]]
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Bibliography IV
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