Table of Contents
Cover
Title page
Copyright Page
Publisher Quotes
The Belarus Secret <picture>
Publisher's Foreword
Dedication
Author's Note for 2nd Printing
John Loftus, 1982 <picture>
Introduction
Preface
Prologue
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Chapter Five
Chapter Six
Chapter Seven
Chapter Eight
Chapter Nine
Epilogue
End Notes
Documents & Photographs
Endnotes
TrineDay Catalogue
America’s Nazi Secret
An Insider’s History of How the United States Department of Justice Obstructed Congress By:
Blocking Congressional Investigations into Famous American Families Who Funded Hitler,
Stalin and Arab terrorists; Lying to Congress, the GAO and the CIA about the Postwar
Immigration of Eastern European Nazi War Criminals to the US; and Concealing from the 9/11
Investigators the role of the Arab Nazi War Criminals in Recruiting Modern Middle Eastern
Terrorist Groups.
John J. Loftus
Formerly GS-13 Supervisory Trial Attorney, Director of the Belarus Project,
Office of Special Investigations, Criminal Division Headquarters,
US Department of Justice, Washington, DC.
An updated, declassified and uncensored version of the original work, The Belarus Secret
Original Manuscript censored by the US Government in 1981, 1982, and again in 1983
Nominated for the 1982 Pulitzer Prize in History, Alfred A. Knopf Publishers
Segment Winner, 1982 Emmy Award for Outstanding Investigative Journalism, CBS 60
Minutes
Subject of open Congressional Hearings, House Judiciary Committee, 1985
Files declassified 2009-2010, Central Intelligence Agency
Upcoming Documentary Film, American Secrets, 2011
America’s Nazi Secret: An Insider’s History of How the United States Department of Justice
Obstructed Congress By: Blocking Congressional Investigations into Famous American Families Who
Funded Hitler, Stalin and Arab terrorists; Lying to Congress, the GAO and the CIA about the Postwar
Immigration of Eastern European Nazi War Criminals to the US; and Concealing from the 9/11
Investigators the role of the Arab Nazi War Criminals in Recruiting Modern Middle Eastern Terrorist
Groups.
Copyright © 1982 , 1983, 2010, 2011 John Loftus. All Rights Reserved.
Presentation Copyright © 2010 Trine Day, LLC
Published by:
TrineDay LLC
PO Box 577
Walterville, OR 97489
1-800-556-2012
www.TrineDay.com
[email protected]
Library of Congress Control Number: 2010936158
Loftus, John — Author
America’s Nazi Secret: An Insider’s History of How the United States Department of Justice
Obstructed Congress By: Blocking Congressional Investigations into Famous American Families Who
Funded Hitler, Stalin and Arab terrorists; Lying to Congress, the GAO and the CIA about the Postwar
Immigration of Eastern European Nazi War Criminals to the US; and Concealing from the 9/11
Investigators the role of the Arab Nazi War Criminals in Recruiting Modern Middle Eastern Terrorist
Groups.—2 ed. (The Belarus Secret, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1982)
Includes index, p. cm. (acid-free paper)
Epub (ISBN-13) 978-1-936296-69-9 (ISBN-10) 1-936296-69-1
Mobi (ISBN-13) 978-1-936296-70-5 (ISBN-10) 1-936296-70-5
Print (ISBN-13) 978-1-936296-04-0 (ISBN-10) 1-936296-04-7
1. World War, 1939-1945—Atrocities. 2. World War, 1939-1945—Byelorussian S.S.R. 3. War
criminals—United States. 4. War criminals— Byelorussian S.S.R. 5. Byelorussians—United States. 6.
Byelorussian S.S.R.—History. 7. United States—Dept. of Justice—Corruption. I. Loftus, John. II.
Title
First Edition
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Printed in the USA
Distribution to the Trade by:
Independent Publishers Group (IPG)
814 North Franklin Street
Chicago, Illinois 60610
312.337.0747
www.ipgbook.com
The best political weapon is the weapon of terror. Cruelty commands respect. Men may
hate us. But, we don’t ask for their love; only for their fear.
— Heinrich Himmler
The Nazis killed you only when you were naked, because they knew, psychologically, that
naked people never resist.
— Simon Wiesenthal
We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or
unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of
misplaced power exists and will persist.
— Dwight D. Eisenhower
Things do not happen. Things are made to happen.
— John F. Kennedy
Publisher’s Foreword
And no matter what the progress
Or what may yet be proved,
The simple facts of life are such
They cannot be removed.
— Herman Hupfeld, As Time Goes By
When I first came across The Belarus Secret, an earlier version of this book, in the 1980s at my public
library, I was amazed at the revelations, and surprised to find some of the same characters that I had
come across while researching a subject I call “CIA-drugs.” The same intelligence-community crew
that was corrupting our Republic from the shadows … was also, and most egregiously, doing so from
within.
I had first heard of this cancer in the late 1960s from my father, an OSS/CIA veteran. But at that
time I had no context within which to put his rare, frank discussions of how he felt the world really
works. He spoke to me about the drug trade, about psychological warfare, propaganda and “big
games.” He said the news wasn’t the real news; they were “sway” pieces. I didn’t comprehend that at
all at the time. As a kid, I had been a paperboy for almost six years and my father would get up with
me in the dark morning hours and read the paper. And he had been an avid TV news watcher. He did
make odd comments to the TV now and then; during an NBC report on Vietnam, he suddenly retorted
aloud, “No, we knew that!” But the whole concept of controlled news was beyond me. It just wouldn’t
compute in my teen-age brain.
Well, now I am past 60, and absolutely amazed at what goes on in our beloved country. The levels
of corruption and the methods of manipulation are outrageous. We are getting played – left, right, and
center. Over forty years of research can be crystallized to reveal the means of hidden control: a
leviathan of three levels with three parts to each level.
The top level is Mining-Metals-Money. This operation (which includes all our major mineral
resources, but especially the metals gold and silver, used in wealth quantification) is held very tightto-the-vest and its true dimensions, methods and transactions do not garner much discussion because
they are seldom exposed. It holds the reins on all the rest.
The middle section, Drugs-Guns-Oil, gets a bit more interesting. Its basic function is to funnel or
direct the money and control, i.e. power. A shadowy world where ends justify means, chiefly war.
At the bottom is the level I call Media-Movies-“Magic.” This is where the hooves hit the road,
where the beast gets its traction and the capacity to manipulate perception – keeping us all ignorant
about the true reality of the world – and to game us unmercifully. “Magic” consists of psychological
warfare, meme warfare, groupthink and a myriad of other covert ways to manipulate and coerce us.
“Magic” is the ability to hoodwink. Movies are a very important part of our cultural landscape and
they have an immense impact on society’s norms, moods, values and cultural narratives…. For that
reason, they are highly controlled.
Media – well, let’s talk some about Big Media: America’s Nazi Secret and its startling new
revelations has been offered to national news organizations, but they have declined, even though the
earlier, censored edition of this book generated wide publicity and helped 60 Minutes reporter Mike
Wallace win an Emmy. Was the “control” more lax then? Probably. Did the sanitized version serve a
certain purpose? Maybe.
I find the silence disturbing. Why the suppression now?
With restored vigor and vibrant truth this new edition of The Belarus Secret, released now as
America’s Nazi Secret, greatly helps our understanding of difficult historical facts as well as the
dynamics in play in the years immediately after World War II … and also today.
A former newsperson for ABC and CBS told me recently she feels there should be two journalism
schools these days. One that offers courses in how to learn the “official facts” and go through life with
blinders on. And one where the students learn to do it all: become news entrepreneurs, figure it out
from the bottom up, and deliver the story themselves because there are no media organizations of any
size or influence today that will follow certain stories to their true conclusions.
What did my father mean by “sway pieces”? Take us here with one official opinion, then take us
there with another one. Soon we are fighting each other, and since none of the information is complete
in the first place, it taints civic dialogue. And then, awash in the bread and circuses, disgust and
apathy, we simply just lose interest in the whole shebang, allowing the corruption to run rampant. The
hoodwink works!
I implore news professionals to buck the corporate masters, dig deep below the surface and behind
the curtain, discuss our true reality and redeem the Fourth Estate. Please become, once again, a true
partner and steward of our Republic.
When he discovered the truth of the matter, John Loftus told it to the American people: The good,
the bad, and the ugly. Here he expands and deepens that truth, for which we thank him.
Onward to the Utmost of Futures
Peace,
Kris Millegan
Publisher
TrineDay
September 22, 2010
To Solomon, a Jew, who bore witness to the Holocaust,
And
To Meg, my newborn, so that she may never have to
Author's Note
for Second printing
America's Nazi Secret is an invisible book. Invisibility is a relatively easy thing to arrange in
American publishing. An embarrassed book reviewer once explained that all it takes for a book to
disappear in America is the influence of a mere handful of critics at the New York Times or the
Washington Post. If these critics take a pass, no other wanna-be book reviewers will have the courage
to defy the alpha dogs and write about it on their own.
My, my, how times have changed. Newspapers used to have courage, and I used to be a favorite son
of the press.
After I first submitted the core of this book for government censorship in 1981, enough of the truth
remained that my publisher, Alfred Knopf, nominated it for the Pulitzer Prize in history in 1982. A
CBS 60 Minutes segment about the book won Mike Wallace that year's Emmy Award for outstanding
investigative journalism.
For a brief period of time, my name was on the front page of almost every newspaper in America.
My book, originally The Belarus Secret, was the cover item for the Washington Post Book Review. It
went through five printings, and was regarded as a seminal work on Holocaust history and on
corruption within the American intelligence community.
That was then, this is now.
Now, US bureaucrats have apparently arranged that America's Nazi Secret will never be reviewed
by a major newspaper. Previously, all they had needed to do to censor my writing was to keep me
under wraps. Because of my many security clearances, after retirement I was subjected to a thirty-year
restriction forbidding publishing without government review and editing. When the classification
clock ran out, I received word from the CIA that I did not have to submit my books for censorship
anymore. I decided to rush something into print quickly before they changed their minds.
This book, America's Nazi Secret, is like a sandwich. The center of the sandwich is the original
thirty-year-old text of The Belarus Secret. On one side of that is a quite lengthy new introduction,
explaining what was previously taken out of the book by US Government censors. The other piece is a
lengthy epilogue, explaining why so much of the information that has been censored out of all seven
of my books during the last three decades is still vitally important today. The new material I have
added has more than a bit of relevance to current headlines.
And it still has the potential to put bureaucrats behind bars.
In 1982, Mark Richard was the Deputy Assistant Attorney General of the Criminal Division, at the
Headquarters of the US Department of Justice in Washington, DC. It was he who directed the
censorship of my book and threatened me with disbarment and imprisonment if I ever told the truth
about him.
Mark Richard was a despicably evil little man, and one who perpetrated a fraud on Congress, the
CIA, Holocaust survivors and WWII veterans. It was he, more than any other, who protected Nazi war
criminals living in America and obstructed justice for the victims of the Third Reich.
It was a measure of Mark Richard's power and influence that Eric Holder, President Obama's
Attorney General, recently gave the eulogy at his funeral in May 2009. I regret that Richard did not
live just a few years more, so I could have had him indicted instead of eulogized. At least he knew that
I was coming after him, and it panicked him into committing his lies to paper. According to his
obituary article in the Washington Post, "not satisfied with his bar mitzvah ceremony at age 12," he
had repeated it in April of that year. "'He performed like a champ,' his rabbi said."
Richard knew that he was dying of cancer, and he also knew that my thirty-year classification clock
would expire in 2011, and I would be free to speak out without pre-publication review. He knew that I
was a stubborn old Irishman, and that someday I would tell the world of his awful deeds, recorded in
the secret files I had read. Every time I submitted a book for censorship, it only made things worse for
him. The censorship only proved the truth of my charges. Sooner or later, all the deletions would come
back to haunt him. Richard had arranged for the CIA to put its name on the censorship orders, but it
was he who actually controlled the rules for inter-agency deletion.
Before his death in 2009, Mark Richard commissioned a 600-page classified report in which the
Justice Department defended Richard's role in the failed “hunt” for Nazi war criminals in America. Of
the 15,000 Nazi war criminals officially estimated to have lived in America, fewer than one hundred
received any form of mild sanction from the Justice Department, and that at a staggering cost of more
than a half-million dollars per case. Congress had delivered the money, but Justice never delivered the
goods. Nazi hunting may have been the least effective program in Justice Department history.
Mark Richard edited the Justice Department document to exonerate himself and to shift the blame
to a lower-ranking bureaucrat, Allan Ryan, whom Richard accused of perjury and dishonesty. He
devoted an entire chapter of the report to me, claiming that I was an amateur historian who
“exaggerated” things about Nazis working for American intelligence. And then Richard made a fatal
mistake. He told the truth, just a bit, but enough to sink his reputation.
For thirty years, Richard and Ryan had falsely claimed that there was no evidence whatsoever of
any connection between the US Government and the immigration of Nazi war criminals. But in his
long-winded deathbed screed, Richard grudgingly admitted that perhaps some Nazis may have had a
little US government help, and perhaps a “few” lies had been told to the federal courts.
It is an old lawyer's trick to cop a plea to a misdemeanor to avoid a felony charge, but Richard
should have stayed with the total stonewall instead of going for the limited hang out. Richard and
Ryan had been peddling the “we never helped the Nazis” line to the press for thirty years, and
reporters were quick to pick up on the change.
America's Nazi Secrets was released, without any advance notice to the government, in November
2010 on Veteran's Day. (Although advance copies were sent to the New York Times, which may have
provided an early warning to the Justice Department.) That same week, someone took a copy of
Richard's classified report out of the Justice Department safe and leaked it to the Times, which broke
the story three days later. Now, instead of praising Mark Richard, the Times reported primarily that
the Justice Department acknowledged that the US government helped Nazis immigrate and then lied
about it. That was the headline that ran all over the country.
The Times actually published Richard's entire 600-page report on its website, but it seems that only
I and a handful of others ever read the whole thing. The bias was self-evident. There is a whole section
about an unnamed former Justice Department prosecutor who helped the Australian Government
uncover Nazis there. Richard took the credit for the Australian success, but he never mentioned that I
was the one who had actually done the praiseworthy work. That would have conflicted with his
previous chapter denouncing me as an amateur exaggerator. There is an old saying that those who
would lie about history deserve to be forgotten by it.
Still, it was good for a few laughs to imagine that Richard was so terrified of what I might say
about him that he wasted thousands of man-hours put in by Justice Department employees. They
produced his posthumous defense packet, only to have the press focus on the precise matter I had
warned Congress about decades before: Nazis didn't sneak into America; they were smuggled in by
our spy agencies. It was nice to be right, even if my name wasn't mentioned in the stories.
No one in the Justice Department or the New York Times ever called to interview me about
Richard's report. So much for fairness, accuracy and objectivity, but as readers of my weekly column
in Ami magazine will recall, I have long known that the Times had incestuous ties to both the Justice
Department and the intelligence community.
I have read the secret files about the New York Times itself, including how Abwehr Leutnant Paul
Hoffman, adjutant to the top Nazi war criminal in Italy, later became the Times' Rome Bureau Chief at
the request of US intelligence. The last I heard, Leutnant Hoffman is retired in Switzerland, but still
writes an occasional article for the Times' Travel section.
Many of the Times' “journalists” over the years have actually been shady covert operatives running
assassinations and South American coups. Nowadays, the Times doesn't hire Nazis or spies, but it
continues to turn a blind eye to such activities. In return for scoops, the Times washes the dirty laundry
of the intelligence community. They all know how to scrub a story.
The best way to cover up a scandal is merely to minimize it. That way, the rest of the press won't
pay much attention: “It's no big deal. The Times already covered it. Nothing much there.”
For example in the 1980s, the Times ran several skeptical articles about a New Yorker named
Mykola Lebed being a “suspected” Nazi. Despite my urging, the Times would dig no further. A pity,
because there was a lot they could have dug up. Lebed had been the head of the Ukrainian version of
the Gestapo, whose thugs murdered Simon Wiesenthal's mother, along with tens of thousands of
Poles, Jews and other Ukrainian citizens.
I have a good candidate for who waved the Times off the Lebed story. Back in the 1980s, one of
Mark Richard's subordinates, Dick Sullivan, had convinced Congress and the CIA that Lebed had been
the leader of the anti-Nazi resistance in the Ukraine. To understand the scope of this lie, I should
explain that I once had poor Mr. Sullivan read Lebed's entire three-volume intelligence dossier, which
throughout documented Lebed's various crimes and atrocities in detail.
I also briefed Sullivan and his buddy Allan Ryan on the Justice Department's embarrassing
connections to the Lebed case. In addition to finding Lebed's intelligence visa personally signed by the
Attorney General (behind Truman's back), I had found a 1950s intelligence letter to the Eisenhower
Justice Department asking to admit Lebed's entire Nazi team for immigration so they could be
employed as assassins behind the Iron Curtain. I asked Ryan and Sullivan if I could open the sealed
Justice Department “Sunrise” files to look for Ukrainian Nazis admitted in the 1950s.
Permission was denied.
To this day, as far as I can tell, no one in the Justice Department has ever opened the Parole Waiver
Act (“Sunrise”) files to look for visas granted to Nazis hired by US intelligence during the Eisenhower
administration under that statute. The New York Times continues to praise the Justice Department's
Nazi-hunting unit, even hiring Sullivan's buddy Ryan as a book reviewer.
Now you can begin to understand why my books are invisible, and why I think both the Times and
the Justice Department are charades.
Nearly two decades after I tried to get Justice to move against Mykola Lebed and his network of
Nazis, Professor Jeffrey Burds of Northeastern University confirmed the extent of Lebed's atrocities
by interviewing eyewitnesses and reviewing recently opened Ukrainian archives. The professor had no
doubt that Lebed had been a major war criminal, perhaps the highest ranking Nazi murderer ever to
arrive in America.
In 2006, he met with Eli Rosenbaum, the last head of the Justice Department's Nazi hunting unit,
who continued to insist that Lebed was nothing of the sort, and that I had exaggerated Lebed's entire
Nazi collaboration. I then told Professor Burds about a memo that same bureaucrat had written back
when he worked for me as a law clerk. Rosenbaum had reviewed newspaper articles referencing Nazis
wanted by the USSR, compiling a list of the two dozen most notorious. Lebed was featured
prominently in Rosenbaum's catalog of major war criminals.
Perhaps Mr. Rosenbaum forgot. The Times seems to have forgotten a lot as well, apparently never
questioning how someone like Lebed could stay in America without the Justice Department ever
checking up on him.
Unlike the remarkably uncurious Times, the CIA followed up and asked me to write a detailed
history of Lebed's Nazi activities, information someone seemed to have purged from its classified
files. I have a pretty good guess as to who might have done the purging. There was at least one CIA
employee who had the motive, means and opportunity to shred any number of old Nazi files.
In this book, I have now included a copy of my previously classified memo to the CIA about Lebed,
along with some of the very recently declassified CIA memos identifying their man responsible for
handling any Lebed issues. The CIA trusted Dick Sullivan's expertise on Lebed, since Sullivan had
previously worked in the Nazi-hunting unit at Justice. Despite the fact that Sullivan had already seen
all of the files at Justice naming Lebed as a war criminal, he nonetheless convinced the CIA that
Lebed was an anti-Nazi resistance leader wanted by the Gestapo. There was even a phony “wanted”
poster. Mark Richard must have been so proud of Sullivan.
I suspect that pretty much everything the Times has ever published about how successfully the
Justice Department pursued Nazis in America is a bit of a fraud. Fraud is a bit harsh, you may think.
Maybe the editors were just absent minded about events that happened a long time ago. But if so, how
can the Times reconcile that with its own coverage in November 2010?
Prior to the official release on Veterans Day, my publisher sent the New York Times advance copies
of America's Nazi Secret along with press releases. The book clearly asserts that the Justice
Department itself sponsored the immigration of war criminals, including Mykola Lebed and his entire
Nazi network. Even if the Times ignored all the press releases and had mislaid all their advance copies
on Veteran's Day, someone still should have called me shortly after Mark Richard's 600-page
classified report landed on their desks, coincidentally arriving just three days after my book was
published. Yeah, that's what it was. Just a coincidence.
Following standard practice and checking the indexes for previous Times stories about Nazis or
Lebed or Justice Department cover-ups, a staffer would have seen my name as the whistle-blowing
Justice Department lawyer who had read all the classified Nazi files at CIA, including Lebed's. Forget
the archives index, my name was featured prominently in Richard's report itself. It is more than a bit
odd that I never got a phone call.
There are other oddities. Someone has shredded the bulk of the CIA's entire file collection on the
Muslim Brotherhood. There are only a few press clippings in the file. The New York Times continues
to publish puff pieces about the wonderful Muslim Brotherhood as an old fashioned anti-colonial
political group that may play a modern role in a future Egyptian government. The truth, as this book
reveals, is that the Muslim Brotherhood was the original Arab Nazi movement, working for British
intelligence to crush the infant State of Israel. In the 1980s it was hired by American intelligence to
recruit the Mujahadeen in Afghanistan, and it is now the parent organization of every Sunni terrorist
group in the Middle East. A rather significant omission in the Times' coverage of the Muslim
Brotherhood, wouldn't you say?
A favorite quote of mine is from George Orwell, author of 1984: “The omission is the most
powerful form of lie, and it is the duty of the historian to ensure that those lies do not creep into the
history books.”
There is no famine or actual starvation nor is there likely to be.
– New York Times, Nov. 15, 1931, page 1
Enemies and foreign critics can say what they please. Weaklings and despondents at home
may groan under the burden, but the youth and strength of the Russian people is
essentially at one with the Kremlin’s program, believes it worthwhile and supports it,
however hard be the sledding.
– New York Times, December 9, 1932, page 6
There is no actual starvation or deaths from starvation but there is widespread mortality
from diseases due to malnutrition.
– New York Times, March 31, 1933, page 13
You can’t make an omelet without breaking eggs.
– New York Times, May 14, 1933, page 18
Any report of a famine in Russia is today an exaggeration or malignant propaganda.
– New York Times, August 23, 1933
[The news dispatches of Walter Duranty, the New York Times Moscow correspondent who
won the Pulitzer Prize for a lie: he covered up the Ukrainian Famine to conceal Stalin’s
crimes.]
The New York Times has a long history of deception by omission. During WWII, the Times omitted
numerous reports of Nazi atrocities against Jews, and buried even the smallest mention of what we
now call the Holocaust in its back pages. The Times has since acknowledged this as a major
journalistic failure. During the post-war struggles that lead to the creation of the State of Israel, Times'
reporting can best be described as neutral or in favor of the Arabs, perhaps because the owner of the
paper had publicly declared that if Israel ever became a nation, he would “resign from the Jewish
race.”
That owner frequently corresponded with his friend, Robert P. Joyce of State Department
intelligence. He offered the newspaper as a cover for covert operations. The Times has never reported
that its foreign bureaus were used to support the assassination of President Allende in Chile, the
overthrow of the Mossadegh democracy in Iran, and the hiring of former Nazi intelligence officers
during the Cold War.
Unlike almost every other major American newspaper, the Times did not provide front-page
coverage of the 60 Minutes segment in 1982 describing the revelations in The Belarus Secret. Pulitzer
Prize winner Seymour Hersh, a former employee of that newspaper, called to congratulate me for
forcing the Times to cover the story at all: “Don't you understand? You made them do it.”
Mark Richard has passed away, but Allan Ryan, Dick Sullivan's best buddy from the Justice
Department, continues to write the occasional book review for the New York Times. Of course that
could just be another one of those odd coincidences. On the other hand, it could explain how some
books became invisible to the general public. Books about the Holocaust rarely remain invisible in the
Jewish community, but then many Jewish Americans seem not to want to know this history.
One very nice reporter for a small Jewish newspaper in California told me why she had so much
trouble reading this book: “I read the cover and then stared at your book for a full week. I was afraid
to read it because if I did, it might be true, and then my world would change. It was like that movie
The Matrix, where they offered a pill that would make you wake up. Did I want to wake up?”
She eventually did, and wrote a fine review. But I think most people probably would rather not
know the truth.
That will not stop me from writing, however. I intend to describe as much as I can about important
omissions in the official histories reported in the press.
Table of Contents
Cover
America’s Nazi Secret
Page ii
Publisher Quotes
Publisher’s Foreword
Dedication
John Loftus, 1982.
Introduction
Preface
Prologue
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Epilogue
Notes
Documents
&
Photographs
John Loftus, 1982.
Introduction
Let us begin at the beginning. I have already told a bit about myself in the original Prologue to this
book, so I will let stand what is written. What I did not say then was how very, very much I wanted to
be a Federal Prosecutor. “It is the only job for an honest lawyer,” they said. “You can always decide
whether or not charges should be filed, while defense counsel has to take every criminal who walks in
the door.”
I wanted an honorable life, to be a priest at the Temple of Justice. I started as a law clerk under the
Attorney General’s Honors Program. Every year a few dozen bright-eyed young law school graduates
are chosen from among thousands of applicants to work at the Department of Justice. In 1977 I
entered Department of Justice headquarters, a monumental building in Washington DC, on
Pennsylvania Avenue, halfway between the White House and the Capitol.
I was twenty seven years old when I was assigned to the Criminal Division, Appellate Section. My
office was on the second floor, next to the “Great Hall of Justice.” Depression-era mosaics lined the
walls and staircase, depicting the famous lawgivers of history, from Hammurabi to the Prophet
Mohammed.[1] On center stage was the famous statue of the “Spirit of Justice” a semi-nude woman
without blindfold or the scales of Justice.[2] Our Latin motto translated as “We who follow the Lady
Justice.”
My new boss shook my hand and said, “Welcome to the Justice Department. You now represent the
most corrupt client in the world, the United States Government.” I thought he was kidding. I still think
he was wrong. I did not work for the most corrupt client, just the most corrupt law firm.
For nearly a century, Wall Street has made the Justice Department its principal target of
acquisition. Huge corporate campaign donations come with a price. The donors get to name the
Attorney General … not always, but often. You cannot buy the US Government, but the Justice
Department is for rent. It is a very lucrative business.
The environmental crimes unit at Justice can make or break corporate polluters.
The Tax Division controls the IRS through binding interpretation of tax laws. When Congress
passed the Refugee Relief Act in the 1950s banning immigrants who supported totalitarian regimes,
Justice’s INS interpreted the ban to apply only to those who advocated a totalitarian regime in the
United States. Thus, Congressional intent to ban the immigration of those who had supported the
regimes of Hitler, Mussolini or Tojo was simply reversed by Eisenhower’s Attorney General. Instead
of banning Nazi immigrations, DOJ said the law legalized the immigration of former Nazis as long as
they did not try to establish a Fourth Reich in America. Worse, that twisted interpretation was
deployed to obstruct the Justice Department’s Nazi hunters three decades later.
Corruption in Justice has been going on for a long time. At the Treaty of Versailles negotiations,
the Attorney General was described by the press as the “bag man” for the law firm of Sullivan and
Cromwell.[3] During WWII, this same law firm represented American corporations whose assets had
been seized under the Trading with the Enemy Act because they operated as Nazi fronts, while at the
same time other members of the firm volunteered as the Justice Department’s prosecutors, officially
titled the Alien Property Custodians. It is a matter of historical record that the American Bar
Association’s code of ethics for conflict of interest arose in response to the conduct of Sullivan and
Cromwell attorneys.
Some may say that I am a bit harsh, that perhaps some misconduct occurred in the past which
would never be tolerated in the modern Justice Department. After all, one Attorney General, Elliot
Richardson, resigned rather than cave in to President Nixon’s corrupt and unlawful orders. What the
defenders of DOJ tend to gloss over is that once the Attorney General had resigned, the rest of the
bureaucrats at Justice were all too willing to carry out Nixon’s commands.
The bottom line is that corporate control of Justice protects the corporations’ bottom lines. For
example, the Federal Courts once ruled that the Big Tobacco companies had to pay billions and
billions of dollars to reimburse Medicare and Medicaid for the cost of caring for the victims of lung
disease. The Big Tobacco companies donated a few tens of millions to elect a Republican President,
who appointed a Tobacco-friendly Attorney General. Embarrassed federal prosecutors told the court
that they had been ordered to request a much lesser amount of damages than the Judge had already
awarded. The Justice Department gave billions of the taxpayers dollars back to the Big Tobacco
companies.
While most of the corporate shenanigans occur under Republican administrations, the Democrats
are occasionally involved as well, especially when the concern is to protect the image of the Justice
Department itself. For example, while the Office of Legal Counsel gave the George W. Bush
administration a free pass to ignore binding treaties on torture and prisoner interrogation, every first
year law student knew better. But Obama’s Attorney General Eric Holder declined even to press ethics
charges against the Bush-era OLC attorneys, leaving the matter to their State Bar Associations. When
you work at Main Justice, no one ever goes to jail. Ask Ed Meese.
Back in 1977 when I started at DOJ, I was still a bit innocent for someone who had worked his way
through college as a campaign professional in Boston politics and then served as an Army Officer. In
the beginning, I loved my job at “Main Justice,” as we called DOJ Headquarters. They used to give us
bus tokens to go up to Capitol Hill and listen to federal criminal cases argued before the Supreme
Court.
Once, without knowing it, I sat next to the defendant in a murder case – an Army doctor and Green
Beret who had murdered his entire family. I later learned that one his of early defense counsels was a
former Special Assistant Attorney General. Special indeed. He was the Justice Department lawyer who
let free all the American corporate executives who had stayed in Germany to help their Nazi clients.
These businessmen had literally given aid and comfort to the enemy during the war. All the stripedsuit traitors were held in a joint prison camp code named Ashcan/Dustbin.[4]
The prison camp was under British authority, but the guards were all Americans. One of the guards
told me years later that one of the pompous prisoners boasted that his friends at the Chase Manhattan
Bank would take care of him. “Are you sure they would even want to hear your name?” the guard
asked, confident that no American business would ever help someone accused of treason.
The prisoner was right. The guard was wrong.[5] The Special Assistant Attorney General of the
United States closed all of the treason cases in Occupied Germany. Not a single corporate officer ever
went to jail for doing business with the Nazis, either in America or the United Kingdom.[6] The
Justice Department covered it all up.[7] More than a hundred American traitors were returned home
after many profitable years of serving Hitler. The Army’s original investigative files, codenamed
ASHCAN and DUSTBIN are still off limits to “protect the privacy” of the American citizens involved.
An American Intelligence Officer, Allen Dulles, used his position in the OSS to protect himself and
his clients from investigation for laundering Nazi funds back to America.[8] In addition to Dulles,
President Franklin Roosevelt had his own Vice President and Attorney General under surveillance for
protecting those American businessmen with commercial ties to the Third Reich. After British
wiretapping suggested that FDR’s right-hand man had leaked classified information to a pro-Nazi
Swedish businessman, FDR quickly replaced his Vice President with Harry Truman, who had a
reputation for bipartisan investigation into American corporate corruption.
Unfortunately, President Roosevelt did not brief Truman on the investigations into Dulles and the
Attorney General, both of whom were retained by Truman after Roosevelt’s death. What President
Truman also did not know was that FDR permitted British assassination teams to murder pro-Nazi
American businessmen in New York. Mention of the American-Nazi collaboration and the British
assassination teams were censored from the original edition of this book, along with any mention of
the Vatican’s role in laundering Nazi money back to the American corporate investors.[9]
Such censorship only proves that I started off on the right track nearly thirty years ago. In the
following decades, my Australian co-author, Mark Aarons[10] and I have combed through
international archives for declassified traces of America’s Nazi Secrets. Our initial endeavor, a
documentary series on ABC Australian National Radio exposing the Vatican’s role in smuggling Nazi
war criminals out of Europe, won second place in the world in the Armstrong Radio Award.
Subsequently, we made a five-part documentary series on Nazis in Australia, which prompted an
official inquiry and led to major changes to Australia’s war-crimes legislation. Mark Aarons then
published a history of Nazis “down under,” which won major journalistic acclaim. Our first joint
book, Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis and the Swiss Banks, became an international best seller
and has been translated into many languages.
With my Canadian friend, Brendan Howley, I co-authored a fiction-based-on-fact history of the
Dulles family called The Witness Tree, which has never appeared in print in America, perhaps
because if its embarrassing revelation about the Bush family. My next joint endeavor with Mark
Aarons, The Secret War Against the Jews is considered a classic of intelligence history and is still in
print, except of course in England, where it is still banned.
It is just a matter of time. The British intelligence records concerning American-Nazi corporate
cooperation, to which I had access, should be released to the Public Records Office in London
beginning in 2020. A significant number of British intelligence reports of American business ties to
Nazi corporate fronts have recently been declassified and are cited in my previous works.[11]
The financial rot inside the Justice Department that began before WWII has never been cleansed. It
has given corporate America a continuing source of blackmail against the career bureaucrats at DOJ
who participated in the original Nazi cover-up. As we shall see, DOJ continues to be involved in the
modern sequels, the Arab Nazi recruitment of the 9/11 terrorist groups, an inadvertent result of
American oil company manipulation of DOJ and State. The Old Nazis are the New Nazis, their old
evil still bottled in the same old barrels of oil.
Of course, I did not know this in 1979 when I first applied for a transfer to the Criminal Division’s
Office of Special Investigations, the unit newly created by Congress to pursue Nazi war criminals
living in America. The Appellate Section had been fun, but I was getting a bit bored with writing
briefs and wanted some excitement. Be careful what you wish for.
OSI’s first director was Walter J. Rockler, a former prosecutor at the Bankers’ Trial at the
Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal. As I would soon discover, Walter was the real deal, and already
knew quite a bit about the Nazi cover-up. He volunteered to join the Justice Department’s reopened
Nazi unit in 1979, to finish a job he had started during WWII.
After serving with Army intelligence, Rockler had been assigned to the International Military
Tribunal at Nuremberg to prepare war-crimes charges against those German bankers who had funded
the Nazi war machine. Rockler told me how unnamed higher authorities kept eliminating his
investigative budget. Sadly, this was happening to anyone in the Allied forces who poked his nose into
the source of Nazi capital.[12]
Because of a lack of witnesses, and dwindling resources, Rockler had been finally forced to drop
the investigation against Herman Abs and Deutsche Bank. The very next day Abs was appointed
economic adviser to the British Zone of Occupied Germany.[13] All of the British residents of
Ashcan/Dustbin were quietly released. Several members of the British Royal Family had Nazi dossiers
that were quietly returned by American intelligence to the British Secret Service. [14]
One prominent royal, Edward, Duke of Windsor, had actually served as King before he was forced
to abdicate. He claimed that he left the throne “to marry the woman I love.”
The truth, however, is that SIS [MI6] wire tappers had made phonograph recordings of the Duke of
Windsor making pre-war deals with Hitler’s Ambassador to the Court of Saint James. Even after his
abdication, Windsor was regarded by J. Edgar Hoover as “such a dangerous Nazi agent”[15] that he
was kept under Allied surveillance throughout the war.
Forced to abdicate in December 1936, Edward and his American wife, Wallace Simpson, toured
Germany in 1937. During his visit with Hitler, the dictator promised to restore him to the throne of
England as its first fascist King. As his part of the bargain, it was said, Edward successfully betrayed
the entire plan of the Maginot line to the Third Reich. British intelligence interceded just as Edward
and Wallace were preparing to flee neutral Spain for Germany. They were seized and interned in the
Bahamas for the duration of the war. At Churchill’s request to President Eisenhower, the Justice
Department covered up the Windsor secret until I stumbled across the files in the Attorney General’s
Top Secret vault.
Years later, Anthony Cave Brown, a prominent British historian, telephoned me to ask that I not
reveal that their King was a Nazi traitor. Brown begged me to consider what would have happened to
public morale in Britain if their former King had been put on trial after the war.
My response was that the people of Britain had not fought WWII to make England a safe haven for
retired Nazi collaborators or for Hitler’s financial backers. Moreover, it was my opinion that many of
the British nobility, bankers and corporate executives from the “Cliveden set,” should have stood in
the dock along with Windsor. Mr. Brown was not amused. When I included the British-Nazi scandal in
the American version of my book, The Secret War Against the Jews, every publishing house in Britain
turned it down. As noted earlier, that international bestseller is still “banned in Britain.”
The British were not the only ones to cover up embarrassing Nazi connections. During the
Nuremberg trials, one of the prosecuting attorneys, the same Walter J. Rockler who later became my
boss at OSI, discovered a German document listing the thirteen American banks that had secretly
worked for the Third Reich during WWII. After his investigative unit was shut down, Rockler kept the
Nazi bank list to prevent it from being shredded.[16]
Shredding of captured Nazi records was the favorite tactic of Dulles and his corporate “volunteers”
who stayed behind to help run the occupation of post-war Germany. Most of the Nazi records were
shipped to the old torpedo factory on the Potomac River in Alexandria, Virginia. There the
representatives of various intelligence services culled the documents under the guise of the War
Department’s European Acquisition Project. The EAP files were indexed on Holorith cards, a sort of
crude computer system where metal rods were slid through corresponding holes on the edges of the
cards. There are many more documents listed in the EAP index than were ever turned over to the
National Archives.
I found some of the missing documents when I raided the offices of Professor Alexander Dallin,
Chair of the History Department at Stanford University. The terrified professor quickly turned over
boxes of unpublished Einsatzgruppen reports, records of the SS mobile killing units in Eastern Europe.
These records contained the names of Nazi collaborators from Belarus and Ukraine, men who had
earned their spurs by carrying out the mass murder of their own countrymen. Similar records
concerning Polish collaborators with the Nazis were pulled from the Nuremberg trials before the
Russians could get their hands on them.
The most distressing stolen document that Professor Dallin produced from his hoard was the
unpublished memoirs of a senior SS officer, Friedrich Buchardt, who had written a history of the Nazi
occupation of Eastern Europe. Professor Dallin had plagiarized Buchardt’s manuscript for his own
famous work, Russia Under German Rule. Buchardt had been the leader of VorKommano Moskau, one
of the SS mobile killing units which specialized in recruiting local collaborators from Belarus and the
Ukraine as spies.[17]
Dallin confessed to me that his Nazis had also been used for Harvard’s Russian Research Project,
and gave me the code list for the “anonymous” interview subjects, almost all of whom had been Nazi
collaborators. I found the matching files at Harvard in drawer B2. Both Harvard and Stanford owe an
apology for perpetrating an academic fraud upon the public, and polluting almost the entire field of
Russian sociological studies during the Cold War.
The US Department of State’s intelligence service masterminded the Nazi cover-up. George
Kennan’s friend Gustav Hilger had been the liaison between the German Foreign Office and the SS
Mobile Killing units. It was Kennan who personally recruited Hilger and tried to bring him to
America. Kennan screamed at me over the telephone that I was defaming his reputation, but quietly
dropped his threats of a lawsuit when I told him that I had read his files. I had a similar experience
with Henry Kissinger.[18]
Kissinger was recruited as a professional spy for Dulles shortly after the end of the war in Europe.
Although there is no evidence that he personally recruited Nazis, Kissinger ran the intelligence file
room where records of Nazi recruitment were kept. He then transferred to Harvard where he
specialized in recruiting foreign students for espionage. Later he worked for Dulles during the glory
days of Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). He was hired as a consultant for a private group known
as Operations Research Office, which planned to use former Nazis as agents behind Russian lines in
the event of World War III. Mention of Kissinger’s classified work was censored from the original
manuscript of this book.
But Kissinger and the State Department had a witting accomplice in the Nazi cover up. The US
Justice Department had known all along where Rockler’s missing witnesses could be found. The
German bankers that Rockler was trying to prosecute at Nuremberg had hired American and British
corporate executives – who had then become the secret residents of Camp Ashcan/Dustbin. It was the
Special Assistant Attorney General Victor Swearingen who had kept all the American and British
moneymen hidden from the nosey Nuremberg prosecutors.
Political smear tactics forced Rockler out before I could tell him why all Nazi financial crimes
investigations kept getting closed down.[19] He was getting much too close to the truth. The money
that funded the banks and corporations of the Third Reich came from Wall Street and “the City,”
London, England’s financial district and Wall Street equivalent. President Roosevelt knew about it,
and so did his Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau.[20]
The problem was that Roosevelt never told Harry Truman about the Atomic bomb or about his real
motive for the Nazi Bankers’ Trials at Nuremberg. The German bankers were supposed to point their
fingers at their American investment partners, which would effectively incriminate the principal
financial contributors to the GOP. Had he lived, Roosevelt might have succeeded in bringing treason
charges against the leading lights of Wall Street. It was high time that some of them did jail time.
At the end of the 1800s, some of America’s wealthiest families had pooled their money to form
aggressively brutal monopolies, cartels and other price fixing schemes. Their perfidious and predatory
practices earned them the nickname “the Robber Barons of Wall Street.” There were some Democrats
like the Harriman family (and later the Kennedys), but most of the Robber Barons were unabashedly
Republicans. The Rockefeller, Dupont, Bush and Walker families were just a few.
I have always said that neither JFK nor George W. Bush should be blamed because their parents or
grandparents invested in Hitler. What many people do not realize is that Joseph Kennedy bought his
Nazi-era stock through Prescott Bush. They traveled by ship to Germany together before the war.[21]
Teddy Roosevelt, arguably the most honest of the Republican Presidents, was the only one in the
GOP who tried to bring the Robber barons to their knees. He persuaded Congress to pass extremely
strict anti-trust, anti-cartel, and anti-monopoly legislation. In 1918, the Robber Barons fought back,
and somehow convinced Congress to pass the Webb-Pomerene Act. This little-know loophole law
permitted the creation of American trusts, monopolies, etc., as long as it was done overseas. Because
of this loophole law, investment capital left America in a great flood, one of the contributing causes of
the crash of 1929 and the Great Depression.
During the 1920s three countries were targeted for takeover by the Robber Barons: Germany,
Russia and what is now known as Saudi Arabia. The tactics were the same: American cartels bribed
their way into friendly governments and then protected their investments by hiring local mercenaries
– paid terrorist groups who watched over their interests.
In Saudi Arabia, the terrorists for hire were known as the Ikhwan al Muslimeen, the Muslim
Brothers, or more colloquially, the Muslim Brotherhood. The Robber Barons armed this group of
fanatical Wahhabists, who drove the peaceful Hashemite rulers out of Mecca and Medina and installed
the House of Saud. The Saudis named the country after themselves, created an oil company with their
American investors (Aramco), and then promptly threw the Ikhwan terrorists out of Saudi Arabia. The
Saudis were not stupid after all.
The Ikhwan settled primarily in Egypt, where they joined the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood