Sheela-na-gig
Shae Clancy
Sheela-na-gigs are stone carvings of naked females that use one or both hands to direct the
viewer's attention to their genital area. Although some were carved in the 12th century, they
did not come to the attention of scholars until about 1840. There has been much debate about
their origin, meaning and role since then. This essay is an attempt to gather some of the
current views on these figures that are an important but neglected component of European
and, especially, Irish heritage, and to speculate on their raison d'être.
I use the spelling 'Sheela' throughout, except when quoting published sources.
Origin and meaning of the term 'Sheela-na-gig'
Although it is now a type-name to describe the figures, many had individual local names such
as Evil Eye Stone, Hag of the Castle, Witch on the Wall, Julia the Giddy, and St Gobnait.
The term 'Sheela-na-gig' seems to have been adopted as a generic name for female
exhibitionists because of some coincidental reports during the early 1840s in Ireland.
R. P. Collis, a member of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, reported that a 'rude
carving' on a church wall at Rochestown, Co. Tipperary, was called a 'Sheela-na-gig by the
country people.' [1]
About the same time, Johann Kohl, a German visitor to Ireland, recorded some aspects of
Irish folklore. He noted the prevalence of the fear of the 'evil eye' among the Irish and
recorded that a man who believed he was afflicted would resort to the services of a certain
type of woman. According to Kohl:
They persuade a woman to display to them what women regard as their most secret part
There used be . . . women who made a profession out of it. These women were and are
called even now 'Shila na gigh.' [2]
It seems clear that the term referred not only to the stone carvings themselves but also to real
live women who displayed their private parts in order to avert evil.
However, the term was recorded long before the carved figures came to the attention of
19th c. antiquarians.
In 1781, the French captured a British naval vessel, HMS Shelanagig, in the Caribbean and,
around the same time, 'Sheela-na-gig,' with variations of the spelling, was the name of a
dance tune that appeared in Scottish, English and Irish publications. The tune is identified as
Irish in each case [3]
In 1676, two Irish Church regulations ordered the burning of obscene carvings of naked
women and, even earlier in 1631, provincial statutes for Tuam, Co. Galway, ordered parish
priests to hide away such carvings and 'take note of where they were hidden.' [4] Although
the church regulations don't use the term, it is very possible that the figures referred to were
those known today as sheela-na-gigs. The order to 'burn' them suggests that some were made
from combustible material.
As for the meaning of the name, Eamonn Kelly is of the opinion that it comes from the Irish
language, although he admits its meaning is uncertain. [5] He suggests it is derived from
Sighle na gCíoch (the old hag of the breasts) or Síle-ina-Giob (the old woman on her
hunkers).
The 'old hag of the breasts' seems unsafe because, although some Sheelas have well-defined
breasts, they are in a minority. Many Sheelas have either vestigial breasts or none at all. The
most famous of all Sheelas, at Kilpeck in Herefordshire, U.K., is almost entirely lacking a
torso!
'Old woman on her hunkers' might be more acceptable because many Sheelas are depicted in
a squatting position. However this explanation is also somewhat unsatisfactory because not
all Sheelas are squatting. Some, such as that at Liathmore, Co. Tipperary are either sitting or
standing.
Jack Roberts is of the opinion that the term 'sheela' or Síle means "femininity" but it also
describes a special kind of woman: a Hag or Spiritual Woman perhaps of the Sidhe,
inhabitants of the Irish Otherworld. [6]
None of these explanations addresses the most obvious feature of Sheelas: the often grossly
exaggerated vulva.
Among numerous modern Irish slang terms that refer to the vagina is gee (with a hard 'g').
Dictionaries of slang and obsolete English and Scottish words define gig, gigg and geig as
'pudenda muliebria,' 'a woman's privities' or 'the vulva.' 'Sheela-na-gee' could then be
interpreted as the 'Hag of the vulva,' [7] which describes the figures more accurately than the
other explanations.
Origin of Sheelas
Conventional wisdom suggests that Sheelas had their genesis in the exhibitionist carvings
that adorn 11th and 12th century Romanesque churches on Continental Europe. Among the
many exhibitionists that warn against the sins of the flesh are naked (often voluptuous)
women in compromising situations, adulteresses, ithyphallic men, misers, musicians with
bestial faces and contortionists with exposed anus. These sinners are usually in the company
of others of their ilk in, for example, depictions of the Damned in Hell.
Pilgrims to Compostella or Rome were confronted by these images at almost every stop on
the journey, and wealthy English patrons had some of them incorporated in churches on their
return from pilgrimage. There is general acceptance that these exhibitionist figures were then
brought to Irish churches by the Normans.
The earliest surviving carving of an Irish Romanesque exhibitionist is on the chancel arch of
the Nun's Church. Although often described as a Sheela, it is an acrobat or contortionist and
is not a Sheela. [8] However, its presence on a pre-Norman Irish structure casts some doubt
on the conventional theory that the Normans introduced exhibitionists to Ireland.
Irish Sheela-na-gigs, although undoubtedly exhibitionist, have characteristics that distinguish
them from the sinners portrayed on Continental churches. Continental female exhibitionists
are almost always in the company of other sinners, are anatomically correct, and most are
inside churches. Insular Sheelas in their original location are always solitary and are often
anatomically distorted. The heads of many are triangular with protruding eyes and ears, and
grotesque mouths that display either an ugly array of teeth or a toothless grimace. Most are
bald and some have deeply incised rib cages, features associated with aged hags. However,
their arms and legs are often those of a young woman.
Unlike Continental exhibitionists, insular Sheelas are almost always on the outside of
churches. Perhaps significantly, they are not confined to churches but also appear on Irish
secular tower houses dating from the 13th to the early 17th centuries. Most, whether on
churches or secular structures, are at or near an entrance or other threshold. They are,
therefore, liminal, being deliberately positioned on a boundary between one place or state and
another.
Using these criteria to distinguish between medieval Continental exhibitionists and Sheelas,
there are, or are records of, at least 110 Sheelas in Ireland, about 30 in Britain, and only a few
on the Continent.
It is curious that of all the different types of exhibitionists seen by pilgrims to the continent,
only Sheela-type figures were to become popular in Ireland and Britain. [9] Is it conceivable
that Sheelas were not of continental origin?
Helen Hickey acknowledges 'the likelihood . . . that the idea behind these strange carvings
germinated in France,' but suggests 'the possibility that the traffic of ideas was in the opposite
direction should also be considered.' [10]
Three Irish stones that have Sheela-like carvings provide some support for this latter thesis.
Although impossible to date with certainty, the carvings are undoubtedly pre-Norman and
two - at Tara, Co. Meath, and Stepaside, Co. Dublin - are much earlier.
A stone in the graveyard on the Hill of Tara bears a carving in relief of a human shape that
has Sheela-like features. [11] However, the carving is too badly weathered to make out much
detail and, as there is a suggestion of head adornment, it may represent Cernunnos, a Celtic
horned god, and not a Sheela.
The status of the Stepaside figure as a Sheela is also questionable. Andersen describes it as 'a
massive figure, standing with hands joined around a hidden pudenda.' [12] This figure, like
the one at Tara, is on a free-standing stone in the shape of a cross which suggests to Roberts
that it is '. . . of the early Christian type. . ' possibly earlier than the 8th century. [13]
The Swords, Co. Dublin, Sheela is also on a pillar, used until recently as a gatepost. Its origin
is unknown but Kelly suggests it 'may have originally flanked the doorway' of one of a
number of nearby ruined medieval buildings. [14]
Although there is no reliable evidence to suggest that Sheela-type figures pre-date continental
Romanesque origins, these three carvings indicate enough circumstantial evidence to warrant
further investigation.
Such widespread use of the symbol in Ireland suggests that their role and function must have
been of some significance to those who continued to commission them over such a long time
and, since a few candidate prototype Sheelas survive in Ireland, it is at least possible, if not
probable, that Sheelas are of Irish, rather than of Continental origin.
Function
"An apotropaic device, the vestige of a pre-Christian fertility cult, a representation of the
Great Goddess Earth Mother, a Celtic goddess of creation and destruction, an obscene hag,
a sexual stimulant, a medieval Schandbild aimed at castigating the sins of the flesh, a
Christian sculpture representing Mater Ecclesia - these are some, but by no means all, of
the divergent interpretations of the Sheela-na-gig." [15]
Barbara Freitag's succinct summary shows the widely varying range of functions popularly
attributed to Sheelas. In her more recent publication, she makes a very strong case that they
belong to the realm of folk religion relating to birth and associated traditions in rural Irish
settings. [16]
The two most widely held theories - and they are theories - concern the apotropaic and
fertility functions. As noted earlier, the evil eye, and ways to avert it, preoccupied the rural
population of early 19th century Ireland. On the other hand, there is ample evidence, even
today, of Sheelas being scraped or rubbed as a supposed cure for barren women.
Irish legends provide several examples of the apotropaic power of the naked female body.
The best known story of the 'pangs of Ulster,' whereby the men of Ulster were afflicted with
the pains of childbirth when Ulster was threatened, concerns Macha, a woman of the Sidhe,
who was forced to race the king's horse while in the throe's of childbirth. Having won the
race, she immediately gave birth and, at the same time, cast the vengeful curse on the men of
Ulster.
A different version of the curse concerns CúChulainn. After he had lived for a year with
Fedelm of the Long Hair, also of the Sidhe, the Ulster warriors were sent to capture him and
return him to Emain Macha. As they approached, Fedelm 'appeared naked before the men of
Ulster and, from the sight, they were afflicted with this strange disease.' [17]
On a different occasion, CúChulainn was still in his battle fury on his return to Emain Macha
after a foray into Leinster. A sentry espied a 'man on a chariot advancing on us. He'll spill the
blood of the whole court unless you see to him and send naked women to meet him.' [18] The
naked women confronted him at the entrance to Emain Macha and the sight of them shamed
CúChulainn enough to calm his fury, thereby averting the danger. Of interest is the
immediate reaction of the sentry to summon naked women, as if that was the appropriate
action to take in times of danger.
We have already seen that one of the principal attributes of Sheelas is their liminality - their
location at or near vulnerable thresholds such as entrances. One of the Sheelas in Fethard, Co.
Tipperary, is in the old town wall overlooking the ford that provided access to the town in
late medieval times, 'as if placed in a position to overlook the bridge.' [19]
The liminality of some Sheelas is not so readily apparent. Some, such as that at Clenagh
Castle, Co. Clare, are on quoin stones. Andersen comments that castles (tower houses) have
an intrinsic weak point in the structure. He uses the Ballyfinboy Sheela as an example. 'The
progression from the slope of the lower wall into the heights of the keep has its weak point.
To employ a sheela just there is enlightening, almost like saying that her presence on that
wall is a strengthening of it.' [20] Here is a good example of the combination of liminality and
the apotropaic function of Sheelas. She is liminal because of her position at the threshold of
two different states - weakness and strength - and protective because of her deliberate
insertion between those two states. Andersen goes so far as to say that 'the Ballyfinboy sheela
speaks for her whole breed and their "magic" use as mainly apotropaic figures.' [21]
Their function as fertility symbols is the other most common popular explanation of the role
of Sheelas. However, if Sheelas are of Irish or Celtic origin, it is likely that human fertility
was not their original function since all such symbols known to date, such as the Turoe Stone
in Co. Galway and the mis-named Lia Fáil on the hill of Tara, are phallic.
In Irish legend, fertility of the land and of the people, the tuath, rather than of the individual,
was paramount. The king's survival depended on the success of his reign in terms of
fecundity of cattle and crops, and his success or failure was determined by Sovereignty, the
female personification of the Land.
An example can be found in the story of 'The Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel,' which
concerns the reign of Conaire as King of Erin. Sovereignty is described near the beginning of
the story:
White as the snow of one night were the two hands, soft and even, and red as foxglove
were the two clear-beautiful cheeks. Dark as the back of a stag-beetle the two eyebrows.
Like a shower of pearls the teeth in her head. Blue as hyacinth were the eyes. Red as
rowan-berries the lips. [22]
Later in the story, when Conaire's reign proves disastrous, Sovereignty reappears in a very
different light.
As long as a weaver's beam was each of her two shins, and they were as dark as the back
of a stag-beetle. Her lower hair reached to her knee. [23] Her lips were on one side of her
head. She . . . cast an evil eye on the king. . . [24]
In other stories, such as that of Niall Nóigiallach (Niall of the Nine Hostages,) Sovereignty
appears first as an ugly hag who later changes into a beautiful woman when the rightful king
accepts her.
There are many more examples but these suffice to show that Sovereignty could appear either
as a beautiful young woman or as a hag. As noted earlier, many Irish Sheelas share features
of both youth and advanced age, with arms and legs of a younger woman, and face and torso
of a hag.
It is possible, then, that Sheelas combining features of hag and young woman represented the
concept of Sovereignty to the early Irish. Their presence on secular structures such as tower
houses and bridges may have been recognition of Sovereignty's role as protector.
If this is the case, we are still left with the problem of their appearance on Irish churches in
the 12th and subsequent centuries. It seems most unlikely that the Church would have
tolerated such pagan depictions unless they could be re-interpreted in a Christian context.
There is a deal of evidence that this is precisely what happened. Early Christianity
encouraged Christianisation of pagan deities and inclusion of pagan festivals in the Church
calendar so that the transition from paganism to Christianity would be as painless as possible
for the converts. [25] Hagiographies of Irish saints, especially those of St. Brigid, attest to this
adoption process. [26] Freitag shows that 'such syncretism between an older religion and
Christianity survived for a considerable time.' [27] She suggests that Sheelas represented
some 'powerful idol or deity that had to be tolerated by the early [Irish] Church because it
was too popular among the people to extinguish.' [28]
Although the medieval Irish Church was often castigated by Rome for its continued tolerance
of pagan practices, it seems highly unlikely that it would sponsor a depiction of a pagan deity
over the entrance to a place of Christian worship just because of its popularity. It is more
likely that, recognizing the popularity of the figure, the Irish Church Christianised it by
adopting it as a symbol of birth and rebirth. The exaggerated vulva demonstrated birth into
this world but, by passing under the figure into a holy place, it also represented a symbolic
entry to the womb of Christianity (Mater Ecclesia) and re-birth into the True Faith. The
emaciated and aged features of the face and torso reminded people of their mortality and the
certainty that their only hope for eternal life lay within Mother Church.
Unfortunately, there is no direct support for such speculation in Irish literature. Lack of any
reference to Sheelas in medieval Irish texts indicates that they were either commonplace and
didn't merit comment or that they did not exist when the Annals were being written. The
latter seems unlikely because some Annals were written during the 16th century when
Sheelas were still being incorporated into church and secular structures, and there is no
mention of them in any other texts written between the 12th and 16th centuries. The
alternative explanation, that they were undeserving of mention because they were so
commonplace, derives some support from the 17th century Episcopal instruction to "burn"
Sheelas. This suggests that Sheelas made from combustible material were indeed
commonplace and that the surviving stone carvings represent just a small proportion of those
that once existed. Although the Annals and other medieval texts provide no evidence for their
existence, Irish folklore abounds with references to mysterious entities that may provide a
clue.
Sheelas in Irish folklore
Underlying the undoubted acceptance of Christianity by the Irish is a continuation of preChristian belief. Magical beings such as the banshee have been part of Irish culture since
records began.
Westropp quotes accounts of three banshees described in Cathreim Thoirdhealbhaigh
('Triumphs of Turlough'), written about 1350:
'. . . one, the "Sovereignty of Erin," being of surpassing loveliness, and the two others, (if
not the same, - "Dismal" and "Water Dismal"), of loathsome hideousness. The hags,
however, probably survive, while "Sovereignty" has perished.' [29]
Depictions of Sovereignty may well have survived into the 19th century in the form of
Brídeógs. Effigies of St. Brigid were carried from house to house on the eve of the saint's
feast (1 February). Sometimes a child's doll was used but often the image was made of straw.
'Sometimes care was taken to represent the saint's figure with some reverence; other
effigies were deliberately grotesque.' [30]
Brigid (Brigit) was a pre-Christian Celtic goddess who was adopted by the early Irish Church
and who is sometimes equated with Sovereignty. Douglas Hyde notes that 'several attributes
of the pagan Brigit. . . passed over to her Christian namesake. [31] These attributes included
liminality and fecundity of cattle.
Evolving Sheelas?
The earliest Irish Sheela-like figures, such as those at Tara and Stepaside, are very weathered
and it is impossible now to see anything other than that they seem to be using their hands to
draw attention to the genital region. It is equally impossible to say with certainty that they are
even female but the absence of any obvious male attributes lends credence to the probability
that they are not male.
The earliest 'true' Sheela, according to our earlier definition, is at Liathmore in Co. Tipperary.
She is beautifully carved but does little other than indicate the location of her genital area. It
is only later, from the 13th century onwards, that Sheelas develop, in modern parlance,
'attitude.' The figures at Cashel, Doon Castle and Killinaboy, for example, are stocky with
broad shoulders and large heads. Although they point to the vulva, their threatening posture is
notable. Other figures, such as those from Seir Keiran and Cavan, seem uglier with a more
pronounced vulva and a face distorted by carved incisions that could represent worry lines.
The Fethard Sheela, with her deeply engraved facial grooves, epitomises agonized aggression
caused by desperation. Later figures, such as a Clenagh Castle, are almost caricatures of the
Sheela figure.
The earlier, more benign figures, pre-date the arrival of the Normans in Ireland. Most of the
threatening, protective Sheelas date from the first couple of centuries after their arrival, when
the Normans were extending their sphere of influence. The later Sheelas with worried
expressions date from the 15th and 16th centuries when English rule had almost eliminated
the old Irish tradition. The caricatures, memories perhaps, were carved after the Flight of the
Earls, which marked the end of the old Irish order at the beginning of the 17th century.
The artists who carved Sheelas were trained in the tradition of those who made the High
Crosses during the 9th and subsequent centuries. Although most panels on High Crosses
depict scenes from the Scriptures, some show contemporary images such as musicians,
processions and warriors on chariots, indicating that the artists were not averse to including
secular motifs on ecclesiastical monuments. [32] There is little doubt that the clergy would
not have permitted such secular depictions unless they had special significance. We have
already seen that, despite the adoption of Christianity by the medieval Irish, pagan traditions
such as Brídeógs continued into the 19th century, if not later, even though their origins were
forgotten by then. It is possible that the concept of Sovereignty, depicted as Sheela, was one
of those traditions that endured.
Summary
I hope to have shown that Sheelas should be excluded from the holistic term 'exhibitionist
figure' and that they should be regarded as separate entities because of their special
characteristics. They were, in my view, depictions of a goddess who protected her Land from
abuse. As a consequence, she provided protection to those who used the Land wisely and
caused the destruction of those who failed her. Her protective function is indicated by her
position at boundaries and by her posture. Her fertility aspect concerned productivity of cattle
and crops, rather than of human fertility. As with many other pre-Christian concepts, she was
adopted by the Church. Her disappearance as a carved image after the 16th century is
possibly due to the demise of the old Irish order and its replacement by a different political
and religious system. Nevertheless, traditions derived from the concept of Sovereignty may
still be seen in some recent festive activities, although their origins are now forgotten.
1. Jorgen Andersen, 'The Witch on the Wall, Rosenkilde and Bagger, Copenhagen, 1977,
p. 11
2. ibid, p. 23. (Thanks to David Stifter for translation from the German passage in
Andersen's book)
3. Barbara Freitag, "A New Light on the Sheela-na-gig," Éire-Ireland, The American
Cultural Institute, Fall/Winter1998 & Spring 1999, XXIV: 1, p. 65 ff.
4. Freitag, p. 69.
5. Eamonn Kelly, "Sheela-na-gigs: Origins and Functions," Country House, Dublin, in
association with the National Museum of Ireland, 1996, p. 5
6. Jack Roberts, "The Sheela-na-gigs of Britain and Ireland: an illustrated guide," Key
Books Publishing, Skibbereen, Cork, p. 8
7. Freitag, p. 67
8. Jacqueline O'Brien and Peter Harbison, "Ancient Ireland: from prehistory to the middle
ages," (London, 1996), p. 122
9. Freitag, p. 57
10. Helen Hickey, "Images of Stone," Blackstaff Press, 1976, p. 57
11. "The arms seem joined together in a vaguely discernable gesture towards the abdomen,"
Andersen, p. 152
12. Andersen, p. 152
13. Roberts, p. 31
14. Kelly, p. 40
15. Freitag, p. 50
16. Barbara Freitag, "Sheela-na-Gigs: unraveling an enigma," Routledge, 2004
17. Marie-Louise Sjoestedt, "Gods and Heroes of the Celts," (Myles Dillon's translation),
Methuen & Co., London, 1949, p. 27
18. Thomas Kinsella, "The Tain," Oxford University Press, 1970, p. 91
19. Andersen, p. 135
20. Andersen, p. 107
21. Andersen, p. 107
22. Tom Peete Cross and Clark Harris Slover, "Ancient Irish Tales", Barnes & Noble, New
York, 1996, p. 94 (originally published by Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1936)
23. Translated by more recent writers as 'pubic hair.'
24. Cross and Slover, p. 107
25. Freitag, p. 68
26. See Liam dePaor, "St. Patrick's World," Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1993, for
hagiographies of early Irish saints.
27. Freitag, p. 68
28. Freitag, p. 68
29. Westropp, p. 7
30. Kevin Danaher, "The Year in Ireland," Mercier Press, 1972, p. 24
31. Douglas Hyde, "A Literary History of Ireland," T. Fisher Unwin, 1899, republished by
Ernest Benn Ltd, 1967, p. 161
32. For a good overview of sculpting on Irish High Crosses, see H.S. Crawford, "Irish
Carved Ornament," reprinted by Mercier Press, 1980
© Shae Clancy 2006
This work previously appeared in Irquas Insight no 3 - New Perspectives in Irish Studies
Source : http://homepage.eircom.net/~archaeology/three/review.htm
Shae Clancy is a docent/researcher at the Hunt Museum in Limerick, and manager of an
ecotoxicological testing laboratory in Shannon.
Highly recommended :
Land, Sea, and Sky: Introduction to Pre-Christian Heritage, complete book on-line
http://homepage.eircom.net/~shae/index.htm
We are grateful to Shae Clancy for kind permission to host this work on aughty.org