Vibe Maria Martens, "Belonging To His Majesty The King", Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies
1792-1848. Speciale. Saxo Instituttet, Københavns Universitet. Bedømmelsesdato: 23.08.10.
Contents
Resumé
3
1
Introduction
4
2
Research question
4
3
Hypothesis
5
4
The field of research
6
5
Historical context
7
5.1 Political and economic history
7
5.2 Slave society
7
5.3 Slave revolts and Emancipation
9
5.4 The Danish administration
6
Historiography
6.1 Slave societies of the Caribbean
10
12
12
6.2 Published primary sources concerning the Danish West Indies
14
6.3 Royal Slaves in the Caribbean
15
6.4 Slave society in the Danish West Indies
18
6.5 Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies
21
7
Theoretical perspective
22
8
Methodology
26
9
Archival material
28
10
Comparative elements
30
11
Functions and value of the Royal Slaves
31
11.1
Trends and developments 1792 – 1848
32
11.2
Royal Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset
34
11.3
Royal Slaves at proviantgården
37
11.4
Royal Slaves at the bakery
39
11.5
Royal Slaves at the fortresses
43
11.6
Royal Slaves at the military barracks
46
11.7
Royal Slaves at the hospitals
50
11.8 Royal Slaves in other functions
53
11.9 Non-existing functions
57
1
11.10 The value of the Royal Slaves
12
Legal rights
63
12.1 Food provisions
64
12.2 Provision grounds
66
12.3 Housing rights
66
12.4 Clothing
67
12.5 Healthcare
68
12.6 Self-manumission?
68
13
Crime and punishment
69
13.1 Crime and punishment of Royal Slaves
69
The state’s provisions for its slaves
72
14
15
61
14.1 Food provisions
72
14.2 Subsistence allowance
75
14.3 Provision grounds
79
14.4 Housing and supervision
82
14.5 Healthcare
86
14.6 Osnaburg – cloth and clothes
88
14.7 Funerals
90
14.8
91
Baptisms
Living conditions of other non-Danish Royal Slaves
93
15.1 Winkel slaves
93
15.2 Cobreros
95
16
Research perspectives
97
17
Conclusion
99
Bibliography
102
Unpublished primary sources
102
Maps and drawings
104
Newspapers
104
Published secondary sources
105
Appendices A, B and C are to be found in the separate booklet
2
Resumé
”Belonging To His Majesty The King”
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies 1792 – 1848.
By Vibe Maria Martens, University of Copenhagen, 2010.
Dette speciale redegør for antallet af de såkaldte kongelige slaver, slaver ejet af den
danske konge i Dansk Vestindien mellem 1792 og 1848. Endvidere undersøger
specialet hvilke vilkår denne gruppe af slaver levede under. De kongelige slaver
varetog funktioner i det urbane rum som var essentielle for opretholdelsen af
slavesamfundet, som f.eks. arbejde i vejerboden, pakhuset og proviantgården, men
også andre steder som forter, hospitaler og toldbåden. Det undersøges, om de
kongelige slaver besad specifikke håndværksfærdigheder for at redegøre for hvorfor
nogle kongelige slaver var meget værdifulde og hvad det kunne have betydet i forhold
til de opgaver de udførte.
Det overordnede formål er at klarlægge, om de vilkår disse kongelige slaver levede
under var bedre eller anderledes end de privatejede slaver i Dansk Vestindien og
andre statsejede slaver i det øvrige Caribien. Dette undersøges ved at sammenligne
rettigheder og traditioners foreskrivelser af størrelse og type af udleveret mad, penge,
boliger, land til dyrkning, tøj og medicinsk pleje.
Endvidere undersøges de typiske forbrydelser disse slaver begik og straffe de blev
idøm, og dette sammenlignes ligeledes med de privatejede slaver. Denne undersøgelse
bruges til at se, om der er belæg for at de kongelige slaver har ageret anderledes end
andre slaver.
Ved brug af arkivmateriale fra Rigsarkivet og historisk demografisk metode
undersøges disse forhold. Ved hjælp af Mintz og Olwig’s teorier om proto-peasants
undersøges endvidere, om adgangen til ”provision grounds”, slave haver til dyrkning
af frugt, grønt mm. havde afgørende betydning for de kongelige slavers identitet og
selvopfattelse.
Fra konklusionen fremgår det, at de danske kongelige slaver ikke har levet under
betydeligt forskellige forhold fra de privatejede slaver, men heller ikke har været de
dårligst stillede slaver i slavesamfundet på de Dansk Vestindiske Øer mellem
1792 og 1848.
3
1 Introduction
In the slave society of the Danish West Indies, slaves performed a
large number of functions vital to the maintenance of slave society and
its economy. Slaves were a commodity, and considered the property of
their masters. Plantations producing sugar were based on slave labour,
and urban dwellers kept slaves who performed a variety of functions
in the urban sphere. All aspects of production in the Danish West
Indian slave society entailed slave labour, thus most European
Caribbeans owned slaves. 1 The Danish King was the owner of the
islands from 1755, and he was no exception to the general dependency
on slavery. The Danish King owned numerous plantations, on which
Royal Slaves laboured, but he also owned a number of Royal Slaves
who worked in the urban sphere where they also performed jobs vital
to the maintenance of the slave society. It is this group of Royal Slaves
who are at the focus of this paper. The Royal Slaves worked in places
of public service such as the weigh houses, the provisions yards, the
bakeries, the hospitals and the forts. These types of functions were not
performed by any other slaves than those owned by the King.
This paper will explore the lives which these urban Royal Slaves lived
from 1792 until Emancipation in 1848, and consider the conditions
which they lived under compared to privately-owned slaves in the
Danish West Indies as well as other Royal Slaves in the Caribbean.
Thus the purpose of this paper is to enquire into whether being a
Royal Slave meant better living conditions, and whether this created a
sense of unique identity amongst this group of Royal Slaves.
I have chosen this particular group of Royal Slaves as focus of this
paper because the story of their functions, living conditions, crime and
punishment and the state’s provisions to them has the potential to
reveal insight into another aspect of Danish colonial history. The
conclusions reached in this paper will thus allow insight into the lives
of yet another group of slaves in the Danish West Indies, of which
very little is known.
2 Research question
This paper aims to answer the following questions:
First, what are the trends in the numbers of Royal Slaves in the Danish
West Indies between 1792 and 1848 and how do they compare to the
general trend in numbers of privately-owned slaves?
Secondly, which functions did the Royal Slaves have, what tasks may
these functions have entailed and where? Did the functions of the
Danish Royal Slaves match those of other Royal Slaves across the
1
European Caribbean here refer to those who were born in Europe, or who were of
European descent but lived in the Caribbean
4
Caribbean? Did the functions they performed differ from those of
other slaves in the Danish West Indies and does this indicate any
significant characteristics of this group of slaves? Were the Royal
Slaves worth considerably more in economic terms than other slaves
on the islands, what does this say about any skills they may have
possessed and what does this indicate about their importance to
society as a group?
Thirdly, what were the social and judicial conditions under which the
Royal Slaves lived? And how do these develop throughout the period
and how do they compare to the conditions of the privately-owned
slaves?
Fourth, what were the typical crimes committed by Royal Slaves and
how were they punished, and did this differ from the actions and
treatment of privately-owned slaves? Do the actions of Royal Slaves in
terms of crime and punishment suggest that the Royal Slaves worked
closely together as a group?
Fifth, the paper at hand considers Sidney W. Mintz and Karen Fog
Olwig’s notion of identity amongst the proto-peasants 2 and their
resistance to slavery as displayed through the importance of access to
and use of provision grounds. 3
Sixth, how did the conditions under which the Danish Royal Slaves
lived compare to the conditions of other groups of Royal Slaves in the
Caribbean?
3 Hypothesis
First of all, it is intriguing that the king if Denmark and thereby the
Danish state, owned slaves. I was interested to see if this group of
slaves were in some way distinguishable from the general slave
population and if it meant anything special to be a Royal Slave.
Therefore, the original thought behind this paper was to investigate if
being a Royal Slave meant a better life, or some form of special status
within the slave society of the Danish West Indies, and if so, how this
could translate into the Royal Slaves’ own position in the social
hierarchy. Was there a special status connected to being a Royal Slave,
how did that differentiate them in their own perception and in the
eyes of the administration?
Did it signify, for instance, that a Royal Slave was provided with more
and/or better food, clothes, healthcare and better housing? Did it
mean increased access to freedom? Is there any indication that the
Royal Slaves felt special or acted differently to other slaves in any way?
2
3
See chapter 7 for explanation of the term
Provision grounds, or slave gardens. More about provision grounds throughout
this paper, particularly in chapters 7, 12.2 and 14.3
5
It would be interesting to see if having slaves was something the
Danish king himself was aware of and involved in, and if this in any
way contributed to better living conditions for the Royal Slaves.
Some, but not all of these questions are answered in this paper. Some
aspects were difficult to investigate or form conclusions on, such as
that of the King being aware of the ownership of the Royal Slaves, due
to time constraints and the difficulty in working with archival primary
source material.
4 The field of research
In order to answer the research questions above, this paper will make
use of a small part of the wealth of information available from the
primary source material on the Danish West Indies in Rigsarkivet, the
Danish National Archives. The records concerning the Danish West
Indies are voluminous and widely detailed, and for the greater part,
very well preserved. However, naturally, there are some parts of the
relevant archival material which are incomplete or in such conditions
that they are unavailable to researchers. Nonetheless, the analyses of
the functions, value, the crimes and punishments, and the state’s
provisions to the Royal Slaves derive from the primary source material
and thus the records from Rigsarkivet constitute the basis for the
research presented in this paper.
The selected time frame of 1792 – 1848 was based on several
important historical events in the Caribbean of relevance to the
development and end of the slave society in the Danish West Indies
that took place within this period. This is the abolition of the Danish
slave trade in 1792, the British invasion of the islands in 1801-1802
and again in 1807-1815, the British Slavery abolition Act of 1833 as
well as, of course, Emancipation in the Danish West Indies in 1848.
For these four events the years surrounding the event as well as the
year itself is studied in this paper. This offers an insight into the
numbers of Royal Slaves before and after, and thus illustrates any
effects the events would have had as well as provide an understanding
of the long term changes in the numbers, uses and living conditions of
Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.
6
5 Historical context
5.1 Political and economic history
The Danish West Indies consisted of three islands. St. Thomas was
first colonised in the 1670s, followed by St. Jan in 1718. In 1733, the
best sugar producer of the Danish West Indies, St. Croix, was
purchased from France. As with several other colonised areas of the
Caribbean, the colonisation was directed by trading companies hoping
to make a profit in the Americas. The Danish trading company,
Vestindisk Guineisk Kompagni (VGK) owned the islands until 1755,
when the Danish state took over the islands and all VGK’s
possessions. The Danish state owned the islands until 1917, when they
were sold to the USA.
Upon the state’s takeover of the islands, various orders and legislation
were promulgated in order to secure the largest economic gain
possible from the Danish West Indies. The trade monopoly of VGK
that had been in place prior to 1755 continued more or less the same
way, now with the Danish state as the main benefactor. This meant
that the islands’ produce had to be sold in the mother country, in
return for goods which the islands could not produce themselves,
such as various foodstuffs and industrial products. 4 After 1764, the
system changed slightly, where St. Croix was ordered to solely produce
sugar, and St. Thomas to engage in free trade in the natural harbour of
Charlotte Amalie. 5 The system of free trade and production of sugar
on St. Croix meant significant increased revenue to the Danish state.
Unfortunately it is not entirely clear what expenses the state incurred
during its reign of the Danish West Indies, but it can only be assumed
that the reason why a sale to America was discussed as early as 1852 is
that with the end of slavery, any profitability there may have been, had
completely disappeared. 6
5.2 Slave society
The colony was founded for economic reasons. The main crop, sugar,
was the real source of wealth on the vast majority of the islands in the
Caribbean. In order to grow sugar successfully, it was necessary to use
large amounts of manpower, as the manual labour required for
growing, harvesting and producing sugar was extensive. As in all other
colonies in the Caribbean, slaves were imported from Africa by
Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848:
Fremad, 1966, p. 63
5 Ibid., p. 64
6 ________, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 3 : Dansk Vestindien 1848-1880: Fremad,
1967, p. 69
4
7
Danish and other nations’ ships to the Danish West Indies in order to
obtain sufficient manpower. Although neither the largest colony, nor
the largest importer of slaves, the Danish West Indies had as many as
35.235 slaves in 1802. This number had risen from 27.068 in 1791,
and would decline to 21.990 in 1846. 7 Emancipation in 1848 by
Governor General Peter von Scholten ended slavery on the islands.
The vast majority of the slaves worked on plantations as field slaves,
although some plantation slaves were skilled labourers. In the urban
sphere, a common function was as domestics, most often women who
cooked, baked, laundered and waited at tables as well as a number of
various other jobs in and around European Caribbean households.
Another type of common urban slave was the artisans such as
carpenters, masons, silversmiths, saddlers as well as butchers, barbers
and tailors, some of whose skills was matched by some plantation
slaves. 8
The society of the Danish West Indies was a multicultural and
cosmopolitan society. It was not only slaves that formed part of the
workforce that constituted the plantation society: plantation owners,
overseers and bailiffs were another core of West Indian society. The
Danes themselves were reluctant to travel to the West Indies to try
their luck, and had no prior knowledge of the necessities of running a
plantation. Therefore, the largest numbers of European Caribbean
inhabitants were not Danes, but Dutch, English, French and Irish
among others.
Throughout the 18th century, the Danish policy of neutrality had been
largely successful and contributed great sums of money to the Danish
treasury. 9 This did not last through the Napoleonic Wars, when Britain
believed that the Danish neutrality in trade aided the French and thus
perceived the agreement of neutrality between Sweden, Russia and
Denmark as a declaration of war. 10 The Danish West Indies was
subsequently successfully invaded and occupied twice by the British.
First in 1801 which was short-lived and only lasted until 1802. Then in
1807, in the aftermath of the Battle of Trafalgar, the British once more
showed their discontent with the Danish policy of neutrality and
invaded the Danish West Indies once more, this time to occupy them
until 1815.
Both occupations passed without much bloodshed, this being partly
due to lack of military strength in place in the Danish West Indies,
Johansen, Hans Chr, "Slave Demography of the Danish West Indian Islands." The
Scandinavian economic history review 29, no. 1 (1981), p. 3
8 Hall, Neville A. T., Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St.
Croix. St. Augustine, Trinidad: The University of the West Indies Press, 1994, p.
92
9 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 218
10 Ibid., p. 219
7
8
where the armies held few able men who normally performed military
duties. 11
The Danish economy went into a period of extreme difficulty towards
the Napoleonic Wars, and in 1813 the state was declared bankrupt.
At the end of the British occupation, inhabitants in the West Indies
probably expected things to return to normal where sugar production
constituted the major part of the income in the islands, and the period
of occupation had seen sugar producers prosper. 12 However, due to
the economic crisis affecting the European powers around 1820, this
was not to be, and the profitability of sugar production on the islands
went into a decline. 13
5.3 Slave revolts and Emancipation
Inspired by the Enlightenment, an increased number of Europeans
began to question the thought rightfulness of the institution of slavery.
Particularly in England, but also in other European nations, Denmark
included, these debates became common and several works on antislavery was published from the late 1700s. In 1792, the abolition of
the Danish slave trade became a fact, but was not the unique,
humanising legislation that some, for example, its progenitor the
minister of finance, Ernst Schimmelmann, had hoped for. 14 The
legislation meant that over a period of ten years, the import of slaves
was still allowed under the Danish flag, which somewhat ironically
meant that imports rose significantly during this period.
In 1833, the British abolished slavery in their colonies, and many
planters were worried about what would happen in the Danish West
Indies as a result. A growing interest in the islands arose in the 1830s
as the institution of slavery became increasingly debated in several
European countries, first and foremost in Britain, but also in
Denmark. The Danish King, Frederik VI who reigned from 1808 1839, became increasingly interested in the inner workings of the
Danish West Indies after he began ruling in court cases concerning the
landmilitær, i.e. the military, and developed close ties with the Governor
General, Peter von Scholten as he began to report directly to the King
himself rather than to the assigned officials in Generaltoldkammer- og
Ibid., p. 222
Ibid., p. 239
13 Ibid., p. 239-240
14 Heinrich Ernst Schimmelmann 1747 – 1831. Ernst Schimmelmann held several
important political positions including leader of Kommercekollegiet, the
administrative institution of the country’s finances and Minister of Finance. He
was always keen on reform. He owned several of the best and most productive
plantations on St. Croix, Princesse og La Grange.
11
12
9
Kommercekollegiet, the administrative under the absolute monarchy who
dealt with financial matters such as foreign trade. 15
Peter von Scholten himself was a military man who climbed the social
ladder and gained favour with Frederik VI, and was sent to the Danish
West Indies in 1814 and given the government post of vejermester, i.e.
the leader of the vejerbod, the weigh house, in Charlotte Amalie. As
vejerboden was one of the places on St. Thomas which employed Royal
Slaves, Peter von Scholten must have met the Royal Slaves working
there on a daily basis.
A series of slave revolts and uprisings took place in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries across the Caribbean. First was the attempted
rebellion in Martinique in August 1789, followed shortly thereafter by
the Saint Dominique insurrection in 1791 which later became known
as the Haitian Revolution. Other large-scale rebellions occurred in
Barbados in 1816, Demerara in 1823 and Jamaica in 1831. The antislavery moment increased in size, which led to an increased
restlessness throughout the Caribbean.
All factions of society were involved in the Saint-Dominique
insurrection, and although the revolt did succeed in overthrowing the
previous regime, it did not signify an end to slavery. Repercussions
were felt all over the Caribbean where it spawned unrest particularly in
Jamaica and on St. Kitts, but most importantly, the Haitian Revolution
affected the psychology of the European Caribbeans across the
Caribbean who became increasingly scared of slave revolts and
accentuated the sensitivity to race, colour and status within the slave
societies. 16
Whichever events occurred that led to the slave revolt in 1848, where
plantation slaves marched to Frederiksted, and Peter von Scholten a
few hours later proclaimed them to be free, is not entirely certain. It is
certain however, that for this act von Scholten was deemed guilty of
treason in the Danish courts some years later, although his sentence
was later reversed. The emancipation of the slaves was a costly affair
to the Danish state, this probably being the main reason why von
Scholten received such ill treatment upon his return to Denmark.
5.4 The Danish administration
The administrative system installed by the Danish king to administer
the islands was altered several times between 1755 and the 1790s,
when the time frame of this paper commences. In 1755, the
administration of the Danish West Indies became a part of
centraladministrationen, the central administration, which was called
15
16
Peter von Scholten was Governor General from 1827 - 1848
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 24-25
10
vestindisk-guineisk renteskriverkontor. This consisted of three primary
organs. The main one consisted of Generalguvernementet or Den
Vestindiske Regering, the local West Indian government, comprising the
Governor General, kommandanten, the commanding officer on St.
Thomas and the so-called amtmand, a government official and a
secretary. 17 The second was the so-called sekrete råd 18 on St. Croix,
consisting of the Governor General when present, amtmanden,
landsdommeren, the county judge, and kammereren, a tax- and
bookkeeper19 as well as the same secretary as that appointed to
Generalguvernementet. 20 The third organ was a similar construction of the
second one, this one for St. Thomas and St. Jan, which did not have a
landsdommer attached.
The Governor General held considerable powers, and was probably
largely instructed to act as he saw fit, despite having to adhere to the
approbationer, the legislature that came from Copenhagen. 21 The general
administration was taken care of by Den Vestindiske Regering. Exactly in
which matters the state had the final word, and in which Den
Vestindiske Regering, the local government, could decide for themselves
is not always entirely clear, and does in fact seem to have changed
depending on the case at hand, but the local government was expected
to obey any orders from Copenhagen.
Besides the actual government officials, there were also a number of
officials who worked in other functions on behalf of the Danish state.
This could be the customs and warehouse inspectors and officials,
military personnel, policemen and court officials.
It must be remembered that before 1849, the Danish state was under
an absolute monarchy, which effectively meant that Danish politics
were run and administered by very few people at the absolute top of
the political hierarchy.
The administrative system was complicated. Thus in absence of overall
and general legislation, the decision-making structure concerning the
treatment of Royal Slaves may well have been unclear. Thereby their
living conditions were at the mercy of individuals in the administration
and their individual attitude to slavery and the Royal Slaves.
Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 11-12
Det sekrete råd was a centre for the administration and decision-making in the
Danish West Indies
19 Ordbog over det Danske Sprog (ODS på nettet):
http://ordnet.dk/ods/opslag?opslag=kammerer. Accessed 23 March 2010
20 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 13
21 Ibid., p. 13-14
17
18
11
6 Historiography
There are a myriad research publications about the Caribbean and its
slave societies of the 18th and 19th centuries. For the purpose of
providing an easily approachable overview, pertinent literature is listed
according to subject and in chronological order below.
6.1 Slave societies of the Caribbean
Scholarly research on the Caribbean slave societies was pioneered in
the 1950s. However, it made a significant breakthrough and became a
more popular area of research during the 1960s and has continued to
expand. 22
During the 1970s, history as a discipline underwent a transformation
to include theories and methods from other academic disciplines such
as anthropology and sociology, and this was also the case for
researchers of the Caribbean slave societies. 23
In the 1980s, the research perspectives expanded to focus on “the
other”, i.e. the black enslaved of the Caribbean as well as the
freedmen. This perspective spurred on researchers who enquired
further into what the enslaved and freed population felt and thought;
how they viewed themselves and how the society they lived in viewed
them in return. 24 Barry Higman marks his status as one of the most
influential scholars in the area with the largely demographic work Slave
Populations of the British Caribbean. The work provides insight into the
inner workings of almost all aspects of a slave’s life, and has a
particularly useful chapter 7 on the urban regime in which the
differences and benefits of being an urban slave as opposed to a
plantation field slave are assessed. 25 In this chapter, Higman describes
the typical circumstances of the life of an urban slave with regard to
the basic necessities as housing, food, provisions and clothing, which
Higman, B. W., "The Development of Historical Disciplines in the Caribbean." In
General History of the Caribbean. Methodology and Historiography of the Caribbean, edited
by B. W. Higman, VI. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, 1999, p. 14
23 Thode Jensen, Niklas, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og
Koloniadministrationens Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk
Vestindien, 1803-1848 Det Humanistiske Fakultet. Copenhagen: University of
Copenhagen, 2006, p. 26
24 Ibid., p. 27
25 Higman, B. W., Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834 Johns Hopkins
Studies in Atlantic History and Culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1984, pp. 226-259
22
12
are all useful parameters for comparisons to the conditions under
which the Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies lived.
In the 1990s, scholars continued the tendency to follow “the other”
thus widening the research field. A prime example of this is the
massive UNESCO publication of the General History of the Caribbean
series with its six volumes of various areas of relevance to Caribbean
history. For the present paper, the most pertinent is volume three, The
Slave Societies of the Caribbean. 26 The work considers the slave economies
and forms of resistance to slavery are particularly useful to the paper at
hand as it offers insight into the general use of provision grounds and
crime and punishment. Furthermore, the work offers practical insight
into other slave societies’ economic and social circumstances, although
it is based largely on plantation slaves. Thus, while the work provides
important information, it is however not necessarily directly relevant
as comparison to the urban Royal Slaves of the Danish West Indies.
Berlin and Morgan’s The Slaves’ Economy is another volume of
particular interest for the present paper. Berlin and Morgan uncover
the inner workings of the slave’s own production processes, primarily
foodstuffs from provision grounds, thus exploring the various options
of a better life which this independent production provided. While
their only conclusion is that there was no guarantee that independent
production by slaves would lead to a better life, their considerations
are pertinent to this paper. Their thesis resembles that of Sidney W.
Mintz of how provision grounds formed the basis of identity for the
enslaved (see chapter 7). 27 Berlin and Morgan claim that by producing
goods on their own, the slaves had a way of controlling a part of their
own lives.
Lydia Pulsipher’s article concerning provision grounds provide
additional and tangible information about the slaves’ use of provision
grounds, the work it entailed and what was typically grown. 28 Since
provision grounds probably were fairly similar across the Caribbean,
Pulsipher’s article provides insight into such work undertaken by the
Royal Slaves.
Both Pulsipher’s and Berlin and Morgan’s work will be used to
provide information about the use and inner workings of provision
Knight, Franklin W. (ed.), The Slave Societies of the Caribbean General History of the
Caribbean. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, 1997
27 Sidney W. Mintz, anthropologist. See chapter 7. Mintz, Sidney W., Caribbean
Transformations: Aldine 2007 and ________, "From Plantations to Peasantries in
the Caribbean." In Caribbean Contours, edited by Sidney W. Mintz, and Price, Sally
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985
28 Pulsipher, Lydia Mihelic, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves.
Slave Gardens in the Caribbean." Expedition 12, no. 1 (1990)
26
13
grounds in the Caribbean, thus enabling a comparison to that of the
use of provision grounds by the Royal Slaves of the Danish West
Indies. Berlin and Morgan’s discussions concerning the benefits of
slaves taking part in the internal market sphere will be used in
correlation with Mintz and Olwig’s theories, as presented in chapter 7
on the theoretical perspective of this paper.
6.2 Published primary sources concerning the Danish
West Indies
A few published primary sources with descriptions of the Danish
West Indies do exist.
The accounts written by the British naval lieutenant Brady who
published Observations upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa
Cruz in 1829, after having visited his brother who was the overseer on
a sugar plantation on St. Croix in the 1820s make some observations
relevant to the Royal Slaves. The work was republished with Arnold
Highfield 29 as editor in 1996, contributing an important eyewitness
account and opinion of slavery in the Danish West Indies to the
collection. 30 Once more, this work is primarily concerned with
plantation slavery, but Brady still makes several useful comments on
the use of provision grounds and how they were uncommon on St.
Croix. 31 Brady’s observations about “town slaves” being worse off
than plantation slaves are interesting, as he clearly favours the
demeanour of the plantation slaves, thus indicating that there were no
benefits to being an urban Royal Slave rather than a plantation slave. 32
Brady’s observations will be used in this paper as comparative
parameters for example in terms of the amount of clothing provision
the slaves normally received.
Johan Christian Schmidt wrote another first-hand account of life on
St. Croix in the late 18th century. He was employed as a surgeon on
one of the Schimmelmann plantations, and wrote his account Blandede
Anmærkninger, samlede paa og over St. Croix i Amerika around 1782, which
was published for the general population in Denmark to read in 1788.
Because Schmidt was employed on a plantation, his work is chiefly
concerned with the plantation labour regimes and does not mention
urban slavery. Schmidt’s description of the provision grounds is
useful, since it is similar to the account in other works, and thus serves
as another indicator of how the system worked and what was typically
Professor of Social Sciences and Linguistics, University of the Virgin Islands
Highfield, Arnold R. , Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa
Cruz 1829: Antilles Press, 1996
31 Ibid., p. 10-12
32 Ibid., p. 28
29
30
14
grown there. Particularly interesting, however, is one short passage, in
which Schmidt describes how Royal Slaves from the warehouse in
Christiansted had wives at La Princesse 33 “from earlier times” who “live
together even better since the men bring money and food that the
King gives them to their wives and children on the same plantation.” 34
He added that many of them “know Whites in town who once in a
while give them good clothes.” 35 Thus, Schmidt believed that the
slaves at La Princesse lived under better conditions than most other
slaves on St. Croix, indicating that the Royal Slaves were able to
provide better for their wives and children than other slaves, and that
they lived under better conditions than most other privately-owned
slaves.
Hans West, who was principal of the Danish school in Christiansted
wrote various accounts of life on St. Croix between 1789 and 1802. 36
A man of the Enlightenment, West maintained an image of the
enslaved as “noble savages”, and thus argue that the enslaved should
maintain their “naturalness” and kept apart from the European
missionaries. 37 Besides the more philosophical aspects, West’s
accounts hold vital information about the prices of goods such as
food and cloth. This information will thus be used in this paper to
assess the value of the cash provided to the Royal Slaves for their
provisions.
6.3 Royal Slaves in the Caribbean
There is a paucity of literature on Royal Slaves. Other than the four
titles mentioned below, Royal Slaves are not included in the various
anthologies of Caribbean slavery, which is somewhat surprising. When
other Caribbean Royal Slaves have been the object of scholarly
research, more often than not, their functions do not mirror that of
the Danish Royal Slaves. Scholarly works have been published on the
use of black Africans as soldiers in a European colonial society, such
as Buckley’s Slaves in Red Coats 38, Klein’s Slavery in the Americas 39,
La Princesse was a large sugar plantation on St. Croix belonging to the
Schimmelmann family
34 Schmidt, Johan Christian, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St.
Croix in America: The Virgin Islands Humanities Council 1998 (1788), p. 25
35 Ibid., p. 25
36 West, Hans, Hans West's Accounts of St. Croix in the West Indies, Edited by Arnold R.
Highfield. Kbh., 2004 (1793)
37 Ibid., p. xxi
38 Buckley, Roger Norman, Slaves in Red Coats the British West India Regiments, 17951815. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979
39 Klein, Herbert S., Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia and Cuba.
London: Institute of Race Relations, Oxford University Press, 1967
33
15
Kuethe’s work on Cuba 40 and more recently, Voelz’s Slave and Soldier. 41
However, the slaves used were not owned by the state, or they were
freedmen. Because this use of slaves by the state did not mean they
were actual Royal Slaves, i.e. slaves owned by the King, these texts,
while interesting, are not pertinent to this paper.
In the following section, the literature on Royal Slaves is divided into
two groups. The first group consists of studies of Royal Slaves who
were employed chiefly as artisans and skilled labourers. They therefore
often laboured on fortifications in the Caribbean, primarily in the 18th
century, where power struggles between the colonising states had
resulted in numerous wars and constant threats thereof, thus creating a
constant need for secure and improved fortifications.
The second group consists of studies concerned with another use of
Royal Slaves, that as part of an army, either as soldiers or as
performing other relevant tasks within the military.
Artisans and skilled Royal Slaves
In the first group concerning skilled workmen, Evelyn Powell
Jennings in her article State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763 - 1790,
focuses on the thousands of slaves imported to rebuild and reinforce
the defence of Havana after the British siege of the city in 1762. 42
Here, Jennings offers a chronological account of the development of
the Royal Slaves in Havana between 1763 and 1790 where most of the
work on fortifications had been completed. For the purpose of the
present paper, this article offers important material for comparison
about living conditions for skilled Royal Slaves, although for example
the food provisions are difficult to compare, as the Cuban Royal
Slaves did not have access to provision grounds. The text does
provide some degree of insight into the various social opportunities
that existed for the majority of Royal Slaves due to their skills, and the
opportunities that this offered in terms of self-manumission for
example.
Another text, also by Jennings, recounts a similar tale, albeit from a
different perspective. 43 Here state slavery is considered in a wider and
Kuethe, Allan J., Cuba, 1753-1815 Crown, Military, and Society. Knoxville: University
of Tennessee Press, 1986
41 Voelz, Peter M., Slave and Soldier. The Military Impact of Blacks in the Colonial Americas.
New York & London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1993
42 Jennings, Evelyn Powell, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." In
Slavery without Sugar: Diversity in Caribbean Economy and Society since the 17th Century,
edited by Verene Shepherd. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2002
43 ________. "State Slavery in the Atlantic Economy: The Case of Cuba in the Late
Eighteenth Century." In Program in Early American Economy and Society. Philadelphia:
Library Company of Philadelphia, 2003
40
16
more general perspective of power politics as well as the Atlantic
economy.
There are several aspects in both Jenning’s texts which are useful
when answering the questions raised in this paper, as they describe a
particular function typically performed by slaves labouring for a King.
Elena Maria Diaz’s research on a different group of slaves, the Royal
Slaves of El Cobre, the so-called Cobreros, offer easily comparative
parameters such as housing, food and clothing will be used in chapter
15.2 to establish to which extent the conditions which the Cobreros
lived under compare to those of the Danish Royal Slaves. 44
Diaz’s hypothesis is that the Cobreros felt different to other slaves. She
believes that they had a unique social identity, as their relationship to
the remainder of Cuban society as well as other slaves was different to
what we usually perceive slaves to have believed and felt about
themselves and the societies in which they lived.
Alvin Thompson’s work Unprofitable Servants intends to have the socalled Winkel slaves of Berbice, a region in what was then British
Guyana, as its main focus. 45 The Winkel slaves were owned by the
British state and worked in an urban setting performing construction
work and maintained roads and public buildings, and were used to
form a regiment: the Black Rangers.
Thompson’s main argument is that mismanagement (by the
administration) of the Winkel slaves led to them being unprofitable to
the state. This unprofitability is due to the fact that in order for the
Winkel department to have been a financial success, the slaves should
have reproduced themselves by natural means in order to be
profitable, which none of the various administrations between 1803
and the emancipation of this group of Royal Slaves in 1831 succeeded
in achieving.
As with Diaz’s work, Thompson offers easily comparative parameters
of living conditions which will be used in chapter 15.1 to compare to
those of the Danish Royal Slaves.
Royal Slaves as soldiers
Jane Landers writes about the development of using blacks and
mulattos 46, free and enslaved, in the armies of Spain. 47
Díaz, María Elena, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating
Freedom in Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780 Cultural Sitings. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 2000
45 Thompson, Alvin O., Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 18031831, 2002
46 Mulatto signifies an equal ethnic mix of white and black
47 Landers, Jane, "Transforming Bondsmen into Vassals: Arming Slaves in Colonial
Spanish America." In Arming Slaves from Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by
44
17
Landers’ main argument is that arming slaves proved to be extremely
important to Spain’s continuous rule in the Caribbean for more than
three centuries, and that the slaves who formed part of the regiments
and were employed in militias of the Spanish Caribbean most
commonly acted loyally to the Spanish state and thus did not betray
their master, the Spanish ruler.
This text is less usable in this paper in that it does not separate the
state’s use of its own slaves from the use of privately-owned slaves. It
is still useful, however, to gain insight into the use of slaves in various
state functions, and therefore Lander’s text deserves mention here.
Another pertinent text from Arming Slaves is Arming Slaves in the
American Revolution by Morgan and O’Shaughnessy. 48 Here the authors
successfully elucidate the great dilemma of arming slaves in a
plantation society, as planters were specifically opposed to the idea of
arming slaves who they thought could later rebel against their masters.
This text is useful as it describes how the slaves were employed within
the armies, which most often was not in actual combat, but rather as
scouts, sailors, artisans as well as working in the ammunition and
storage sections, thus mirroring some of the functions performed by
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies.
6.4 Slave society in the Danish West Indies
Until the 1990s some attempts had been made to obtain significant
and detailed information on the slave society of the Danish West
Indies. The most significant of these is Vore Gamle Tropekolonier, edited
by Johannes Brøndsted first published in 1956. 49 This was the first
attempt to make use of the extensive and unique source material on
the islands available in the Danish National Archives. With some
success, Brøndsted and the other contributors, such as Jens Vibæk,
describe the events and changes in colonial society.
This paper will make use of Brøndsted’s work as providing factual
information, mostly concerned with the Danish administration and
less so on the workings of the slave society.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, Danish colonial history was highly
influenced by the tradition of economic history. The influences of the
Christopher Leslie & Morgan Brown, Philip D., 120-146. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2006
48 Morgan, Philip D. & O'Shaugnessy, Andrew Jackson "Arming Slaves in the
American Revolution." Ibid.
49 Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 1 : Dansk Vestindien Indtil 1755:
Fremad, 1966; Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 17551848; ________, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 3 : Dansk Vestindien 1848-1880;
Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 4 : Dansk Vestindien 1880-1917:
Fremad, 1967
18
surrounding cultures in Africa, India or in the West Indies were not
taken into account in scholarly research when it came to their
influence on society in the Danish West Indies. They were merely
pieces in a greater puzzle. Although historians such as Svend E.
Green-Pedersen were of the opinion that the Danish legacy in the
former colonies was hugely detrimental, enslaved labourers, African
kings and Indian merchants were nevertheless only described as a
static mass. This state of affairs changed with the ethnocentric
perception of Danish colonial history occurring in the mid-1980s. This
was led by anthropologist Karen Fog Olwig who suggested that the
history of the Danish West Indies should be seen as a result of an
encounter between the European colonial power and the Africans that
gradually turned into a rather important Afro-American counterpart. 50
Olwig also considers the concept of slave resistance in her text in
Palmie’s Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slaves, in which she argues that
the slaves’ responses of resistance to their enslavement were to a large
extent based on cultural assumptions and social practices which they
had taken with them, most often from West Africa from where they
originated. 51 Through their culture and social practices they were able
to establish themselves as “subjects with lives outside the institution of
slavery” and thus “resisted their formal position as socially dead
private property.” 52 Olwig offers valuable insight into the usages of
provision grounds on St. Jan, and thus this will be used as an
indication of how the usage of provision grounds may have happened
on St. Thomas and St. Croix and the Royal Slaves on those islands.
Olwig’s text will also form part of the theoretical perspective in
conjunction with Mintz’s theories in chapter 7.
More recent and important works include the pioneering in-depth
study of the slave society of the Danish West Indies, Slave Society of the
Danish West Indies by Neville Hall. 53 This seminal work encompasses
the first successful attempt to elucidate all relevant aspects of the slave
society within a chronological framework. The chapter on the urban
milieu is salient to this paper, as the Royal Slaves investigated in this
paper formed part of the urban sphere. This paper will make use of
Hall’s work in several ways. First of all, it offers particularly valuable
insight into the conditions which the urban slaves lived under, as well
Brimnes, Niels, "Dansk Kolonihistorie Mellem Historievidenskab Og
Antropologi: Et Forslag Til Metode." Den jyske historiker, no. 60 (1992); Olwig,
Karen Fog, "African Cultural Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from
the Danish West Indies." In Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slavery, edited by
Stephan Palmié. Knoxville, Tenn.: The University of Tennessee Press, 1995
51 Olwig, "African Cultural Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from the
Danish West Indies."
52 Ibid., p. 23
53 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix
50
19
as those of the plantation slaves, both of which are easily comparable
aspects. Even when no material exists concerning certain areas, such
as the housing of urban slaves, Hall makes suggestions as to how it
might have been which although untested at least offer some idea of
the conditions which the slaves lived under.
Erik Gøbel has written Det danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792. Studier og
kilder til forhistorien, forordningerne og følgerne, the first work published on
the subject which today perhaps places Denmark in a positive light in
comparison to other colonial powers. 54 In this somber and largely
descriptive work, Gøbel offers insight into where one might find
information about how slavery was perceived in Denmark and in the
West Indies, but without ever mentioning the Royal Slaves. Gøbel’s
work offer insight into the background of the abolition of the Danish
slave trade and it consequences, and it is this information which is
used in this paper.
Since the turn of the millennium, Danish colonial history has been
influenced not only by social history but also by cultural,
archaeological and medical history.
Gunvor Simonsen’s PhD thesis is another recently published work of
interest. 55 Simonsen attempts to find the voices of slaves who were
present in the court rooms for one reason or the other, and does so
with particular attention to notions of gender and behaviour related
hereto. Of particular interest to the present paper is the mentioning of
court cases and other legal documents that involve Royal Slaves, but
because they fall outside of the specified time frame of this paper, they
will not be used even if they are very interesting.
Niklas Thode Jensen has with his PhD thesis published a significant
study on disease, health and the administration’s policies. 56 Most
relevant to this present paper are the sections dealing with the laws (or
lack thereof) concerning the slave’s rights to free time, food, fresh
water, shelter, clothes and footwear since they offer easily comparable
parameters to the provisions made available to the Royal Slaves by the
state. As Those Jensen focuses on the plantation slaves, as such, the
thesis does not offer information about typical urban slaves or Royal
Gøbel, Erik, Det Danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792 Studier Og Kilder Til Forhistorien,
Forordningen Og Følgerne. 1st ed. University of Southern Denmark Studies in History
and Social Sciences. Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag, 2008
55 Simonsen, Gunvor, Slave Stories: Gender, Representation, and the Court in the Danish
West Indies, 1780s - 1820s Department of History and Civilisation Florence:
European University Institute, 2007
56 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848
54
20
Slaves in particular, but it forms the basis of a comparison to the
conditions that the plantation slaves and the Royal Slaves lived under
in the early 19th century. This will be used to test the hypothesis that
the conditions that the royal slaves lived under were by and large
similar to those of the plantation slaves, but it remains to be
discovered in what ways this exactly was the case. Thode Jensen’s
earlier article concerning the Frederiksted Hospital Commission in
1780 provides additional useful information on the inner workings of
the hospitals in which the Royal Slaves worked. 57
Louise Sebro’s recent PhD thesis offers highly significant insight into
ways in which African Caribbeans 58, in this particular case those linked
to the Moravian mission, created networks and new identities under
enslavement based on shared physical settings, often in the shape of a
plantation or slave village, but most significantly possibly also with
reference to a shared ethnicity. 59 Sebro does not, unlike other scholars
before her, claim that ethnicity was the main factor in determining
new social bonds and identities in the New World for the African
Caribbeans, but maintains that it was a significant aspect nonetheless.
Their new identity was, according to Sebro, based on several identities
which they merged into one: African origin, non-Christian African
Caribbeans, and a sense of belonging to a Christian church enabled
them to built additional layers onto their identity on top of the one
they had brought with them from Africa. 60 This means that they did
not, have to discard their “old” African self and identity, but were able
to simply build onto their existing identity as they became enslaved.
Sebro’s work will be used to discuss the theoretical perspective in
chapter 7.
6.5 Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies
No large studies which decidedly deal with Royal Slaves in the Danish
West Indies exist. Poul Erik Olsen’s study, Toldvæsenet i Dansk
Vestindien 1672-1917 however, does mention Royal Slaves. He briefly
accounts for the various changes in the number of Royal Slaves
employed in vejerboden 61, the weigh house and pakhuset62, the warehouse
Thode Jensen, Niklas "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet
I Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." 1066-Tidsskrift for Historie
33, no. 4 (2003)
58 African Caribbean refer to those who were of African descent but now lived in the
Caribbean
59 Sebro, Louise, Mellem Afrikaner Og Kreol. Etnisk Identitet Og Social Navigation I Dansk
Vestindien 1730-1770: Historiska Institutionen, Lunds Universitet 2010
60 Ibid., s. 212
61 Vejerboden, commonly spelled veierboden. The building in which all weightings of
goods going and out of a harbour was weighed to establish taxes
62 Pakhuset, sometimes spelled packhuuset. The storage house, or warehouse, in which
all goods shipped in and out of the harbour was stored
57
21
for storage of goods coming in and out of the harbour, as well as a
renewed use of Royal Slaves on the customs and excise boats used in
attempts to stop smuggling after 1798. The main tasks performed by
these Royal Slaves were a series of physically demanding tasks such as
weighing of sugar in casks barrels, burn marking of the barrels and
loading and unloading of goods. 63 This text offers insight into what
duties another scholar believes the Royal Slaves to have had when
working in vejerboden and pakhuset, which will be used and explored
further in this paper.
7 Theoretical perspective
Scholars have long wished to gain insight into the minds of the
enslaved from the archives which is hidden and difficult to distinguish.
One who has attempted to gain insight into the minds and thoughts of
the enslaved is Orlando Patterson 64 with his theory and concept of
Social Death. 65 In brief, Patterson suggests that, through natal
alienation, the enslaved became social non-beings in a master-slave
relation where the master could always enforce the threat of violence
upon the enslaved. 66 Through the threat of violence, the master was
able to influence the perception of the interests of the enslaved
themselves, and thus also control the culture of the enslaved via
control of public symbols and rituals. 67 This rendered the enslaved
completely powerless.
This notion of the enslaved as entirely powerless beings was recently
opposed by Vincent Brown 68, who claimed that another way to gain
insight into the minds of the enslaved was that of considering their
resistance to enslavement. 69 Patterson, according to Brown, neglects to
consider the ways in which the enslaved displayed their discontent
with their enslavement and thus reduces the enslaved to an “ideal-type
slave, shorn of meaningful heritage.” 70 In short, Brown believes that
Olsen, Poul Erik, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917. Kbh.: Toldhistorisk
Selskab, 1988, p. 112
64 Orlando Patterson wrote Slavery and Social Death as Professor of Sociology at
Harvard University where he continues today as John Cowles Professor of
Sociology
65 Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1982
66 Ibid., p. 5-6
67 Ibid., p. 5
68 Vincent Brown is Professor of History and of African and African American
Studies at Harvard
69 Brown, Vincent, "Social Death and Political Life in the Study of Slavery." American
Historical Review 114, no. 5 (December 2009)
70 Ibid., p. 1233
63
22
displays of resistance to slavery are expressions of a sense of belonging
as well as an acquired and adjusted identity. 71
Several scholars have researched the ways in which slaves displayed
their resistance to plantation society and their own enslavement in that
society. One of them is anthropologist Sidney W. Mintz 72 who
formulated ideas of how the use and access to provision grounds were
both a response and a display of the slaves’ resistance to enslavement
and how this can explain the Caribbean societies of today. 73 Provision
grounds were slave gardens of varying size, which in several Caribbean
slave societies were vital in providing food to both the enslaved and
free population. Slaves were given free time to cultivate the provision
grounds, and could be given more free time to cultivate their gardens
in lieu of receiving a smaller allowance from their owner.
Sketch of provision ground on St. Jan. from Olwig.
Mintz’s concept of provision grounds as a central means of forming a
social identity for the enslaved will be used in this paper as a way to
put forward the hypothesis that because the Royal Slaves had access to
provision grounds, were dependent on them, and lived close to them,
they too were able to form a social identity during their enslavement.
Mintz argues that because the use of provision grounds was a way for
the slaves to develop spheres of socio-cultural and economic
Ibid., p. 1236 & 1248
Sidney W. Mintz is Research Professor at Johns Hopkins University, and has also
taught at Yale, MIT and Princeton during his career
73 Mintz, Sidney W., Caribbean Transformations: Aldine 1974 & Mintz, "From
Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." . Quoted in Olwig, "African Cultural
Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from the Danish West Indies."
71
72
23
autonomy, this was a way in which they could display their resistance
to the system of slavery. This Mintz believes was a response or
adaptation to the slave society in which they lived.
Mintz’s proto-peasants, the term used for enslaved Africans and their
descendants who cultivated provision grounds, performed the job of
cultivating the provision grounds as a mode of resistance to an externally
imposed regiment, i.e. the power of their masters and their status as
property. 74 Thus their physical survival through the productivity of the
provision grounds and their ability to sell their produce on the Sunday
markets became a marked mode of response and resistance, as well as a
guarantee for survival. As Brown speaks of adaptation to enslavement,
so does Mintz when he describes the peasant adaptation of the protopeasants who were able to bring cultural and ethnic aspects of their
background with them in the cultivation of the provision grounds. 75
The surplus produce of the provision grounds on the productive
islands of Santo Domingo, Jamaica, Puerto Rico and Cuba ensured
social and economic stability, and soon became a crucial part of the
survival of the entire community, for both African Caribbeans and
European Caribbeans. 76
Proto-peasantry was enabled by “a combination of coercion and
inducement on the part of their master”, and this meant that the slaves
who cultivated provision grounds were taught important agricultural
skills under enslavement, which they could put to use upon
Emancipation. 77 This signifies that the Caribbean peasantry was not a
castoff social product of the plantation, but adapted in its own right. 78
Even if the proto-peasants were under the lash, they “asserted their own
essential humanity, initiative, and intelligence, in the face of every cruel
limitation” that was imposed on them by enslavement, through their
success as proto-peasants. 79 Their goal was not to cut themselves off
economically from the outside world, but rather to be a free and active
part of it, and perhaps, to escape the stigma of slavery through their
role as proto-peasants. 80
Danish anthropologist Karen Fog Olwig’s work Cultural Adaptation and
Resistance on St. John studies the practices of using provision grounds,
their significance in African Caribbean culture, especially as a means of
adapting to plantation society and displaying resistance. Her focus is
on the provision grounds on St. Jan in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries,
but does not include any particular references to provision grounds
Mintz, Caribbean Transformations, p. 132
________, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 136
76 Ibid., p. 135 - 137
77 Ibid., p. 135
78 Ibid., p. 133 & 135
79 Ibid., p. 134
80 Ibid., p. 139
74
75
24
provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Jan. 81 Her findings, however, can
be used as examples of how the provision grounds system worked on
one of the islands in the Danish West Indies, and thus compared to
the findings of how the system worked for the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Croix.
Olwig, as Mintz, considers provision grounds a form of resistance to
slavery because it was based on a culture largely controlled by the
slaves themselves. 82 Thus, she agrees with Mintz that the Caribbean
peasantries represent both a mode of response to the plantation system
and a mode of resistance to life imposed on the enslaved by their
masters. 83 The slaves were able to form social and economic relations
through reproduction, which here refers to both the production of food
from provision grounds as well as the procreation and rearing of
children. 84 Through the production of foodstuff that took place on the
provision grounds, the slaves took part in the internal market system
and its system of exchange. This participation in a system of exchange
and the exchange network it offered is considered “a means of
forming an autonomous identity.” 85
Olwig argues that the development of the system of exchange marked
the need to create a basis for Afro-Caribbean economic, social and
cultural autonomy, which it was successful in achieving and thus
indicates adaptation as well as resistance to enslavement. 86
The opportunities offered to the enslaved population through their
subsistence farming of the provision grounds went largely unnoticed
by the slave owners. This included the great opportunities which the
provision grounds offered for runaway slaves to hide and support
themselves here, both through the actual food but also through the
network of exchange and social relations. 87 The provision grounds
also offered the opportunity for the slaves to gather without their
master’s knowledge, and thus also provided an “important framework
for protest and rebellion.” 88
Although it is difficult to establish the success of the Royal Slaves and
their provision grounds, we shall see later that there is cause to believe
that the cultivation of the Royal Slaves’ provision grounds were fairly
successful. I suggest that regardless of their productivity rate, the
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies formed social bonds in
Olwig, Karen Fog, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of
Afro-Caribbean Life: University of Florida Press/Gainesville, 1985
82 Ibid., p. 5
83 Ibid., p. 5. Olwig uses the same terminology as Mintz
84 Ibid., p. 4-5
85 Ibid., preface, 1st page
86 Ibid., p. 7
87 Ibid., p. 6-7
88 Ibid., p. 49 and 6
81
25
connection with the cultivation of the provision grounds, which they
lived near (if not literally right next to) and that the Royal Slaves must
have formed a type of village community among themselves. 89 As per
Mintz’s theory, it will be argued that this community and the identity it
developed support the hypothesis that the Royal Slaves in their own
minds were a significant and distinguishable group of slaves in the
society of the Danish West Indies in the late 18th and 19th centuries.
As Louise Sebro mentions, the purpose of Olwig’s and Mintz’s works
is to understand the present Caribbean societies by considering the
history of the plantation society. 90
Thus, their work was created with a different purpose than that of the
historian wishing to solely investigate the past and inner workings of
past societies. 91 Nevertheless, they do offer a very valuable insight into
the significance of the access and use of provision grounds to the
identity of the enslaved. Additionally, Olwig does provide information
of the inner workings of the provision ground system in the Danish
West Indies, which makes her work particularly useful. She has
examples from the archives which illustrate that the slaves on St. Jan
were able to trade large amounts of produce from their provision
grounds on St. Thomas. 92 Her extensive use of archival material such
as landfogedens arkiv, the police chief’s archive, and primary sources
such as the writings of C. G. A. Oldendorp, a Moravian missionary
inspector who was in the Danish West Indies between 1767 and 1768
makes her work seem particularly suitable for historians.
In short, Mintz and Olwig provide a theoretical framework for an
understanding of the significance of provision grounds to the identity
of an enslaved population, which make their works ideal for use in this
paper since the Royal Slaves also had access to provision grounds.
8 Methodology
This paper makes use of historical demography in order to establish
and analyse comparable data about the Royal Slaves as a population
group. Historical demography enables the historian to follow the
demographic development in any population group and thus account
for changes in gender, age, occupation, and mean household size. 93 By
See chapter 14.4
Sebro, Mellem Afrikaner Og Kreol. Etnisk Identitet Og Social Navigation I Dansk
Vestindien 1730-1770, p. 30
91 Ibid., p. 30
92 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean
Life, p. 45
93 Johansen, Hans Chr, "Historisk Demografi - Metoder Til Studiet Af Dagliglivet
Hos Ældre Tiders Befolkning." Fortid og nutid 26, no. 1/2 (1975), p. 69
89
90
26
using statistical information about a certain population group, it is
possible to establish trends and patterns in changes as well as identify
why the changes and trends might have occurred for the particular
group at the particular time. The advantage of applying the method of
historical demography is that it makes it possible to also consider
groups that traditionally have been left out of historical research due
to the material concerning these groups being deemed insufficient.
Essential research sources are church registers, which provide
information on births, deaths and marriages which in turn enable us to
gather data on mortality, gender composition, and inter familial
relations such as marriage partners and godparents of children. This
data help build the so-called family reconstruction model, which
enables the scholar to obtain an idea of each individual’s household’s
composition, i.e. did they have servants, what other family members
did s/he have, were there any lodgers and what was their occupation. 94
Since the 1960s, reconstruction models have developed to now
include models which also help to analyse kin structures, and not only
simple household structures. 95 This model also enables the scholar to
identify the economic, social and demographic implications of specific
structures, and makes use of a variety of sources besides the church
registry, such as notary archives, tax records, land registers and other
relevant registers. 96 In short, historical demography provides the
scholar with a tool to gain insight into the daily lives of almost any
given group in society.
The difficulty in applying the methods of historical demography for
the present paper is that the archival material available is flawed as it
does not always hold the necessary information to perform a
household/family reconstruction, for example. One such problem is
the fact that the church records found in Rigsarkivet does not hold
information on any Royal Slaves.
Traditionally, the methodology of historical demography has been
applied by using “aggregated information, covering entire nations, or
highly detailed information for local communities.” 97 However, a
problem lies in that the records concerning the Royal Slaves not
always being intact. Thus it is not always possible to identify the local
community to which they belonged. Therefore, the present paper will
make as much use of the demographic method as possible, where it is
applicable, but it will often be impossible to establish a complete
family/household reconstruction or kin structure based on the sources
available.
Ibid., p. 75
Bengtsson, Tommy, and Geraldine P. Mineau, Kinship and Demographic Behavior in
the Past International Studies in Population, 7. Dordrecht: Springer, 2008, p. 3
96 Ibid., p. 3
97 Ibid., p. 3
94
95
27
Demography has been used to ascertain information on slave
societies. However, in contrast to using demographic methods on
European societies, research on slave societies holds further relevant
research parameters than those traditionally offered through
demographic studies. These parameters include manumission,
maroonage 98 and rebellions for example, but also issues such as race
and ethnicity, as these have a unique significance to the understanding
of the workings of the slave societies of the Caribbean. Other
parameters often influenced the workings of the slave societies, such
as the social structures, economies, religion, crime, punishment and
legislation, rural and urban differences as well as culture. In this
respect culture constitutes a multitude of parameters in its own right,
such as naming practices, superstitions, religion and songs and dance.
All these parameters aid the scholars in the understanding of slave
society and offer some insight into the minds of the enslaved
population.
I will apply the parameters pertinent to studies of the Caribbean slave
societies, as well as the other relevant parameters as mentioned above,
when and where the sources and time constraints allow it.
9 Archival material
This paper makes use of six main groups of archives from Rigsarkivet,
the Danish National Archives, which hold relevant information on the
Royal Slaves. First there are the main account books, hovedbøger, which
list the king’s inventory, including the Royal Slave’s names, values, and
where they were assigned to work.
Secondly, there are the so-called royal resolutions, Kongelige Resolutioner,
related to the islands, which contain royal decrees from Copenhagen
imposed on the Governor and the administrators on the islands, as
well as proposals of new legislature from the islands to the king.
Within these files are decrees concerning the provision of housing for
the Royal Slaves, as well as laws concerning the amount of food to
which slaves were entitled.
These files would also be expected to contain information about any
Royal Slaves who were granted their freedom before Emancipation in
1848. However, since the accounts of the hovedbøger do not suggest that
any Royal Slaves were granted or bought their freedom before the late
1840s within the period in question, the lack of fribreve 99 in these files is
predictable.
98
99
To maroon means to run away
The so-called letter of freedom constituted the official document of a slave’s
emancipation
28
Thirdly, there are the church registers. Rigsarkivet primarily holds the
Evangelical Church Registry for all islands, as well as the Dutch
Reformist Church records for St. Thomas and St. Jan. I had hoped,
but was by no means sure, to find Royal Slaves mentioned in the
church registers available at Rigsarkivet, but have not found any
mentions of them. A rare exception was when Royal Slaves were
baptised as part of taking a new name. The Royal Slaves are likely to
have been part of one of the European Caribbean churches on the
islands, for example, that of the Moravian Brethren, but since these
church registries are not as easily available as the Lutheran ones, I have
not been able to investigate this any further within the given time.
Fourthly, there are a number of relevant sources on microfilm in the
US National Archives in Washington DC. This holds information
about how much flour, cloth and money the Royal Slaves were given,
albeit not from the years I have chosen as examples, but this can still
be used to ascertain if the lists here at least adhere to the laws and
decrees of the Royal Resolutions, or if there were significant
differences between the laws’ intentions and the provisions the Royal
Slaves were actually given. Furthermore, these records also list the
profession or skills of the Royal Slaves, but do not specify the year, or
the place. It may, however, to possible to recognise the names and
thus identify whether the slaves listed here were from St. Croix or St.
Thomas. Most likely, however, they would have been from St. Croix
since this was where the largest group of Royal Slaves were
throughout the first half of the 19th Century. Occasionally, the list also
provides details of where the Royal Slaves worked, most commonly
those who were carpenters, bricklayers or the so-called håndlangere,
helpers or assistants. What these jobs entitled and how much
responsibility the slaves had for their own work, is impossible to
ascertain from the sources, so here I will have to make a qualified
guess as to how the system worked for everyone involved.
Fifth, politijournaler, the police files from both St. Croix and St. Thomas
will be examined for any references to Royal Slaves who had been
arrested, detained or punished. As Gunvor Simonsen has illustrated,
these are a valuable source to understand the inner workings of the
society and holds information of the typical offences committed by
slaves, thereby illustrating their attitude to their masters and
enslavement. This group of sources is vast, and thus I will not be able
to examine them thoroughly due to time constraints, but will make use
of certain years to form the basis for conclusions about the Royal
Slaves and the resistance they displayed through crime and
punishment.
Proviantforvalterens arkiv, the provisions manager’s archive, provides a
useful base for examining the type and amount of provisions which
the Royal Slaves were provided by the state. Unfortunately, they are
29
fragmented, and do not hold information for the entire period relevant
to this paper, nor of the entire geographical area examined, but they
provide at least some idea of how the provisioning system worked as
well as the amount of flour and cash the Royal Slaves were given. This
in turn helps to illustrate how great a need there was for successfully
cultivating their provision grounds in order not to starve. This
information is supplemented by information from hovedbøgerne of any
money the Royal Slaves or the various forvaltere were provided with for
the Royal Slaves.
Finally, an essential source of information is maps from the collections
of the Royal Library and Rigsarkivet. From the Royal Library’s
collection there is a map depicting the grounds set aside for Royal
Slaves in Charlotte Amalie, a drawing illustrating the typical crops of
the provision grounds, slave gardens and sketches of Christiansfort in
Charlotte Amalie which depicts the Royal Bakery placed in the
basement of the fortress. These all give evidence to where the Royal
Slaves lived and worked. Rigsarkivet has a very large collection of maps
and drawings relating to the Danish West Indies, but as the collection
is not in good condition, all maps and drawings are only available as
negatives, only very few are reproduced in this paper.
There are several archives which I have not examined that probably
could have provided useful information. Amongst them are the
placatbøger, the printed public notices, often in relation to changes in
regulations, which could a great deal of information about the
conditions which the Royal Slaves lived under and what directives the
administration on the islands had and made themselves concerning the
lives of the Royal Slaves. This group of archives as well as several
others potentially relevant have not been examined due to time
constraints.
10 Comparative elements
It is possible to compare Royal Slaves at several levels. Firstly is the
comparison between the Royal Slaves and the plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies, where issues such as food, housing, clothing,
manumission, crime and punishment can be used for comparison.
This will help to illustrate any differences between the conditions the
different groups of slaves lived under, and if there was any advantage
to being a Royal Slave.
The same parameters are relevant in a comparison between the
conditions and opportunities for the Royal Slaves of the Danish West
Indies and the Royal Slaves at El Cobre in Cuba and the Winkel slaves
30
of Berbice in British Guyana. 100 Both Diaz and Thompson describe
basic conditions for the Royal Slaves of their focus, and thus describe
their living conditions, i.e. housing, food, clothing, medical care as well
as their opportunities for a better life, or better still, freedom from
slavery.
These comparisons will enable me to answer the second and sixth
research question, i.e. the living conditions the Royal Slaves, the
functions of the Royal Slaves and how their living conditions
compared to that of the Cobreros of Cuba and Winkel Slaves of Berbice.
They will be scrutinised in the analyses throughout this paper.
11 Functions and value of the Royal Slaves
This chapter will seek to answer the first and second research question
and will do so by analysing the trends in numbers of Royal Slaves
between 1792 and 1848 as well as the various functions performed by
the Royal Slaves during this period.
Royal Slaves worked in various functions on all three islands, of which
some were the same on all three islands, such as the hospital. For an
easily approachable overview, the Royal Slaves has been grouped
according to function and which island they were on in the analyses.
Throughout the time frame set in this paper, the function which the
Royal Slaves performed continued to expand. In the early period, the
mid 1790s, the slaves worked at the obvious places where the state
required a workforce: the hospital, pakhuset, the warehouses in the
harbours, vejerboden, the weigh house, where all goods shipped into and
out of the islands were measured to established the taxes due, which
would have been in the close vicinity of pakhusene, and proviantgården,
the provisions depot, which also had Royal Slaves attached.
The Royal Slaves were deployed in several different places in the
period between 1792 and 1848 as we shall see below. First, however, a
general overview of the changes in numbers of Royal Slaves is
provided in chapter 11.1 below.
Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in
Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780 and Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in
Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831
100
31
11.1 Trends and developments 1792 – 1848
Statistics for St. Thomas and St. Jan display few significant changes in
numbers of Royal Slaves from 1792 – 1802.
Although numbers for 1800-1802 are unspecified, the total value
indicates that there were no real changes in numbers of Royal Slaves
from 49 in 1792 to 50 in 1803. Likewise, it does not appear that the
first British occupation from 1801 to 1802 signified any changes to the
numbers of Royal Slaves. The hovedbøger of 1806 and 1807 do not list
numbers, but the value of approx. 12.500 Rigsdaler 101 (Rd) had not
changed much from the previous years, thus indicating an
approximate number of 50 Royal Slaves. This remains the same for
1815, but in 1816, there seem to be a large drop in numbers of Royal
Slaves to almost half their previous number. From 25 Royal Slaves in
1816, the numbers continue to decrease until a total of 6 in 1847. This
stationary number of Royal Slaves on St. Thomas and St. Jan is similar
to the general trend in numbers of privately-owned slaves on St.
Thomas during this period. 102 The trend in numbers of Royal Slaves
from 1816 is not surprising as the state probably became increasingly
aware that the institution of slavery was drawing to an end, and was
able to sell them after the end of the second British occupation. The
Rigsdaler was the Danish currency. The currency in the Danish West Indies was
the daler vestindisk courrant, with the exchange rate of 128 Danish Rigsdaler rigsmønt to
100 vestindisk daler courant. More on this in chapter 11.10
102 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 5
and 71
101
32
state probably tried to limit its future losses by selling off slaves and
not replacing those who died.
On St. Croix, numbers of Royal Slaves follow the general
development of slave numbers on St. Croix during this period. 103
There were always far more Royal Slaves on St. Croix than on St.
Thomas and St. Jan, which is clearly illustrated by there already being
80 Royal Slaves on St. Croix in 1792 as opposed to 49 on St. Thomas
and St. Jan.
Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A.
In 1802, the total number of urban Royal Slaves on St. Croix reached
144, illustrating a need to increase the available labour upon the effect
of abolition of the slave trade. Numbers stay well into the 120s until
1807, but clearly drop by 1815. Although the hovedbog does not hold
numbers for 1815 and 1816, a total value of the Royal Slaves of 900
Rd in 1815 and 4.725 Rd in 1816 compared to a total value of 44.735
Rd in 1807 suggests that numbers had drastically declined by 1815.
Throughout the 1830s, the numbers are largely unchanged from 48 in
1832 and 44 in 1835. It does not appear that the numbers of Royal
Slaves were particularly affected initially by the British abolition of
slavery around 1833. However, another decline in numbers is evident
by 1847, when only 26 Royal Slaves remain on St. Croix, a clear
reflection of the state’s desire to sell off their slaves or not replace
them so as to ensure minimal losses upon eventual emancipation.
103
Ibid., p. 5
33
As well as the numbers of Royal Slaves, the functions performed by
the Royal Slaves developed and changed over time. Some were in
place for the duration of the period, such as the Royal Slaves of the
hospitals and vejerboden and pakhuset on St. Croix, and on Christiansfort
in Charlotte Amalie and probably also the bakery on St. Thomas (and
possibly St. Jan). The number of functions that Royal Slaves work in
increased during this period, although some are very short-lived, such
as that of the apothecary, the secretariat, the custom’s boat and the
three military barracks: infantry, cavalry and artillery barracks.
Investigations of the various functions performed by Royal Slaves are
available in the chapters 11.2 to 11.9. The majority of them are
functions in which a slave would have to be owned by the King in
order to perform that function in that particular place, as most of
them were a type of public service jobs.
11.2 Royal Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset
The Royal Slaves of vejerboden and pakhuset constitute by far the largest
quantity of Royal Slaves. Throughout the relevant period a total of 428
Royal Slaves are listed on St. Croix and only a total of seven on St.
Thomas. They are all male adult slaves, with the occasional boy or
two, thus indicating that hard physical labour took place here and that
the work was deemed unsuitable for women.
34
Both tables are constructed based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A and B.
The majority of these slaves were on St. Croix, as Charlotte Amalie
operated as a free harbour and thus did not require any customs and
excise duties to be noted. The ratio of pakhus and vejerbod slaves on St.
Croix and St. Thomas also concurs with the fact that much of the
sugar by far was produced on St. Croix, and would therefore have
been skipped from St. Croix as well.
When comparing the men who were deployed there in 1801 to those
in 1807, it is apparent that there were a number of changes to the
Royal Slaves appointed to work at vejerboden and pakhuset. As an
35
example, only very few of these who were there in 1801 who were still
there in 1807: Abel, Goliat, Amashis, Jarl, Henrich and Ferdinand 104, a
total of six Royal Slaves out of a total of 42. 105 The fairly rapid
turnover in the Royal Slaves appointed to work there serves as an
indicator of the laborious and physical work they performed.
As we will see from the comparison of the slaves’ values in chapter
11.10, the slaves here are the most valuable of all the Royal Slaves, and
are generally valued higher than plantation slaves throughout the
period. Furthermore, Olsen also mentions that the slave Januarius,
who was often drunk and who the authorities wanted to sell off, was
not in fact sold when he almost stopped drinking because he was one
of “the strongest negroes of the weigh house when sober.” 106 This
may indicate that although skills were highly valued, the work the
Royal Slaves performed could also be heavy and require significant
physical strength and that this was a valued trait in the Royal Slaves of
vejerboden and pakhuset.
Olsen does not mention other duties of the Royal Slaves in vejerboden
than those of the loading and unloading of ships, weighing of the great
sugar caskets as well as burn marking of the sugar caskets, thus
providing an idea of the typical duties they performed there. 107
It is, however, possible that some of these slaves were literate and
performed the job of scribes in the weigh house for example, although
unfortunately there is no evidence of this in the primary source
material. Certainly, if the Royal Slaves did note the taxes due, they
would have needed to have a basic understanding of the various
amounts of tax due on the goods pending their status, necessary goods
at 5%, luxury goods at 25% and so on, which could be considered a
major skill in a slave. 108
These Royal Slaves were possibly those with the most physically
demanding job of all the Royal Slaves. The jobs they performed were
vital to any economic success the islands experienced, as it was
necessary to import and export goods.
It may be that the numbers quoted here are not entirely accurate. The difficulty is
in the names: the spelling changes, and that the Royal Slaves can have changed
their names. The estimate presented here are those which I deem most likely to be
the same persons according to their name, i.e. the spelling is fairly similar, and
often the name is not one of the most common, such as Peter or Christian.
Another useful indicator could have been their values, but it appears to have risen
significantly over this period and thus I will not rely on them as indicators
105 See Appendix A for more details, in separate booklet
106 Olsen, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917, p. 114 & RA:
Generaltoldkammeret, Vestindiske forestillinger og resolutioner 16/1798, now in the
box; Generaltoldkammeret, Kopier af forestillinger med derpå tegnede kgl. Resolutioner ang.
Vestindiske og guineiske sager, 1760-1771. Series 365, Box no. 8
107 Ibid., p. 112
108 Ibid., p. 108-109
104
36
With the particular function these Royal Slaves performed and their
large numbers, it is fair to say that these were the most important
Royal Slaves.
11.3 Royal Slaves at proviantgården
Proviantgården, the provisions depot, also made use of Royal Slaves.
The sources do not describe any Royal Slaves attributed to a
proviantgård on St. Thomas or St. Jan, thus this function was only in
place on St. Croix.
The Royal Slaves of proviantgården are made up of men, women and
boys and girls. Throughout the period there are more men assigned to
this function than women, although also far more girls than boys. This
indicates that the work taking place here was less demanding than that
of the vejerbod and pakhus. They are second to the vejerbod and pakhus in
the amount of slaves assigned to this function throughout the period,
thus indicating yet another important function. The Royal Slaves here
vary from those of vejerboden and pakhuset in that there are examples of
some Royal Slaves who are of considerably higher value than others;
e.g. Friedrich in proviantgården in Christiansted in 1801, and Bosen in
Frederiksted in 1806 and 1807 who were valued at 700 Rd and 650 Rd
respectively. 109 The name Bosen might even suggest that he was boss,
signifying that he managed the other Royal Slaves in proviantgården. It
may be that Friedrich and Bosen performed tasks similar to those
performed by John in the bakery (see chapter 11.4), and that they were
trusted to run the place on their own, and thus were entrusted with
proviantgårdens bookkeeping.
109
See Appendix A
37
Table based on data data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A.
Where the Royal Slaves Sahra, Christian, Charlotte, Woÿant, Marie
Magdalena, Hans Wilhelm, Anna Margaretha, Anna Deioitta, Wilhelm,
Friedrich and Carolina disappear off to after they had worked in
Christiansteds proviantgård is not entirely easy to find out, but it is quite
possible that Woÿant, Hans Wilhelm and Carolina were placed in the
bakery from 1803 onwards. 110
Could this be due to some changes in the structure in the usage of
Royal Slaves after the first British occupation? It is quite possible that
this is the case, as it appears that some changes did occur in relation to
the number of Royal Slaves and their uses in connection with the two
British occupations, as the functions they are placed in as well as their
numbers increase during those years. It is also equally likely that after
the ten-year period after the abolition of the slave trade was up, fewer
Royal Slaves were purchased than previously as the general numbers
of Royal Slaves on St. Croix indicate. 111
Proviantgården was where the food provisions, both imported and
exported foodstuffs, were stored. The Royal Slaves at proviantgården
probably performed similar tasks to those at pakhuset and vejerboden, i.e.
the loading and unloading of goods, but with a slightly different
purpose, such as repackaging goods from bigger to smaller packaging
110
111
See Appendix A
See table in chapter 11.1
38
to be distributed. Proviantgården was where the vital imported foods
were stored, and the Royal Slaves here were probably also responsible
for ensuring that no one was given a larger quantity than they were
due. They may have also performed important duties such as keeping
watch during the nights to make sure that nothing was stolen. Food
was a very valuable resource in the Danish West Indies, so here is yet
another example of Royal Slaves working in a function vital to the
islands’ society.
The Royal Slaves of proviantgården may have been heavily dependent on
the leadership of certain Royal Slaves such as Friedrich and Bosen.
When they disappeared, the authorities may have deemed it too
difficult to continue with using Royal Slaves at proviantgården. These
Royal Slaves form another important group of Royal Slaves whose
function was vital to the slave society, and their numbers between
1792 and 1832 suggest that in this period this function was important
during at least during this period of time.
11.4 Royal Slaves at the bakery
The bakeries had fewer Royal Slaves than both proviantgården and
vejerboden and pakhuset between 1792 and 1848. The Royal Slaves
deployed to the bakeries were men in the majority, although a few
women and children were also assigned to the bakeries.
The staple soldier’s diet would have been bread, in the West Indies as
it was in Denmark previously, and probably also was at this time. 112
It is thus plausible that the Royal Slaves in the bakeries would have
baked bread for the soldiers, but they probably also produced the
bread they ate themselves. This was certainly the case in a similar
fortification in Denmark, that of Kastellet 113 in Copenhagen in 1817. 114
It may be that the bread produced here was also sent onto or sold to
the hospitals, as was also the case of the bread produced in Kastellet
between 1799 and 1846. 115 Or, the bread could have been given to the
Housted, Erik, Til Rigernes Forsvar, Gavn Og Bedste: Fredericia Som Garnisonsby I 300
År, 1679-25.November-1979. Fredericia: Fredericia Garnisons 300 års
jubilæumsfond, 1979, p. 54. In Fredericia, in 1679, when a military unit of 12
companies plus about 100 other men arrived, the garrison bakery had to bake
1450 bread per day, which was equivalent to the number of soldiers
113 Kastellet forms part of the Custom’s section of the harbour of Copenhagen
114 Krohn, Victor, "Bageriet Og Møllen I Kastellet." Historiske meddelelser om København
2, no. III (1927-28), p. 561 & 572. The living conditions of the convicts working
in the bakery appear to have been very similar to the living conditions which the
Royal Slaves worked and lived under in the West Indies in terms of the work they
performed, the environment they worked in, and the system in place to guard
them and care for them
115 Ibid., p. 568 & 580
112
39
administrators on the islands as part payment for their work. This
suggests that the system in the Danish West Indies was similar to that
of the home country.
Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A and B.
The large increase in numbers of Royal Slaves at the bakery in 1802,
1806 and 1807 on St. Croix and similar years on St. Thomas can be
explained by the British invasions which probably meant that further
40
demands were placed on the Danish administration to provide bread
for British troops on the islands, demands which could be met by
deploying Royal Slaves in the bakeries. This is an example of how the
Royal Slaves would be deployed according to need and could be
moved around to perform various duties at different times. If this was
the case, it also implies that the Royal Slaves were not necessarily all
skilled labourers.
Considering the value of the slaves deployed in the bakeries, there is
little doubt that the majority of the Royal Slaves here were performing
some form of skilled labour, which could have included putting the
dough together, keeping stock of flour and other required ingredients,
and operate and perform minor repairs on the oven. The exceptions
would have been the small children, Catharina 116 and James Richard117
(who lives a very brief life of less than two years) and the “weak and
sickly” Carolina as well as Alexander and Coffe or Severin who are of
no value. 118 One who was most definitely a highly skilled Royal Slave
would have been John who was valued at 700 Rd and entered the
Christiansted bakery in 1806.
It could also be surmised that John was a trusted Royal Slave who was
able to run the bakery on his own without supervision from the
master baker, and was thus a very valuable and trustworthy slave.
No matter the situation, it is evident that the bakery provided the
islands with a vital product, as after Emancipation in 1848, there are
still state expenses for the “renting of negroes to the garrison bakery”
on both islands. 119
As to the locations of the bakeries, a drawing of Christiansfort, the
fortress in Charlotte Amalie, shows that the Royal Bakery was placed
in the cellar of the building in 1794.
Born in 1798, on the list of (Frederiksted) bakery in 1802
Born 1806, probably by Anna Margaretha, who was a Royal Slaves in the bakery
in Christiansted on St. Croix. Listed in the 1806 hovedbog, but is not to be found on
the 1807 hovedbog, so he has probably died in the meantime.
118 The two men from the 1802 lists of Royal Slaves in the Frederiksted bakery
119 See Appendix A and Appendix B
116
117
41
The Royal Bakery is depicted right in the centre of this drawing, the oblong building consisting of
two rooms. Drawing by P. L. Oxholm, 1794. 120
This is most likely where the Royal Slaves deployed in the bakery
performed their daily duties on St. Thomas. This would have been a
hot, dark and uncomfortable room in which the Royal Slaves
performed their work: probably with a low ceiling, and unbearably hot
temperatures, as although basements can be cool, the presence of an
oven would ensure that the temperature was never pleasant.
On sketches of the layout of Christiansfort in Christiansted from 1836
no bakeries are mentioned 121, but in Frederiksted, it was suggested that
the bakery as part of a new provianthus, provision’s house, should be
placed inside the protective walls of the fortress in 1836. 122
Proviantgården, which included the bakery 123, was certainly placed in the
fortress grounds on an undated sketch, although not inside the actual
fort as in Charlotte Amalie. 124 In any case, the Royal Slaves employed
in the bakery in Frederiksted and Charlotte Amalie both worked in
particular close proximity to another group of Royal Slaves, those
working in the fortresses, and would also have had their daily duties
The Royal Library: Grundriss og profiler af Kielderne og Horizontal Batterierne på
Christians Fort på Øen St. Thomas No 3./PlanXVIII – 1794. Drawing by P. L.
Oxholm
121 RA: Rentekammerets Kort- og tegningssamling: 337, 109: Christiansfort, grundplan.
Giellerup og Friis, 1836. Negative no. 37 & 337, 110: Christiansfort, grundplan.
Fugleperspektiv og facade. 1836. Negative no. 36
122 RA: Rentekammerets Kort- og tegningssamling 337, 323: Projekt til batteri og
provianthus v. Frederiksted. Not dated. Negative no 44
123 In Frederiksted, this is sometimes also referred to as “Magazinet”, certainly
Magazinet and the bakery are part of the same place, as with the entitlement
Proviantgården
124 RA: Rentekammerets kort- og tegningssamling: 337, 322: Frederiksfort m. proviantog materialhus. Not dated, but probably from after 1800. Negative no. 164
120
42
close to the prison cells where other slaves who had committed
multiple crimes, or had attempted maroonage several times, were
placed.
The bakery also made use of skilled Royal Slaves, and here the Royal
Slaves once more performed a function vital to the slave society.
Again there are indications of one or two slaves who may have
managed the work that took place, signifying that skills were valuable
and maybe even that some Royal Slaves were perceived as being more
trustworthy than others by the authorities.
11.5 Royal Slaves at the fortresses
It appears from the statistical data that the state also deployed some of
its Royal Slaves to work on the fortresses on St. Thomas and St. Croix,
and very few if any at all on St. John: the largest number reached 13
on St. Croix in 1806 and 1807, whereas only a maximum of 6 were on
St. Thomas and St. John in 1803.
Data from…
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
43
In the 1790s, Egbert, Factum and Ludewig were at Frederiksfort in
Frederiksted, and Egbert and Factum were joined by Samba in 1801
and Coffe and David in 1802, who were both bought for the odd sum
of 433 Rd and 32 Sk. The numbers of Royal Slaves at Frederiksfort
continue to expand when in 1806 they were joined by Bouky and
Oowe. An almost identical story unfolded in the 1790s at
Christiansværn, the fortress in Christiansted, where Anthony, Gorm
and Ludvig were placed in 1793, but where Anthony has disappeared
from the hovedbog of 1794. 125 There appears to have been a complete
change in who was assigned to this function, when Mads, Adam,
Friedrich, Otto and Ovid were assigned to Christiansværn in 1801.
Here, some are again replaced by new Royal Slaves: Wilhelm, C, Jaen
and Natty in 1803. 126 In 1806, a new Royal Slave at Christiansværn was
Simon who is listed as a boy, but in 1807 listed as being at the age of
26, and by that point, an adult. Additionally, in 1807, we are presented
with a descriptive name for Frederich, who is now referred to as
Frederich Kaymand. The word kaymand suggests that Frederich
worked at the fort’s lowest side which was actually sitting in the sea
where boats could dock, or perhaps he was also assigned to clean the
drains from the soldier’s toilet which probably ended here. 127
An interesting case comes to light as the hovedbog from 1803 describes
how Natty, a Royal Slave who had run away and since been captured
and been put to work in the fort on 9th January (no specification of
which fort, unfortunately). This could signify that some of the Royal
Slaves who worked in the forts had been runaways, who had been
placed there to make it more difficult for them to run away again.
Natty is a new addition to the Christiansværn list of 1803, so certainly
in his case this is the reason why he ended up working in the fort. This
would not be unlike the treatment convicts received in Kastellet
around the same time. 128
See Appendix A
See Appendix A
127 Unfortunately the word does not exist in Ordbog over det Danske Sprog. However,
Kaj means ”quay”, and mand means ”man”
128 Krohn, "Bageriet Og Møllen I Kastellet." p. 562
125
126
44
Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix B.
From 1833 onwards, there are no listings of Royal Slaves belonging to
the forts on any island. The slaves employed in the forts are on
average valued at 311 Rd on St. Croix and 325 Rd on St. Thomas.
That is slightly less than those working at pakhuset and vejerboden, but
closer to the average value of the bakery slaves. Very few women are
employed at the forts, Maria and Christiane on St. Croix in 1832 are
the only women listed on both islands in all the relevant years. 129 This,
as with the pakhus and vejerbod slaves provides some indication of the
work they did in the forts, or perhaps it is simply an indication that it
was not advisable to keep female slaves in such a male-dominated
environment. Either way, the Royal Slaves in the forts could have
performed a variety of tasks such as cleaning and general maintenance
of the fort itself. It is most likely that the tasks they performed were
not military tasks per se, i.e. that they did not participate in any acts of
war, or were assigned to any significant posts such as the look-out
post, or took part in the daily exercises. 130 It is more likely that they
helped soldiers with their daily tasks such as cleaning, laundry, helped
in the kitchens or even to perform tedious tasks such as hauling heavy
equipment when necessary. 131 As the fear of a slave revolt was always
See Appendix A
Some of the daily duties performed by soldiers stationed in Copenhagen in the
war of 1848-1850 is described in Helms, Johannes, Soldaterliv I Krig Og Fred:
Strandbergs Forlag, 1998 (1883) chapter entitled “Dagligt Liv”, daily life: keeping
watch in the military buildings, both to keep an eye out that everything was as it
should be and to watch out for fires
131 The convicts of Kastellet could also have performed the task of separating old
sailing rope into smaller bits of fibre, which was then used to careen ships due to
129
130
45
evident amongst the planters and probably also amongst the European
colonial administration, it would probably have been deemed unwise
to provide the fort slaves with any real military training since this
could be useful to an uprising. Gomez 132 mentions that the fort on St.
Jan (which was probably guarded) had played a vital role in the 1733
uprising, and was worried that the forts on the islands would always
play a vital role in any slave riots. 133 No matter what work the slaves
performed at the forts, they must have had daily and close contact
with the soldiers stationed there and would also have been in close
proximity to any captured runaway slaves who were often placed in
the dungeons, or in det sorte hul, “the black hole” which was an
isolation cell. 134 Once again, this places the Royal slaves in daily
contact with a great deal of people, both soldiers and other slaves. The
Royal Slaves of the fortresses perhaps represent a more rebellious
group of Royal Slaves who were not as vital to society as those of
vejerboden and pakhuset. This may indicate that they were placed to work
in the fortresses to avoid them making trouble elsewhere, and perhaps
thus taking part of the European Caribbean system of control.
11.6 Royal Slaves at the military barracks
The Royal Slaves are listed as belonging to three barracks, the infantry,
cavalry and artillery barracks, and this only on St. Croix. They were all
purchased in 1802: John and Peter for the infantry barracks, Gabriel
for the cavalry barracks, and unexpectedly, two women, Elizabeth and
Maria for the artillery barracks. The average value of the Royal Slaves
at the military barracks are close to the average value of the Royal
Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset (average value of 391 Rd for the Royal
Slaves in the infantry barracks and 450 Rd for the Royal Slaves in the
cavalry barracks), except for that of the Royal Slaves in the artillery
barracks, which are closer to that of the Royal Slaves at the forts (310
Rd artillery barracks and 306 Rd for the Royal Slaves on the forts on
St. Croix).
its close proximity to the busy harbour of Copenhagen. It is not unlikely that the
slaves on the forts in the Danish West Indies performed similar tasks, particularly
since the forts were strategically placed in relation to the harbours where ships
were careened, both in Christiansted and Charlotte Amalie. For more information
about careening in Charlotte Amalie please see Martens, Vibe Maria & Latif,
Andreas Mir Hassel Island 1688-1801 - an Unusual Plantation. National Park Service,
US Virgin Islands, 2009
132 Gomez was part of the military personnel in the Danish West Indies in the 1830s
133 Gomez, F. J. C. von, Om Militairvæsenet Paa De Dansk-Vestindiske Øer. Kjøbenhavn
1836, p. 16
134 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 107
46
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
These small numbers of Royal Slaves assigned to the barracks
probably reflects that they performed daily chores detested by the
soldiers and took no part in the actual military exercises which
probably took place close by.
The number of Royal Slaves increased in 1806 and 1807 from two to
five male slaves at the infantry barracks, Obit, John/Johann, Adam,
Wilhelm and C/Morie. 135 This perhaps reflects the imminent threat of
invasion, which finally occurred in December 1807. There would have
been an increased focus on strengthening the Danish military on the
islands where possible along with an increased need for help with the
daily duties.
The Royal Slaves probably performed daily tasks such as cleaning of
the buildings and the soldier’s equipment as well as laundering, which
would mirror the tasks performed by soldiers at time of war 136 and
soldier’s wives at times of war in Denmark. 137 It is also likely that they
were used as watchmen, to keep an eye on the candles to avoid fires at
night. Furthermore, it possible that Gabriel, who was deployed in the
cavalry barracks also would have worked in the stables, which, albeit in
See Appendix A 1806 and 1807
Helms, Soldaterliv I Krig Og Fred, p. 138-139
137 Parbøl, E. L., Sølvgades Kaserne 1765-1965. København: Jernbanemuseet, 1969, p.
23-25
135
136
47
the 1830s held no more than three horses, making it a possible task
for one person. 138
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
It is interesting that there are only women, Elizabeth and Maria, and
later a boy, Thomas, in the artillery barracks. This could be an
illustration of how the paranoia of an imminent slave revolt was
handled, as it probably felt safer to let women and boys near to
weapons rather than adult males and instructions on how to use them.
The thought of the women being prostitutes to the soldiers also
occurred, but since this is the only location where women are placed, I
deemed this thesis somewhat unlikely, because why should the artillery
men be at the receiving end of such “special treatment” from the state
and not the other military sections? Naturally it could have been the
decision of an individual commander to provide prostitutes to his
men, but I believe it was unlikely that they would be allowed to do so
by the superiors, partly also because the Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755
condemned such “fornication and moral laxity.” 139 Prostitution may
have been common in the urban sphere, but appear unlikely to have
been a decidedly function of these two female Royal Slaves. 140
RA: Generaltoldkammer- og Kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk)
Kontor. Kgl Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea 1819 - 1945. 1830 – 1836. Series
371. Box no. 621. No. 520, 1836
139 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
140 Ibid., p. 173
138
48
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
Royal Slaves were not deployed in the military barracks until 1802.
This could be due to the end of the first occupation of the islands by
England, where in 1801 it had been evident that the standard of the
Danish military on the islands was appallingly low. 141 In the table
above, is it shown how there is no breakdown of where the Royal
Slaves were deployed in 1815 and 1816, but it is plausible that there
were Royal Slaves deployed at the military barracks in these years as
well for the same reason of the standard of the Danish military.
The timing of when the state deployed the Royal Slaves in the military
barracks illustrates an “as and when needed” approach of the state to
its use of its Royal Slaves. This in turn shows that perhaps there was
not always much far-sighted thinking behind the use of the Royal
Slaves.
Furthermore, if maps of the fortifications on the islands are to be
believed, the barracks were commonly situated within the walls of the
forts as seen on the map below:
141
Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 226
49
Frederiksfort m. proviant- og materialhus. Not dated. From Rigsarkivet.
142
This means, as with the Royal Slaves in the bakery, that the Royal
Slaves of the military barracks would have lived their daily lives in
close proximity to the soldiers of the barracks, as well as the soldiers’
superiors, and to any slaves imprisoned in the forts.
As with the Royal Slaves on the forts, the Royal Slaves of the military
barracks did not perform duties vital to society. However, their
assignment to these functions in the period between 1802 and 1807
suggest that Denmark was aiming to improve the standard of their
military organisation in the Danish West Indies, thus to some extent
mirroring the behaviour of Spain and Britain when using slaves to aid
this process.
11.7 Royal Slaves at the hospitals
For all three islands, the use of Royal Slaves in hospitals was a
common feature between the 1790s and 1848. On St. Croix, the
average number of slaves in the hospitals in Christiansted and
Frederiksted remained around 25 until the 1830s where it reached an
average of 14. The largest number of slaves at the hospitals is in 1802,
when there are 37 altogether.
RA: Kort- og tegningssamlingen, Rentekammeret 337, 322: Frederiksfort m.
proviant- og materialhus. Not dated. Negative no. 164
142
50
Table based on data from hovedbogen.
See Appendix A
Besides the regular hospitals, in 1803 on St. Croix one Royal Slave,
Christopher, is also listed as belonging to the artillery hospital, where
he probably performed similar duties to the other Royal Slaves in
other hospitals. 143 Similarly, there were still Royal Slaves placed in
unspecified military hospitals at the time of Emancipation in 1848:
Joseph and Jacob in Christiansted and Philippa, Emma and John in
Frederiksted. 144
The value of the Royal Slaves in the hospitals also appears to follow
the pattern in the price developments, which increased significantly in
the 10 years following the abolition of the slave trade in 1792. Thus,
on St. Croix in 1803, 21 slaves were valued at 7.540 Rd, whereas 22
slaves were valued at 4.264 Rd in 1792. The Royal Slaves at the
hospitals were a mix of men and women, boys and girls.
Of particular interest is Jacob, who is listed as a barber on St. Thomas
in the 1790s, which could indicate that he acted as a doctor or surgeon
in the hospital there. 145 His value of 500 Rd is also highly unusual for
other Royal Slaves in the hospitals at this time, which is another
indicator that Jacob was a skilled slave. St. Jan also had a barber slave,
Jacque, in the early 1790s. Although Jacque was worth considerably
less than Jacob at 240 Rd, it is still interesting that there were medically
trained, skilled Royal Slaves at least in the early period of this study,
See Appendix A Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix
See appendix A Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix
145 Meaning of the word barber from Ordbog over det Danske Sprog:
http://ordnet.dk/ods/opslag?opslag=barber. Accessed 11 March 2010
143
144
51
which serves as an indication of what duties the Royal Slaves also
performed in the hospitals. There are no barber slaves listed on St.
Croix.
Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix B.
Another Royal Slave who could have been skilled is Marge, who is
listed at the significant value of 625 Rd in 1803 and 1807 in
Frederiksted, which was high for a female hospital slave. 146 It could be
that Marge had some medical training or knowledge of herbal
medicine which thus made her a very valuable Royal Slave, or even
more likely, that she was a skilled midwife, which was commonly
practised by women at this time.
Thode Jensen argues that knowledge of herbal medicine was common
amongst plantation slaves in the first half of the 19th century, and that
their treatments were often successful. 147 Therefore it is likely that the
state had purchased Marge in 1803 for her skills. As to why she did
not remain a Royal Slave in the hospital for any longer can only be
speculated. Whether the state was in need of cash and had to sell her
shortly after purchasing her, or she was sold for another reason since
she is not to be found mentioned elsewhere in hovedbøgerne is not
known. It could also be for the simple reason that the state deemed it
unnecessary to have such a skilled slave in the hospital, since the
service of a midwife could be found at a fairly low cost of around 6 Rd
when required. 148
See Appendix A: Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix
Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 79
148 More about this in chapter 14.5
146
147
52
The children in the hospitals probably served alongside their mothers
in the hospitals. When comparing the lists of 1794 and 1801, the same
children appear on the list: Beata, Ferona, Christian, Anna Lena,
Friderica and Johan Friedrich, and in 1801 two more appear: Louisa
and Simon. Louisa and Simon are both valued at 50 Rd which serves
as a good indication that there were small children who grew old
enough to perform important tasks and increased their value. In 1801,
Beata and Ferona are no longer listed as children although their values
have not changed. This suggests that the Royal Slaves in the hospitals
often had a long servitude in hospitals, in contrast to that of the Royal
Slaves performing more physically demanding jobs such as those in
vejerboden and pakhuset.
On St. Croix they appear to have made much use of children in the
hospitals as they would have been just as good as adults in performing
various duties, such as preparing and administering the patient’s daily
medicine, general care and the changing of bandages which were the
daily duties of the slaves. 149 Besides duties in the actual hospital, slaves
also performed duties such as cleaning and cooking; these often being
allocated to elderly female slaves. 150
The Royal Slaves serving in the hospitals were some of the least
valuable of the Royal Slaves. This is understandable, since none of
these slaves needed to be as fit and physically strong as those who
performed hard physical labour, such as those working at pakhuset or
vejerboden. Some hospital slaves, however, were skilled and they all
performed vital duties in the hospitals.
11.8 Royal Slaves in other functions
The Royal Slaves also performed other functions which, unlike the
functions described above, were only in place for shorter periods.
Among those ascribed to a particular function in a short period of
time is Jack, who is listed as deployed in secretariatet, the secretariat, on
St. Croix in 1801, 1803, 1807 and 1807 (the hovedbog of 1802 does not
specify where the Royal Slaves were deployed). 151
Table based on data from St. Croix
hovedbog. See Appendix A.
Thode Jensen, "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet I
Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." p. 7
150 Ibid., p. 7-8
151 See Appendix A
149
53
Jack is initially a fairly valuable Royal Slave at 500 Rd, but in 1807 he is
described as sygelig, sickly, which is probably the reason why his value
is only stated to be 250 Rd in 1806 and 1807. Jack probably helped the
officials with their work of making fair copies of official
correspondence as well as other documents. Whether Jack himself
acted as a secretary is difficult to say, but I believe that when
considering the short period of time that any Royal Slaves was in this
position and that he was not replaced in later years of 1815 and 1816,
which suggests that Jack did have something special to offer, which
means he was probably able to both read and write and thus an
effective servant in the secretariat.
Table based on data from St.
Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
Another function also taken care of by a Royal Slave was that of a
helper in apothequet, the pharmacy. As with Jack in the secretariat, the
function of the pharmacy slave is only listed for a very short period of
time, in 1806 and 1807 and is assigned to male slaves Ferdinant in
1806 and Affort in 1807.
Although the position could have been established between 1803 and
1806 and 1807 till 1815, where the hovedbøger have not been examined,
it is nevertheless a short-lived arrangement. As to what Ferdinant did
there in 1806, and Affort in 1807, they probably assisted the master
pharmacist but they probably did not take any vital part in the actual
dispensing of medication. Rather, it is more likely that they helped
clean and performed other general daily duties. Both Ferdinant and
Affort are valued at 150 Rd, and were thus not amongst the most
valuable of the Royal Slaves, which leads me to believe that they were
not particularly strong physically, or possessed literary or other specific
skills. 152 This is in concurrence with them performing basic duties in
the pharmacy.
It could be, however, that the positions for Royal Slaves to enter the
pharmacy had been created in order to train these particular Royal
Slaves to be a pharmacist. If this is the case, then the attempt was not
successful based on the short-lived nature of this position.
Another function was that performed by the Royal Slaves on the
toldbåd, the customs and excise boat. The first occurrence of Royal
It could be, in theory, that these two Royal Slaves were in fact one and the same
slave who merely changed his name between 1806 and 1807 as seen previously
with the Royal Slaves of proviantgården
152
54
Slaves is when two male slaves were listed as belonging to the toldbåd
in 1803 on St. Croix and disappears in 1815, 153 whereas there are none
listed for St. Thomas or St. John throughout the period.
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
Olsen writes that the idea of the customs house obtaining a boat and a
crew with Royal Slaves came into being in 1799, after the
reorganisation of the customs authorities in 1798, in an attempt to
enable them to pursue suspected illegal trade. 154 In 1803, Soheman a
male slave and David, a boy, are listed as belonging to the
Christiansted toldbåd, and these two are there in 1806 and 1807 as well,
although David is now listed as a man. In 1807, they were joined by
Acky and Bozam appointed to the Frederiksted toldbåd. In 1803, the
average value of the slaves are 475 Rd, which had risen to an
astonishing 610 Rd in 1806, thus making them worth almost double
that of the average Royal Slave in 1806, as well as a great deal more
than the average of 241 Rd 50 Sk which the slaves were valued at in
the skifter, probates, of the 1790s as illustrated in chapter 11.10.
Again, it is more likely that the Royal Slaves here were merely used as
oarsmen, rather than as actual customs officers with juridical powers,
thus mirroring the typical use of Spanish Royal Slaves who, although
are often thought to have been acting primarily as soldiers, most often
than not performed non-military duties such as for example that of
rowers on boat patrols. 155 Yet, they would still have been performing
the tasks of trying to intercept smugglers, thus potentially ensuring the
state its due revenue. It also signifies that Royal Slaves’ functions set
them in contact with various people from all over the Caribbean,
unlike the plantation slaves who hardly ever had the option of sailing
and thus making contact with other sailors who came to and from the
Danish West Indies.
It is unlikely that the Royal Slaves in the customs boats were ever
allowed to sail out to intercept ships and boats on their own, as this
would have enabled maroonage by Royal Slaves far too easily. 156 And
so, if any illegal trade or arrangements took place, it would have been
See Appendix A
Olsen, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917, p. 114
155 Morgan, Philip D. & O'Shaugnessy, Andrew Jackson "Arming Slaves in the
American Revolution." In Arming Slaves from Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited
by Christopher Leslie & Morgan Brown, Philip D. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2006, p. 122-123
156 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 124125
153
154
55
with the knowledge and probable acceptance and participation of the
customs officers in the boats.
However, since this function had disappeared by 1815, it suggests that
the arrangement was not particularly successful. This could suggest
that the Royal Slaves on the boats did not care too greatly about doing
their job well, it could be that they started doing some illegal business
as well, and prospered somewhat from it, and eventually were
removed from this function to ensure any discontinuation of any
illegal trade benefitting the Royal Slaves.
Another short-lived function is that of acting as watchmen at Sydside
Vagthus, the watch house on the south side where the Royal Slaves
Christian and Zacharias/Bronman who was sickly, worked in 1806
and 1807.
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
Christian is valued at 450 Rd in the two years, whereas
Zacharias/Bronman is listed as being of no value, and disappears from
the 1807 list. The fact that a guard house was established on the south
side is an example of how the authorities wished to ensure that no
smuggling was taking place, and as Christiansted and Frederiksted are
in the different ends of St. Croix, the south side of the island would
have been an easy place for smuggling to take place.
Zacharias/Bronman and Christian were probably performing the
simple duty of keeping watch for anything suspicious, and as with
those of toldbåden, found to be not particularly successful and
dismissed from this position after 1807 but before 1815, when the
function is no longer listed in hovedbogen.
Another Royal Slave by the name of Ismael was assigned to
Controleurerne, the controllers 157, on St. Croix in 1803 only. 158 Ismael
probably belonged to the various Royal Slaves who worked as part of
the customs authorities.
This is a very literal translation of the word. A better translation would probably
be customs officer
158
See Appendix A. In 1835, there are also five male Royal Slaves listed as belonging
to Toldopsynet i Frederiksteds vejerbod, but since they form part of the statistics
concerning vejerboden, I will not discuss them here.
157
56
Table based on data from St. Croix
hovedbog. See Appendix A.
His deployment here was probably the shortest lived of the various
functions also performed by the Royal Slaves, as it does not reoccur in
1806. Ismael was valued at 500 Rd, and probably performed simple
tasks to aid the customs officers with their work of ensuring that the
original weights and taxes were noted on the correct papers.
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.
It is likely that the work Ismael performed matched that of Albert and
Chemaux in 1832 and later only Chemaux in 1833, 1834 and 1835. 159
Albert and Chemaux were assigned to Toldopsynet, customs inspection,
whose function could easily have mirrored those of the controllers.
Again, the Royal Slaves assigned here were fairly valuable, as with the
exception of Albert who was valued at 50 Rd, Chemaux were valued at
500 Rd, which reflects the fact that they most likely were assistants to
the customs officials and helped to ensure all weights and taxes due
were noted.
It is apparent that the state attempted to expand the types of functions
in which the Royal Slaves worked between 1792 and 1848, but that
none of these were particularly successful. These attempts to embed
skills in the population of Royal Slaves possibly indicate an increasing
awareness of the possibilities of owning slaves, but it appears that
neither the state nor its administrators were able to ensure the
functionality of these new initiatives.
11.9 Non-existing functions
I had expected to encounter Royal Slaves in other functions besides
those mentioned above. One I was certain of finding was that of
Royal Slaves being used in construction work, such as building and
maintaining roads and public buildings such as forts, hospitals and
office buildings. Since studies describe slaves used in construction
work, such as those by Jennings, I am surprised that none of the Royal
Slaves appear to have worked in this function between 1792 and
159
See Appendix A
57
1848. 160 Suggestions that it was not the urban Royal Slaves themselves
who built the buildings, is available from the Kgl. Resolutioner, which
describe how the houses for the Royal Slaves were build and by
whom. 161 Each source uses the word “tender”, which suggests that it
was customary for the state to outsource this type of work. One would
perhaps have expected that the state would have had Royal Slaves who
were builders to perform such work, at least the physically demanding
parts of it, but the hovedbøger suggests otherwise since they list no
“construction” slaves. When the Meley map 162 from 1807 which
measured Christiansted was produced, the hovedbøger lists expenses of
“rent of negroes to perform measurements of Christiansted” which
was paid out to Meley of Charlotte Amalie in 1803. 163 This signifies
that the state, at least in one instance, did not use the urban Royal
Slaves in this function, but was rather done by construction slaves the
state themselves had rented or by the skilled slaves on the royal
plantations. Previously, great building works such as that of the forts,
may have been performed by the urban Royal Slaves (who were then
owned by the VGK, the trading company and thus not Royal Slaves
yet), as this group consisted of far more skilled labourers around 1755
than in the period between 1792 to 1848: 9 masons, 7 carpenters, 4
blacksmiths as well as 12 men performing various functions on the
building works. 164
It could be that it was cheaper in the long run to have maintenance
and construction performed by hired labour, thus explaining the lack
of construction slaves in the group of Royal Slaves between 1792 and
1848. When considering the costs the state must have incurred by
having slaves in public functions, it could be that a simple calculation
showed that there would be less expenses connected to renting other
slaves to perform these jobs, particularly if there were fewer
maintenance and building works taking place in the Danish West
Indies during this period. The Danish West Indies, although
implicated in the European Wars of the time, were perhaps very well
Jennings, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." and ________.
"State Slavery in the Atlantic Economy: The Case of Cuba in the Late Eighteenth
Century."
161 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 60 “Negrene på St. Thomas, boliger til disse”, 18 august
1819 and No. 206 “Negerboliger på St. Thomas, Videre udgifter v. disses
opførelse”
162 Dahl, Thorkel & de Fine Licht, Kjeld, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas
& St. Croix Kunstakademiets Vestindienstudier: Kunstakademiets Arkitektskoles
Forlag, 2004, p. 14-15. Original from Rigsarkivet. An error in Dahl & de Fine Licht
lists the Meley map as being from 1807, but it is in fact from 1779 according to
the records of Rigsarkivet. Depicted in chapter 14.4
163 See Appendix A
164 Tyson, George F. "Getting It Straight: The Contributions of Africans to the
Establishment of Christiansted - 1735 - 1755." Crucian Trader, 2010, p. 4
160
58
aware that no matter how large and modern their forts were, they did
not have the resources, both financial and manpower wise, to resist
any real attempts of invasion by a foreign power, which in turn is
illustrated by the ease with which the British occupied the islands
twice.
It is noteworthy that the microfilms from the US National Archives
contain as a part of an allowance overview, probably from St. Croix, a
number of Royal Slaves who are listed as having various skills. 165 They
are bricklayers, carpenters as well as other, non-specified skilled
labourers. This last group of undefined skilled labourers could be what
is later referred to as håndlangere 166, general helpers to the other skilled
labourers, or more specifically, bricklayer’s assistants. The microfilm
lists 6 bricklayers plus an additional 3 apprentices who are not
specified by name, 9 carpenters and 7 håndlangere. Unsurprisingly, they
are all male. The microfilm also has a list of Royal Slaves working in
the military barracks, proviantgården, vejerboden, toldopsynet and the
hospitals, which are used to cross reference the names of the skilled
Royal Slaves. A total of four could belong to the group of urban Royal
Slaves come within preview of this paper: John (who is also the
foreman of the bricklayers and in charge of the apprentices), Simon,
also a bricklayer; James, a carpenter and Thony, whose skill is not
specified. As names such as James and John are very common
amongst slaves, there is no guarantee that these were from the bulk of
urban Royal Slaves, but Simon and Thony are more likely (particularly
Thony) since their names were not common. The remainder of the
skilled Royal Slaves must have belonged to the Royal plantations.
Interestingly, John, James and Thony all belong to vejerboden, Simon
(later called Chameux) in toldopsynet. This indicates that at least some of
the Royal Slaves in vejerboden were skilled, but also that they were able
to leave their work in vejerboden and use their specific skills elsewhere,
but more likely they were rented out by the state to do this work and
the majority of the rent would go directly to the state. The microfilm
also lists the skilled Royal Slaves as doing work on guvernementshuset,
government house and at Colbiørnsen’s. 167 It could be that outside the
peak harvest season, these Royal Slaves were allowed to work outside
the vejerbod and could thus have had access to earning some extra cash
unlike their unskilled counterparts. However, because there is very
little data to base these conclusions on, it will not be considered
RA: Danica 1000. Film no. 374. The original source where the mircrofilm is shot
from is not evident in the film itself, at least not for this material
166 ODS på nettet: www.ordnet.dk
167 Although there is no note on who this Colbiørnsen might be (or what his or her
first name is), it seems likely that it must have been someone from the
Colbiørnsen family, which probably included the judge Edvard Colbiørnsen who
was employed in the magistrate’s court around in the 1770s and 1780s. Hall, Slave
Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 43, 82 and 160
165
59
further, but simply kept in mind that some Royal Slaves, including the
urban Royal Slaves could have had skills which they were able to use
to earn extra money. It appears that in the period between 1792 and
1848 only a very small minority of the urban Royal Slaves possessed
the skills to function as construction workers or builders.
Another function performed by Royal Slaves which I expected to find
was that of Royal Slaves as soldiers. Slaves (albeit not only Royal
Slaves) had been used as soldiers in the Spanish, British, Dutch,
French and Portuguese armies in and around the Caribbean, and
scholars such as Buckley, Klein, Kuethe, Landers and Voelz have
conducted studies on this area. 168
Perhaps the fact that there are no Royal Slaves ascribed to actual
military service could be another indication that the Danish state did
not think this a priority, as it would have to have been significant high
numbers of Royal Slaves who would have to have been assigned to
military service in order to have any potential impact in events of
invasion or war. Thus the reason why no Royal Slaves were assigned
to military duty was probably an admittance of the fact that it was
pointless and would be far too expensive when compared to the end
result. Another possible, or additional, reason was probably that of
fear on part of the state and the administration on the islands to place
any slaves in the vicinity of weapons and teach them how to use them.
With the slave revolt of St. John in 1733 and the more recent revolts
on Guadeloupe in 1789, Martinique in 1789 to 1792 and the various
different revolts occurring all over the Caribbean in the first half of
the 19th century in mind, it is understandable if the Danish authorities
feared using Royal Slaves as soldiers.
In short, the Royal Slaves performed a number of functions of which
some were vital duties. Most likely, they had varying degrees of
responsibilities and skills. The functions they performed were unique,
and were not performed by other slaves than those belonging to the
King. Some typical functions of other slaves working for the King
across the Caribbean are not shared by the Danish Royal Slaves.
Buckley, Slaves in Red Coats the British West India Regiments, 1795-1815; Buckley,
Norman Roger, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and Military in the
Revolutionary Age, 1998; Klein, Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia
and Cuba; Kuethe, Cuba, 1753-1815 Crown, Military, and Society; Landers,
"Transforming Bondsmen into Vassals: Arming Slaves in Colonial Spanish
America." and Voelz, Slave and Soldier. The Military Impact of Blacks in the Colonial
Americas
168
60
11.10 The value of the Royal Slaves
The value of a slave speaks volumes. A very valuable slave worth more
than 700 Rd is fairly rare. A slave of this value would have been a
person who was physically strong, as physical strength was probably
one of two assets by which a slave’s value was determined. The second
asset, and the most important one in determining a slave’s value was
that of skills, as there is no doubt that skilled labourers such as
carpenters, bricklayers and other skills were valuable in the West
Indies as few people possessed such skills required by society. 169 As we
have seen in the chapters above, there almost certainly were Royal
Slaves who were skilled which is often evident partly from their name,
but most often also from their value.
Most Royal Slaves during the period of interest to this paper are worth
around 350 Rd. There are those who are worth considerably less, this
either being due to their youth or old age, illnesses or loss of limbs, all
of which indicate lack of physical strength. Therefore the value always
serves as an indicator of the slave’s skills and physical well-being.
The average value of a Royal Slave varied greatly in relation to where
they were deployed. The hospital slaves were the least valuable,
whereas the slaves in the bakery and pakhuset and vejerboden were worth
considerably more.
In order to establish if there were any major differences in the value of
the Royal Slaves and privately-owned plantation slaves, calculations of
the average value of slaves as described in various skifter, probates,
throughout the period have been made for comparison.
In the early 1790s, 47 privately-owned slaves are valued at 11.350 Rd
in total, making the average value 241 Rd 50 Sk. This is slightly more
than the average value of a hospital slave on St. Croix in 1794 (which
was approx. 226 Rd), but less than the average value of the Royal
Slaves in pakhuset and vejerboden on St. Croix, also in 1794 (which is
approx. 272 Rd).
Between 1800 and 1803, 13 privately-owned slaves have an average
value of 355 Rd 170, which is 120 Rd more on average than the Royal
Slaves on St. Thomas, and 40 Rd more than those on St. Croix. 171
However, the average value of the 13 privately-owned slaves is very
close to the average value of the Royal Slaves of the bakery (376 Rd),
but far from that of the vejerbod and pakhus slaves whose average value
in 1802 and 1803 was close to 500 Rd. At the same time, the Royal
Another factor crucial to the determination of a slaves’ value was age. Only in a
very few places are the ages of the Royal Slaves listed, and I will therefore refrain
from drawing conclusions on this without any further material available
170 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede. 1800-1855. Series
684. Box no. 38.49.1, 1800-1855 1-100. Skifter no 1, Peter Andersen; no. 4 Hans
Hansen; no 8 Lieutenant Christian von Benzon; no. 9 George Meyer (bankrupt
estate); no 11 John Garrits (bankrupt estate); no 27 Edmund Hogan
171 See Appendix C
169
61
Slaves in the hospital were on average worth less than the privatelyowned slaves in 1802, when they were worth 266 Rd on average.
Around 1815 and 1816, the average value of privately-owned slaves
had not changed much. 40 slaves have an average value of 358 Rd. 172
Because hovedbøgerne have not specified the Royal Slaves’ individual
value, number or assignment, it is not possible to compare values here,
but the general trend probably holds true for the years around 1815
and 1816: that the Royal Slaves mostly resemble the average value of
the privately-owned slaves, except for the Royal Slaves of vejerboden
and pakhuset who are typically worth around 100 Rd more.
In the 1830s, a total of 26 slaves average 138 Rd in value. 173 This is
almost half of what the hospital slaves on St Croix are worth on
average in 1833 (312 Rd), but closer to the average value of the
hospital slaves on St. Thomas the same year (192 Rd). Because there
are many children listed in the skifter, of which most, if not all, would
have been unable to work as they were too young, the average value
would have been higher if they did not form part of the statistic for
the 1830s: 189 Rd on average if the children are not included. 174 These
figures appear more balanced, and seem to correspond better to the
average figures for the other years investigated.
From 1846, a list details 13 slaves with the total value of $1470. 175 This
converted into Rd at the approximate exchange rate of the time,
makes it an average value of the slaves at 452 Rd. 176 This value follows
the pattern of the previous years, where the hospital slaves on St.
Croix are 325 Rd, and the slaves at pakhuset and vejerboden of St. Croix
are worth 470 Rd on average, thus illustrating that hospital slaves were
of less value than privately-owned slaves whereas the pakhus and
vejerbod slaves were more valuable.
RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede. 1800-1855. Series
684. Box no. 38.49.7. 1800-1855, 341-370. No. 351 Fru Helene Moline Borch; no.
352 Madame Margareth Striclirons; no. 354 Madame Urcilla Daniels
173 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede 1800-1855. Series
684. 1800-1855 no 579-620. Box no. 38.49.12. Skifter no. 579, William Young,
1829; no. 581 Nicolas Wells, 1833; no. 596 Christopher Hansen, 1834; No. 579,
Ludevig J. Reumert, 1835
174 In these records, the children are listed with their respective mothers, and thus it
is impossible to know if the value listed mainly is for the mother, or for her and
her children. However, most often children of considerable value are listed
independently, which is why I believe that these children represented little value, if
any, this probably due to them being too young to work
175 RA: St. Thomas Byfoged 1736-1891. Registrerings- og vurderingsprotokoller, 1840-1848.
Series 697. Box no. 13.26.8 Ref.: p. 268, December 1846. By the 1840s the
accounts are commonly noted in dollars rather than Rigsdaler
176 “Pages on Economic Danish History”: www.helmer-c.dk/Econhist/default.htm
Accessed 11/2 2010. This website lists the exchange rate at 1850 to be 4 Rd for
every 1 $, making the total value of the 13 slaves 5880 Rd, which divided with 13
gives an average of 452 Rd per slave
172
62
The overall value of Royal Slaves shows that the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix were always far more valuable than the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Jan. 177 This, as the functions performed by the Royal
Slaves on the islands where far more are assigned to St. Croix and
perform far more significant and variable types of functions than on
St. Thomas and St. Jan serves as another indicator that the system of
using Royal Slaves was more successful in St. Croix. This is most likely
also because between 1792 and 1848, the amount of slaves expanded
on St. Croix and thus the system of slavery was more important there
than on the other two Danish islands. This confirms that the majority
of the functions performed by the Royal Slaves were vital to the
maintenance of the slave society, particularly on St. Croix.
From entire chapter 11 it is evident that the Royal Slaves in most cases
performed functions vital to the slave society. They may have worked
less than plantation slaves did, as other urban slaves. 178 Their value
signify that very few of them were less valuable than the average
plantation slave, which serves as an indication that the skills and
strength of the typical Royal Slave matched that of the general slave
population, and that the Royal Slaves were not different in this aspect.
The development in the number of Royal Slaves seems to follow the
general pattern, at least on St. Croix, which held the majority of the
Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.
It is certain that the functions performed by the Royal Slaves as
described above would not have been done by slaves who were not
owned by the King, thus signifying a distinguishable characteristic of
the group.
12 Legal rights
This chapter will consider what legal rights, if any, which all slaves had
concerning food, provision grounds, housing, clothing, medical care
and self-manumission. This will be used to illustrate what provisions
the state was required to provide its Royal Slaves. No regulations were
ever made specifically for the Royal Slaves, and several of the
proposed legislation was never published in the Danish West Indies,
giving cause for the plantation owners to not follow the guidelines.
However, while it may have been easy for plantation owners to ignore
legislation not published, then perhaps it is fair to suggest that it was
not so easy for the state or its administrators to ignore these
regulations, and this may have transferred itself into the amount and
See Appendix C
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 9395
177
178
63
types of provisions provided to the Royal Slaves when compared to
plantation slaves.
However, most legislation regulation the slaves’ living conditions in
the Danish West Indies dealt with keeping the slaves from revolting
and the loss of valuables, the slaves themselves. 179 As Thode Jensen
writes, there was no real official legislation passed in the 18th century
after the so-called Gardelin Code of 1733, concerned with punishments
of slaves, for example of runaway slaves and those who were
disobedient. 180 Although upon the state’s purchase of the islands, a
number of rights for the slaves were drawn up, the legislation was
never published and thus not enforced. 181 In subsequent years, several
individuals, such as Lindemann 182, attempted to reform the legislation
on slave rights, but he failed as did later commissions established for
this purpose. 183 This trend continued even until after the second
British occupation, and was only reconsidered after the British
abolition of slavery in 1833, although still without results.
Although it will be difficult to establish legislature concerning the
rights of slaves, I will gather what indications there are of what they
were provided with, and how this reflected common practices, in cases
where no legislation concerning the particular right existed. It is also
worth noting that whenever legislation was in place, it specifically
requested that those unable to work should always be provided for. 184
Thus, slaves unable to work were also provided for, probably on a
more or less equal level to slaves who were able to work.
12.1 Food provisions
With regards to food allowance and the legislation concerning this,
Thode Jensen argues that since the first law concerned with food
allowances for slaves from 1755, the so-called Frederik V’s Reglement
was not published until 1843 (as it was shelved by the Governor
General due to the sensitive relationship between the state and the
plantation owners), practices could necessarily have varied greatly
from the judicial prescriptions of the 1755 legislation. 185 Whatever the
Ibid., p. 58-59. For further information see Olsen, Poul Erik, "Danske Lov På De
Vestindiske Øer." In Danske Og Norske Lov I 300 År, edited by Ditlev Tamm.
Kbh.: Jurist- og Økonomforbundets Forlag, 1983
180 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 158
181 Ibid., p. 158-159
182 Wilhelm Anton Lindemann, Governor General 1798- 1801 (or 1794 – 1796).
Brøndsted does not speak highly of Lindemann: Brøndsted, Vore Gamle
Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848
183 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 159
184 Ibid., p. 159
185 Ibid., p. 179-180
179
64
case, the 1755 regulation prescribed that any slave above the age of ten
should be provided with approx. 1,3 kg cassava or cornflour, or three
cassava tubers each weighing at least 2,5 pounds 186, or another food of
similar quality as well as 2 pounds of salted pork or 3 pounds of fish
per week. 187 Furthermore, it prescribed that it was the explicit
responsibility of the slave owner to provide a daily sum for subsistence
to old and/or sick slaves. 188 Slaves below the age of ten should be
provided with half of the rations of adults. The regulation prescribed
that the foods could not be replaced by kill devil, the local nonmatured rum, or an extra weekly day off, although this changed by the
1840s. 189 The regulations also stated that any produce or items in the
slave’s custody was the property of the slave owner, and that the
slaves were not allowed to sell anything on the weekend markets
without the permission of their master. 190
By the early 1800s, Thode Jensen argues that the amount of provisions
given to plantation slaves would have been around 5 pounds of
cornflour per week during the harvest, which was in fact too little, and
that the slaves were thus forced to grow their own produce in order to
avoid starvation. 191 There is no mention in the sources of the amount
of meat or fish. Although the provisions provided were in fact more
than stated in the regulation of 1755, the slaves would still be forced
to cultivate for themselves, as was the intention of the regulation.
After the second British occupation, Thode Jensen believes that the
standard amount of rations were increased to an amount of approx.
3,75 kg of cornflour, and probably continued to stay at this level until
1848. 192 As before, there is no mention of the amount of meat or fish
prescribed.
Thode Jensen notes that the provisions given to slaves on the royal
plantation North Star surpass the provisions set out as minimum in
the official regulations, and yet, the provisions were not sufficient as
nutrition. 193 Although not sufficient as nutrition, the provisions
provided to this group of royal plantation slaves, did surpass the
minimum requirements, which may support the hypothesis that as a
1 pound = approx. 0,5 kg. “Den Lille Lommebog På Internettet:
www.glemsom.dk/talmaal/danskemaal.htm Accessed 4/3 2010
187 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p.
179. Thode Jensen also describes measurement calculations, which I will not go
into detail about here
188 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
189 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean
Life, p. 54
190 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 180
191 Ibid., p. 181
192 Ibid., p. 183-185
193 Ibid., p. 200
186
65
Royal Slave (both urban and agricultural) you were always certain to
receive at least the minimum allowance described in the regulations.
Thus, if the Royal Slaves received provisions much like the slaves on
the plantations, they would have relied heavily on production of food
from provision grounds to ensure a somewhat varied diet which
included other foods than bread, but they would still have been
subject to starvation when a harvest failed, and would in any case still
have been reliant on their master to provide them with some flour or
bread.
12.2 Provision grounds
The so-called Lindemann draft of 1783 was the first proposed
legislation to prescribe the minimum rights of the enslaved, although it
remained a draft and was never enacted. 194 It is also the first proposal
that includes the right to provision grounds and at least one weekly
day off to cultivate them on behalf of the enslaved. 195 Although the
Lindemann draft was never enacted, it still serves as an indication of the
state’s positive attitude towards providing its slaves with access to
provision grounds at this point in time. It may also, however, serve as
an indicator of the islands administration’s negative attitude to
securing rights to the enslaved population, which would not be shared
with Lindemann who was Etatsraad, a Government official who was in
Denmark when writing the draft. 196
With regards to time off from labouring, the slave did not officially get
Saturdays off throughout the year until 1843, although practices of
both Saturday and Sunday off to cultivate provision grounds had
probably been the norm for quite some time by then. 197 Hall also
writes that slaves in the Danish West Indies were well-established
proto-peasants by 1848. 198
12.3 Housing rights
Officially, there was no general legislation concerning the housing
provided for the slaves until as late as 1840. However, there was
legislation in the so-called forpagtningsreglement from 1834, which
concerned the regulation of the Royal plantations and thus possible
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 6567
195 Ibid., p. 67
196 At this point Lindemann was Etatsraad and wrote the draft in Denmark
197 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 162
198 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 210
194
66
also the urban Royal Slaves. 199 The regulations concerned the size and
distance between the slave houses. 200 It cannot, however, be
determined from the primary source material if the housing provided
for the urban slaves followed the legislation. Hall writes that although
no data exists concerning the standard of housing for urban slaves, he
believes that the housing of the urban slaves would generally have
been of a better standard than that of the plantation slaves, and the
urban slaves would at least have had rain-proof and draught-free
accommodation. 201 Brady noted that he did not think the urban slaves
better lodged than the slaves on the plantations, and that the urban
slaves did not have provision grounds. 202 Some of the urban Royal
Slaves could have lived in private accommodation, but as we shall see
in chapter 14.3 and 14.4, they were also provided with their own
housing and provision grounds which suggests that with regards to
housing and provision grounds, their conditions were unlike the
typical urban slave and more akin to a plantation slave, allowing
production and an economic life of their own.
12.4 Clothing
No specific legislation concerning the clothing appears to have been in
place. Nevertheless, Brady claims in the 1820s that “the legal annual
allowance” per slave was seven yards (approx. 6,5 m) of osnaburg 203, a
coarsely woven cloth, most often made from flax, as well as 3,5 yards
(3,2 m) of bamboo, a woollen cloth often used for a cloak or coat. 204
Women were given the same allowance plus an extra yard of osnaburg,
and children received a quantity proportion to their size. Additionally,
each man and woman received a blanket every two years.
Although there is no official legislation concerning clothing provisions
for slaves, Brady provides an indication of how the provisions could
have appeared in the 1820s, and thus an indication of local customs.
Whether this was similar to the provisions provided to the Royal
Slaves is uncertain, but at least it can serve as an indicator. It is certain,
Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 170
200 Ibid., p. 170
201 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 93
202 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,
p. 25
203 Osnaburg derived its name from the town of Osnabrück in Germany, where it
was originally produced, although from the mid 18th century onwards, the main
production took place in Scotland and Ireland. Collins, Brenda & Ollerenshaw,
Philip (eds.) The European Linen Industry in Historical Perspective: Oxford University
Press, 2003, p. 176
204 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,
p. 16
199
67
however, that the Royal Slaves were provided with osnaburg, hats and
scarves as we shall see in chapter 14.6.
12.5 Healthcare
As with clothing, it appears that there was no legislation in place
describing the slave’s right to healthcare. However, here it is obvious
that in most cases, it would have been in the interest of the slave
owners and thus also the state, to keep slaves alive where possible, as
otherwise they would lose a valuable asset. Brady writes that usually,
those with “trivial indispositions” were sent to the hospitals for
treatment, whereas those who were “dangerously ill” were allowed to
stay in their own house. 205 Thus no actual legislation was in place take
care of the slaves, but in practice they were given treatment where
possible. This was probably no less true for the Royal Slaves who, as
we shall see later, were provided with medical care both when
seriously and less seriously ill.
12.6 Self-manumission?
Once more, no legislation was in place concerning the possibilities and
requirements of slaves to buy themselves free from slavery. There are
no descriptions of slaves who are able to manumit themselves through
a payment to their owner and/or the state, and so it is entirely possible
that there was no official system in place, and all manumissions would
have happened at the owner’s bequest.
Hall believes that the few cases of manumission initiated by the state
were all given to slaves, who it considered “contributors to social
control”, i.e. faithful and exemplary slaves, such as Mingo Tameryn
who had aided the authorities during the 1733 uprising, and Christian
Black, a barber slave on a Royal plantation who was given his freedom
after a long life of faithful servitude. 206 He also explains that in Frederik
V’s Reglement of 1755 there are no provisions available comparable to
the tradition of coartaciòn, where slaves could buy themselves free by
earning money and gradually saving and making payments to their
owner. 207
There are very few examples of Royal Slaves who are manumitted
between 1792 and 1848, and when they are, it occurs shortly before
Ibid., p. 24
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 140
207 Ibid., p. 61. Coartacíon is a phenomemnon believed to be unique to Cuba: a
system where each individual slave could put aside some of money they had
earned themselves into savings administered by the colonial administration, with
which they could eventually buy their own freedom. A similar scheme was
proposed in the Danish West Indies by Peter von Scholten in 1834, but was never
passed due to resistance from the colonial European Caribbean population
205
206
68
Emancipation and naturally upon Emancipation itself, suggesting that
it was everything but customary for the Royal Slaves to gain their
freedom, either by self-manumission or by request of the King.
Although hardly any judicial rights were in place for the slave
population and thus the Royal Slaves, there were often established
traditions which prescribed the practices of the types and amounts of
provisions given to slaves. In chapter 14, the provisions provided to
the Royal Slaves will be investigated and compared to the rights and
traditions described in this chapter.
13 Crime and punishment
Legislation providing rights for slave owners to punish their slaves was
far more common in the Danish West Indies than any regulations
concerning the slave’s rights vis à vis the master. Much of the
legislation that was actually published is chiefly concerned with the
rights of the slave owners to punish their slaves who have committed
certain offences. Although over time the punishments decreased in
harshness, they clearly illustrate the inner workings of the slave society
of the Danish West Indies.
The crimes and punishments of the enslaved are often used in
scholarly work to illustrate forms of resistance by the enslaved, and
the Royal Slaves appear to have been no different to other slaves in
this respect, in that their offences are similar and as frequent as that of
slaves who were not State property.
13.1 Crime and punishment of Royal Slaves
The most common offences committed by slaves in general were
maroonage, curfew/pass violations, fights, theft and drunk and
disorderly behaviour in Christiansted and Frederiksted between 1802
and 1807. 208 Offences committed by the Royal Slaves are similar to
those typically committed by slaves in general. Hall describes the case
of Mads 209, who belonged to Christiansted fort, who in 1805 was
caught after making his third attempt to escape. 210 In 1806, Mads was
taken into custody after having stolen sugar from a hogshead at the
Ibid., p. 103
There is a Royal Slave by the name of Mads listed as belonging to the fortress of
Christiansværn in the 1803 St. Croix hovedbog. See appendix A
210 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 105
208
209
69
wharf in 1806 with the help of two other Royal Slaves, Carolina 211 and
Peter. 212 In 1807, Mads ran away for the seventh time.
The records reveal other crimes such as those committed by Mads. In
July 1820, the Royal Slave Joshua was arrested and interrogated by the
Police Chief in Christiansted as he had tried to escape. 213 He had been
aided by four hospital slaves. Joshua was punished and received 125
lashes and his four aides received 40 or 50 lashes in order to “warn”
other slaves against running away. These two stories illustrate that
Royal Slaves had several opportunities to interact with other Royal
Slaves.
It is noteworthy that Joshua was helped by Royal Slaves at the
hospital. Unfortunately the case does not specify where Joshua was
placed, but since the others are mentioned as being hospital slaves, it
attests to a sense of belonging among the Royal Slaves through the
option of getting aid from within their own private sphere formed
around their shared housing and provision grounds (see chapters 14.3
and 14.4).
Another case is that of another or the same Joshua, a Royal Slave in
Christiansted who in July 1830 also attempted to escape. Joshua had
showed violent behaviour towards an “ I. Møller”, and had ran away
only to be hidden and helped by the hospital slaves George, John
Williams, Augustus and John Hall. However, because it was
uncommon for any slaves to have surnames, as this most often meant
that they were no longer slaves, it is possible that John Williams and
John Hall were not Royal Slaves working in the hospitals, but
freedmen who were in hospital to receive medical treatment.
Curiously, however, John Williams is also punished, in this case by 50
lashes, which indicates that he was still enslaved despite having a
surname. In this record, the police chief Friderichsen asks for help in
determining the punishment Joshua and those who helped him should
receive, and notes that this could serve as a warning for other slaves.
Later in July, Joshua is punished with 125 lashed at Justits Støtten, the
public flogging post, and his accomplices were ordered to watch whilst
he was punished. It could be that this is the same Joshua of 1820, but
even if it was, the case illustrates that there was a significant network
amongst the grouping of Royal Slaves which they were able to use in
their displays of resistance to their enslavement.
In the St. Croix hovedbog of 1803, Carolina is listed as belonging to the bakery and
that she was “svag og sygelig”, weak and sickly. See appendix A
212 In the St. Croix hovedbog of 1803, there are two Peters listed. One belongs to the
hospital, and the other to vejrboden. If it was the one or the other I cannot tell, but
it an example of how there must have been contact between Royal Slaves even if
they did not work the same place
213
RA: Generalguvernementet, Referatprotokol B (journal), 1820 – 1848. Series 677.
1830-1831, box no. 2.27.5 No. 210, July 1820
211
70
Other examples of crimes and punishments of the Royal Slaves can be
found in Christiansted politijournaler. As an example, the year 1815 has
seven entries concerning four different Royal Slaves who have been
arrested. 214 First, there was Christian Friderich, a mulat arrested on 18th
August upon the orders of Doctor Schelegel (who was probably
hospitalsforvalter in Christiansted) due to drunkenness. 215 Christian
Friderich was “employed as a caretaker” in the same hospital. The
records show that he was detained for a period of two days, but do
not describe which, if any, punishment he received for this offense.
On the 8th of October, the Royal Slave John Friedrich was arrested by
the police, because he had “gone away from the hospital where he is
employed as caretaker.” 216 The following day, John Friedrich received
25 lashes at Justits Støtten as penalty for his attempted maroonage, once
more on Doctor Schlegel’s orders. The third record of a Royal Slave
who was arrested, is that of Margareth who was arrested at the request
of “Capitain and proviantforvalter Hendrichs” on 9th October. 217
Margareth received 50 lashes at Justits Støtten for “unruly” or “naughty”
behaviour towards Hendrichs the following day. The last record of an
arrest of a Royal Slave in 1815 concerned Fangham, who was arrested
on 19th October by the police for trying to sell off a wheelbarrow
without having the correct pass to sell goods on the streets. 218 After an
investigation, on 30th October Fangham received 25 lashes at Justits
Støtten.
These entries for offences committed by Royal Slaves give a fair
indication of the typical violations. When considering Hall’s accounts
of typical offences committed by urban slaves, the Royal Slaves seem
to concur to that statistic. Violations such as drunkenness, unruly
behaviour, maroonage and pass violations were common, and those
are the violations committed by Royal Slaves in 1815.
The accounts detailed above by no means cover the entire period or
all types of offences committed by and punishments imposed on the
Royal Slaves. There is a wealth of information available from
politijournalerne which enables the scholar to uncover significant
information about discontent and the resistance which the Royal
Slaves displayed by breaking the law. The issues and cases presented
above, will serve as indicators of the Royal Slaves’ tendency to break
The year of 1815 has been randomly selected amongst the years relevant to this
paper
215 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818. Series 684,
box no. 38.31.5
216 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.
38.31.5
217 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.
38.31.5
218 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.
38.31.5
214
71
the law. They do reveal that the violations the Royal Slaves committed
were by no means different to those committed by other urban or
agricultural slaves, as well as show a tendency for the Royal Slaves to
work together and aid one another to attempt maroonage, thus
displaying their resistance to enslavement and indicating a sense of
belonging to the grouping of Royal Slaves.
14 The state’s provisions for its slaves
This chapter accounts for the provisions the state provided for the
Royal Slaves in terms of food, subsistence allowance, provision
grounds, housing, healthcare, clothing as well as funerals and
baptisms.
This chapter will explore the question of whether the provisions made
for the Royal Slaves were similar to that of the plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies, and if they followed the legal requirements or the
established traditions. It will be argued that the provision grounds
would have been particularly important to the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix who received fewer rations than those on St. Jan. The Royal
Slaves lived in small villages with provision grounds in close proximity
to the hospitals on St. Thomas and St. Croix, which arguably created a
community identity which formed part of the definition of being a
Royal Slave when related to Mintz and Olwig’s theories. This chapter
will also illustrate a change in the services provided to the Royal Slaves
in the shape of funerals, for example, which appear to be a late
addition to the state’s provisions for its slaves. Furthermore, it will
account for the practices of European Caribbeans acting as
supervisors to the Royal Slaves throughout the period.
14.1 Food provisions
Although provision grounds were able to produce a multitude of vital
food in the Caribbean slave societies, there was always a need to
import certain foodstuffs such as grain which was not produced in the
Caribbean. 219 The 1755 regulation prescribed around 1,3 kg cornflour,
majsmel 220 for each slave per week, cornflour which would have been
necessary to purchase outside the Caribbean and distribute to the
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 79
Majsmel is still used today in the southern states of the US, and can be used to
make both bread and porridge. To make bread, however, the best results are
achieved by adding some wheat to the mix. From: Den Store Danske:
http://www.denstoredanske.dk/Mad_og_drikke/Gastronomi/Gryn,_br%C3%B8
d,_ris_mv./majsmel. Accessed on 20th June 2010
219
220
72
Royal Slaves. 221 The requirement of the Danish state would have been
the same, which is also evident from the so-called Proviantforvalterens
arkiv, the provision agent’s archive. Although this only contains
material for St. Jan from the 1790s to 1807, it can still serve as an
indicator for what the practices were on St. Thomas and St. Croix as
well, particularly because it seems that food provisions and kostpenge, a
cash subsistence allowance was provided systematically to the Royal
Slaves. Furthermore, the microfilms from the National Archives in
Washington DC provide similar details, but only for the year of 1822
on St. Croix.
In the table below, there are significant differences in both the
provisions of flour and cash provided directly to the Royal Slaves on
St. Croix and St. Jan. These were most likely dispensed by the forvalter
also in charge of the kostpenge mentioned in chapter 14.2.
It is evident that the Royal Slaves on St. Jan in the 1790s and early
1800s were given far more provisions than those on St. Croix in the
1822. This could be because there were no provision grounds for the
Royal Slaves on St. Jan. It could also reflect a change in practice: that
from the 1820s, and probably earlier as well, the authorities deemed it
cheaper and more efficient to allow the Royal Slaves to be in charge of
the provision grounds and thus be fairly self-sufficient in providing
their own food.
Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p.
179-180
221
73
Tables made from data from proviantforvalterens arkiv and Danica 1000 microfilm. Estimates of
numbers of Royal Slaves on St. Jan based on total value, see Appendix C.
222
If estimates of the number of Royal Slaves on St. Jan from 1794 until
1807 are close to the actual numbers, then the sources reveal that
Royal Slaves on St. Jan and St. Croix received a similar monthly flour
allowance, both with large differences in the various monthly
allowances, as for example from 1, 241 lispund on average per month
in 1796 to 0,591 lispund on average per month in 1798 on St. Jan and
from 1,380 lispund in February 1822 to 0,581 in March 1822 on St.
Croix. 223 These considerable variations in amounts could be caused by
changing availability, and signify that the Royal Slaves would have
been reliant on a more dependable source of food, such as provision
grounds. Thus the Royal Slaves on St. Croix (and most likely St.
Thomas), and to some extent those on St. Jan would have been
extremely dependent on their provision grounds in order not to starve,
if the pattern revealed from 1794 to 1807 and of the 1820s was similar
to the way provisions were allocated throughout the period. This
means that Thode Jensen’s estimate of 5 pounds (approx. 1/3 of a
lispund, 2,5 kg) of cornflour per week per slave left the Royal Slaves
short in comparison to plantation slaves: the Royal Slaves received
around 1 lispund (16 pounds or around 7,5 kg) per month, which is
then ¼ less than the flour provided to plantation slaves. 224 This equals
around 20 buns of Creole Bread, a recipe from Belize still used
Data regarding St. Jan from: RA: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske
Regnskaber: Material, amm.- og inventarregnsk. 1776-1807. Box no 118.1, 1767-1807
and data regarding St. Croix from: RA: Danica 1000, microfilm no. 374
223 Lispund is an old Danish measurement, equivalent of approx. 2,5 kg
224 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 181
222
74
today. 225 Naturally, the cash allowance received, particularly in such
amounts as that given to Royal Slaves on St. Jan, would have provided
some compensation for this. However, I believe it safe to say that
none of the Royal Slaves were ever particularly well provided for in
foodstuff or cash from the state in order for them to cover their
needs.
14.2 Subsistence allowance
Hovedbøgerne specify that a cash allowance, or subsistence allowance,
termed kostpenge, was paid out to various forvaltere, most often the
hospitalsforvalter throughout the period. 226 These posts are often
specified as being for the Royal Slaves in Christiansted or
Frederiksted, and most often paid out to various European
Caribbeans, both male and female, such as Wittrog who is described
as hospitalsforvalter on St. Croix in 1848, and Madame Thoager who was
hospitalsforvalterinde on St. Thomas in 1816.
Because proviantforvalterens arkiv also states that the slaves received cash
from the state to provide for themselves, I believe that the term
kostpenge covers two types of payments: the first is where cash is given
directly to the Royal Slaves from the forvaltere, the second is the cash
received by various forvaltere who bought provisions such as grains and
cornflour to give to the Royal Slaves.
From the table of provisions seen in chapter 14.1, it is evident that
Royal Slaves on St. Jan between 1794 and 1807 were given a far higher
amount of cash from the state than those on St. Croix in the 1820s.
Although the data is incomplete for the period, it still indicates
significant differences between the amount of cash provided to Royal
Slaves on St. Croix and St. Jan, which were probably due to either less
productive provision grounds on St. Jan, or there being no provision
grounds available to the Royal Slaves at all. The provisions table
indicates that the provision ground system on St. Croix must have
worked well and have been productive, perhaps confirming that the
soil was more fertile on St. Croix. 227 Regarding St. Thomas, I believe
the provision grounds to have been slightly less productive than those
on St. Croix, because the soil here would not have been particularly
fertile, mirroring the state’s decision to make St. Croix the main sugarproducing island of the three. 228
It takes 480 g to make five or six buns. Wilk, Richard, Home Cooking in the Global
Village. Caribbean Food from Buccaneers to Ecotourists.: Berg, 2006, p. 26
226 See Appendix A
227 Dookhan, Isaac A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States: Caribbean
University Press, 1974, p. 5
228 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 64.
See chapter 14.4 regarding the location of the provision grounds in Charlotte
Amalie
225
75
With regards to the second type of payment from kostpenge, hovedbøgerne
detail a consistent system of payouts to the forvaltere. In the 1790s on
St. Croix, there are a total of six posts listing payments of kostpenge.
They vary slightly in value, and are paid out to the forvaltere in March
(160 Rd), May (157 Rd 52 Sk), June (160 Rd), July (220 Rd),
September (180 Rd) and November (172 Rd 72 Sk) of 1793. 229 This I
believe to be early evidence of a systematic payment of subsistence
allowance from the state to its administrators in order to feed the
Royal Slaves, as the accounts of kostpenge always form part of negernes
omkostninger, “the expenses concerning the negroes”.
In the early 1800s, however, the system of administering the
subsistence allowance on St. Croix seems to become increasingly
systematised as 400 Rd were paid out to various forvaltere in January,
March, April, June, July, September October and December 1806, i.e.
at fairly regular intervals. Although the post describing the expense of
the 400 Rd is not always described as kostpenge or diætgage, I believe
these payouts also concerned food for the Royal Slaves, since they are
paid out at such regular intervals to the forvaltere.
Similarly, for St. Thomas and St. Jan, the system appears to have
worked very strictly and been organised already from the 1790s
onwards. In 1793, there are three posts of 300 Rd each in March, July
and November, and an almost replica of this in 1794.
Interestingly, in the 1815 and 1816 hovedbog for St. Thomas and St. Jan,
there is one post covering a longer period from 19 September 1815
until the end of July 1816, in which forvalter Olivarius is paid a total of
857 Rd 44 Sk. This proves that not much had changed since the
1790s, where the annual budget for the provisions for the Royal Slaves
was set at 900 Rd.
The few changes in the amount of money spent on provisions for the
Royal Slaves in a period of around 20 years probably reflects inflation
rates and the falling number of Royal Slaves from 48 in 1794 to 25 in
1816. 230
It would be interesting to see how much grain or cornflour the
kostpenge given to the forvaltere could buy, since this would indicate any
differences in what was provided to the Royal Slaves and any potential
discrepancies in the amount of provision over time. It appears that the
role of forvalter changes over time, which is understandable as
administrators also climbed upwards in the administrative hierarchy,
but it could also indicate that perhaps this work was not particularly
sought after by the administrators. Ascertaining if the kostpenge
allowance given to forvalterne could mean that a little grain could be put
aside for their own consumption would be a contributing indicator of
229
230
See Appendix A
See Appendix C
76
how working with the Royal Slaves was perceived among the
administrators: did it mean that they were able to earn a little money
on the side in the shape of foodstuff, or were there no additional
benefits?
In an attempt to uncover prices on grain various newspapers and their
information on goods for sale have been scrutinised. However, this
yielded no results. 231 Hans West, however, does present some prices of
everyday foods, but also wrote that “it is not an easy matter to
determine the regular prices of foodstuffs” before he gives
estimates. 232 He writes that the “least amount anyone can give his
domestic Negro in board is 10 Sk a day, of which 6 Sk is for French
bread and 2 Sk is for sugar.” 233 Unfortunately, West does not provide
prices of grain or cornflour, and thus it will remain impossible to
compare the buying power of the kostpenge given to the forvaltere, in
order to establish if the amount that could be purchased for the cash
equalled the amount provided to the Royal Slaves. However, his
specification of 10 Sk a day as being the least amount a domestic slave
can be provided with is useful. Although it may be somewhat
unreasonable to compare the cash allowance of a domestic who most
likely did not have access to provision grounds to those of the Royal
Slaves, where the majority had access to provision grounds, it is the
only available account usable for comparison. Nonetheless, 10 Sk a
day equals just above 3 Rd monthly, which is 1 Rd or a third more
than the majority of the cash allowances provided to the Royal Slaves
on St. Croix in 1822. 234 It is, however, far less than the average of
almost 15 Rd cash allowance provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Jan
in 1796, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1804, 1806 and 1807. 235 This serves as an
indication that at the time around 1800, the Royal Slaves on St. Jan did
not have access to provision grounds, but the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix in 1822 did. It may also be that some of the cash allowance was
given from the male Royal Slaves working in pakhuset and vejerboden to
their wives and children working on the plantations as per Schmith’s
suggestion. 236
The years in which West visited the Danish West Indies match that of
the proviantforvalter’s arkiv for St. Jan, thus making it particularly feasible
for comparison. Thus, in terms of what the cash allowance received
could purchase, West also provides information. A barrel of salted
beef of between 10 to 12 lispund cost from 16 to 24 Rd per barrel, an
The Royal Danish American Gazette, 1770-1802; The St. Croix Gazette, 1801
and The Royal Saint Croix Gazette, August 14th 1813 – March 29th 1815
232 West, Hans West's Accounts of St. Croix in the West Indies, p. 119
233 Ibid., p. 118
234 See Provision allowance table in chapter 14.1
235 Ibid.
236 Schmidt, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St. Croix in America, p.
25
231
77
average of 20 Rd per barrel. If a barrel contained 11 lispund, that would
be the equivalent of 27,5 kg salted beef. Each slave was entitled to 2
pounds, approx. 1 kg of salted beef (or 3 pounds fish) per week by the
Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755. 237 For the Royal Slaves on St. Jan from
the late 1790s to early 1800s, they would have been able to purchase a
good amount of salted beef: In 1796, one Royal Slave would have
been able to purchase 1 barrel of salted beef at the cost of 20 Rd in
one month, which would provide him or her with far more salted beef
than they were to be provided with as per the 1755 Reglement.
Naturally, it is highly unlikely that one Royal Slave bought an entire
barrel for just one person, and it is more plausible that they would
purchase one barrel and share amongst them. It must also be
remembered that if the Royal Slaves on St. Jan did not have provision
grounds, which seems likely, then the cash allowance would have to
pay for all their food, and thus the amount available to purchase beef
would be significantly lower.
If comparing the price of a barrel of salted beef around 1800 to the
cash allowance provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Croix in 1822, it
would have taken a Royal Slave approx. 10 months to save 20 Rd to
buy a barrel. This suggests, once more, that the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix were dependent on their provision grounds, but that they also
were able to purchase other foodstuff that the provision grounds were
unable to provide. To obtain a sense of the purchasing power of 2 Rd
a month, calculations prove that if a barrel consisted of 27,5 kg and
cost 20 Rd, then the price of a kg was approx. 1 Rd 37 Sk, enabling
each Royal Slave on St. Croix in 1822 to purchase just around 1,5 kg
of salted beef a month, far less than the 1 kg weekly provision
described in the 1755 Reglement. This could indicate that the provision
grounds on St. Croix were also used as pasture, but it may also suggest
that the Royal Slaves on St. Croix rarely were able to eat beef.
It is interesting that the state actually provided ready cash to its slaves,
but this was perhaps not the optimal solution for the Royal Slaves,
since food was always scarce and could vary greatly in price and
accessibility pending the time of year, weather and the success of the
harvest. Thus I believe that the system of a subsistence allowance was
not always favourable to the Royal Slaves, because of the scarcity of
food or it being too expensive. 238 It does, however, signify a marked
difference to the plantation slaves, who as far as I can ascertain, were
never provided with cash directly from their owners to purchase
food. 239
Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 179
238 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 137
239 Ibid., chapter 4, pp. 70-86
237
78
The system of forvaltere purchasing foodstuff such as grain or cornflour
is similar to the system in place on the plantations, and thus does not
present any significant differences in the way the Royal Slaves were
treated by their master when compared to plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies.
14.3 Provision grounds
As early as 1771, and before the commencement of this paper’s
timeframe, it was proposed that provision grounds should be provided
to the Royal Slaves. They were to be placed on the hospital grounds in
order for the Royal Slaves to grow their own produce and therefore
receive less food than they previously received from the state. The
suggestion was approved in July 1772. 240 Although it does not clearly
state the location of these provision grounds, it must have been in St.
Thomas, in Charlotte Amalie, that they were laid out, as
correspondence mentions that the administrators are considering if a
similar arrangement could be put in place on St. Croix. 241 The
provision grounds were unlikely to have been placed on particularly
fertile grounds, as these would already be occupied by sugar
production. 242 The soil on St. Croix was generally more fertile than on
St. Thomas, so it is entirely possible that the provision grounds on St.
Thomas had a larger proportion used as pasture than for fields for
crops. 243 For St. Jan, it seem likely that the Royal Slaves did not have
access to provision grounds around the turn of the 19th century, but
they were likely to have obtained access to provision grounds later
since almost all slaves on St. Jan did so around the time of
Emancipation. 244 Concerning the Royal Slaves on St. Thomas, the
records clearly describe that they had provision grounds, and the
Meley map of 1779 confirms it, by entitling the place where the Royal
Slaves lived in Charlotte Amalie as “The grounds and residence of the
Royal Negroes”.
RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3
– 2323.5. No. 714
241 RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3
– 2323.5. No. 262
242 Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave
Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 32
243 Dookhan, A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States, p. 5
244 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean
Life, p. 54
240
79
Meley map of Charlotte Amalie from 1779. The grounds for the Royal Slaves are depicted on the
eastern boundary of the town, on the right hand side of the map. 245
Hall writes that urban slaves would have much more leisure time than
the agricultural slaves, thus suggesting that the urban Royal Slaves
would have more leisure time and time to cultivate their provision
grounds. 246 Furthermore, he writes that by 1848 slaves were firmly
established proto-peasants, thus indicating that the system of provision
grounds worked well in the Danish West Indies. 247 Slaves with
provision grounds who had a surplus of goods were also allowed to
sell these on the Sunday market. 248
Provision grounds had been in use in the Caribbean since early
colonisation, where typical crops were Guinea corn, plantains and later
yams, pigeon peas and sweet potatoes among others. 249
Pulsipher describes the typical crops of provision grounds in flat
fields, which were those most often connected to a plantation, as
cassava, sweet potato, bananas and plantains, whereas the typical crops
Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix, p. 14-15. Original
from Rigsarkivet.
245
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 110
Ibid.
248 Which after 1843 took place on Saturdays. Ibid., p. 114
249 Eltis, David, "The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance,
Evolution and Significance " In General History of the Caribbean: The Slave Societies of
the Caribbean, edited by Franklin W. Knight, III: UNESCO Publishing, 1997, p.
111
246
247
80
for provision grounds based higher above sea level on sunny lower
slopes of the mountains would have been yams/ocra, dasheen [a root
vegetable of which both the corn and leafs are edible] 250, pigeon peas,
guinea corn, banana, citrus, ginger, maize, peppers, pumpkins, sweet
potato, cassava, beans and pineapple. 251 Both types of provision
grounds could naturally also have included the raising of livestock,
most commonly guineafowl, ducks, pigeons and chickens. 252
Jamaica and Barbados produced the majority of the food provisions
for their enslaved population on the islands at the end of the 17th
century, but the trend to use provision grounds controlled by the
enslaved themselves became increasingly common after the 1770s. 253
Whether the cultivation of land for growing food was in fact simply
allowed, encouraged or forced upon the slaves by their masters would
have varied from place to place and over time. 254
Tasks performed by the Royal Slaves who had provision grounds
would have required skills: Skills for budgeting their time, judging soil
quality, selecting seeds, cultivating and harvesting and preparing food
for sale. 255 They would also have included knowledge of tool making
and their usage as well as skills to secure the ground from landslides
when set on slopes. 256 Another skill that would have been required to
successfully partake in the slaves’ economy and be a successful protopeasant would have been to be skilled in fishing and hunting. 257
Morgan and Berlin argue that the slaves’ economy, in which the
practice of provisions grounds took place, is another example of the
continuous struggle between master and slave, where both are
presented with opportunities to push forward their own interests,
possibly at the expense of the other. 258 They also argue that the slaves’
willingness to work independently derived foremost from the “desire
for a richer subsistence” 259, but also that “allowing slaves time for
independent economic enterprise ... also armed slave owners with
another means of disciplining their slaves.” 260
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taro Accessed 13 March 2010
Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave
Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 28-29
252 Berlin, Ira & Morgan, Philip D., The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves
in the Americas Slavery and Abolition, 12, 1. London: Frank Cass, 1991, p. 10
253 Eltis, "The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution
and Significance " , p. 115 and 238
254 Berlin, The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves in the Americas, p. 15 and
19
255 Mintz, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 135
256 Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave
Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 31
257 Berlin, The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves in the Americas, p. 44
258 Ibid., p. 4
259 Ibid., p. 9
260 Ibid., p. 19
250
251
81
As we know from chapter 14.1 describing the provision allowance of
cornflour, the Royal Slaves on St. Croix of 1822 would have been
heavily dependent on the produce from their provision grounds. This
makes it very likely that they did in fact have provision grounds as was
discussed by the Danish administration in the 1770s.
Maps depict the houses and provision grounds of the Royal Slaves in
the same locations thus indicating that the Royal Slaves lived in a
village community by themselves and were successful proto-peasants.
This, in accordance with Mintz’s theory suggests that the Royal Slaves
developed an identity of their own as Royal Slaves and that through
their role as successful proto-peasants developed a unique group identity
that marked them as a significant group in their own view.
14.4 Housing and supervision
The vast majority of the urban Royal Slaves appear to have lived
together in small village communities on the outskirts of the towns of
Charlotte Amalie and Christiansted, not unlike some Cuban Royal
Slaves who were allowed to marry and live with their wives and
husbands and children in quarters close to their place of work. 261
Maps are a vital source of information of the locations of the houses
and provision grounds of the Danish Royal Slaves. The so-called
Meley map of Charlotte Amalie from 1779 depicts “The land and
residence of the Royal Negroes” on the far-eastern border of the town
and adjacent to the hospital’s plantation (see map in chapter 14.3). 262
Although the map is from before 1792, it accounts that the living
arrangements depicted here had long been in place by 1792.
Similar is the location of the Royal Slaves’ housing and provision
grounds in Christiansted. The Oxholm 263 1779 map of Christiansted
details that “the King’s Packhuus negroes live” on the hospital’s land.
Jennings, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." , p. 160
Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix, p. 14-15. Original
from Rigsarkivet. Please note that an error in Dahl & de Fine Licht lists the Meley
map as being from 1807, but it is in fact from 1779 according to the records of
Rigsarkivet
263 Peter Lotharius Oxholm (1753-1827). He was amongst other things appointed as
landmåler, surveyor, during his time in the Danish West Indies during which he
produced several geographical maps and sketches of the islands and its buildings.
261
262
82
Oxholm map of Christiansted from 1779. The grounds where the Royal Slaves live is in the top
left hand corner. “Hospitalets Land hvorpaa Kongens Packhuus Negere boe.”
264
Oxholm’s map of Frederiksted from 1778 does not depict any
grounds which the Royal Slaves lived on, but the hospital was also
placed on the outskirts of town, and only a small fraction of the
neighbouring land is depicted on the map, thus making it impossible
to ascertain if the Royal Slaves also lived close to the hospital in
Frederiksted as in Christiansted and Charlotte Amalie. 265 However, it
would seem likely that the system in place in the other two towns
would have been replicated in Frederiksted. It appears that at least the
group of hospital slaves of Frederiksted lived on the hospital grounds.
In a 1780 commission’s report concerning the state of the hospital in
Frederiksted, some Royal Slaves are said to live on the hospital
grounds and “sleep in an unused room”, but the commission noticed a
lack of living quarters for the slaves, suggesting that the room had
inadequate space for even just a few Royal Slaves. 266
Where the Royal Slaves lived on St. Jan is difficult to say, as its main
town, Cruz Bay, does not appear to have had a hospital. Olwig writes
Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix p. 87. Map from
Rigsarkivet
265 RA: Kort- og tegningssamlingen, Rentekammeret 337, 317B: Frederiksted m.
Frederiksfort, 1778. Negative no. 42
266 Thode Jensen, "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet I
Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." p. 7 & RA: Den
Vestindiske Regering, Guvernementet på St. Croix. Gruppeordnede sager 9. Sociale og
kulturelle forhold: Sager for kommissionen af 31/5 1780 til undersøgelse af hospitalerne i
Christiansted og Frederiksted. 1780 – 1791, box no. 3.81.593, p. 8
264
83
that in 1796, the house of an old Royal Slave, Matheus 267, was used as
a storage place for various products due to be sold. 268 This could serve
as an indication that the Royal Slaves on St. Jan also had their own
little community village with houses, but has no indication of where
on the island they lived.
On St. Thomas, there are accounts explaining how the treasurer of the
islands should pay out funds to the building of a house for the Royal
Slaves in 1819 269, and again in 1820 when the houses built for the
Royal Slaves needed to be repaired after a hurricane. 270
In 1821, there are accounts of the building of a “negro house by the
hospital in Frederiksted” 271, but also a notice of approval to grant an
“extra 2 skilling a month for rent for the Royal Slaves who need a
place to live.” 272 This suggests that as on St. Thomas, costs relating to
housing for the Royal Slaves on St. Croix were paid by the state.
Unfortunately, this provides little information on the standard of
housing the Royal Slaves lived in.
It was argued by the authorities that the Royal Slaves could not
“manage without housing” 273 in the 1770s. Whether this signifies that
the Royal Slaves had not had any housing to themselves previously, or
if they were merely building additional housing for the Royal Slaves is
not known. To this end, the Royal Slaves received 10 Rd 274 towards
building a “good” house, which was about “1/3rd of the house’s
value.” 275 Oddly, this amount of 10 Rd seems to correspond badly
with the accounts of an amount of 2.850 Rd that was paid out in 1820
Matheus is also to be found in hovedbøgerne, see Appendix B
Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean
Life, p. 45
269 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 60 “Negrene på St. Thomas, boliger til disse”, 18 august
1819
270 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 206, ”Negerboliger på St. Thomas – Videre udgifter v.
disses opførsel”, 29 October 1820
271 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 390 ”Negerhus, opfører v. Frederiksted hospital” 14 august
1821
272 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No. 166 ”Ang. husleie” 23 August 1820
273 RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3
– 2323.5. No. 509
274 As far as may be ascertained, all values and prices listed in the archival material
are in Daler Vestindisk Courant, i.e. the currency of the Danish West Indies
275 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk
kontor). Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. Series 371. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 390 ”Negerhus, opfører v. Frederiksted hospital” 14 august
1821
267
268
84
to repair damage on the Royal Slaves’ houses after a hurricane. 276 It
could be explained by a whole new different set of housing being built
for the Royal Slaves between the 1770s and the 1820s, which I do
believe to be a plausible explanation, since it is a lengthy period, and
the previous housing could have deteriorated during this time.
As to the condition and quality of the housing where urban slaves
lived, Higman believes that those urban slaves living on their own on
the outskirts of town lived in poorer conditions than the urban
domestics, and compares the quality of the separated housing of the
urban slaves to the housing for plantation slaves. 277 Hall notes that
there is no data available concerning the quality of housing for urban
slaves in the Danish West Indies, but suggests that they would at least
have been rain-proof and draught-free, and thus a little better than the
typical housing provided to plantation slaves. 278
This indicates that the quality of the housing provided to the Royal
Slaves on St. Thomas was fairly similar to that of the plantation slaves,
but probably not of lesser quality either. On St. Croix, there is
evidence of both separate housing for the Royal Slaves being paid for
by the state, but also of the state paying the Royal Slaves’ rent for
private accommodation, thus illustrating the need of the proto-peasants
who were still relying on their master to provide basic services such as
housing and healthcare. 279
The Danish state provided housing for its slaves, although the quality
of this is uncertain. The Royal Slaves lived in small village type
communities, most often in close proximity to the hospitals of the
towns, and always on the outskirts of town.
The fact that the majority of the Royal Slaves lived close to the
hospitals as we know from chapter 14.4 could be a further indication
that the food and cash provided for the Royal Slaves most often was
distributed by the hospitalsforvalter, in which case it would have been
practical to have the Royal Slaves living close to the hospital. This
could suggest that a supervisory role of the Royal Slaves would often
have been held by the hospitalsforvalter. It is impossible to say how
hospitalsforvalteren would have administered this role, and how close a
control he or she would have exercised over the Royal Slaves.
However, since the Royal Slaves most likely had more free time than
plantation slaves, and lived in separate housing with provision grounds
in close proximity, a guess could be ventured that the control was less
RA: Generaltoldkammer – og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk)
kontor. Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824, box no. 320. No 206
277 Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834, p. 256
278 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 93
279 Mintz, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 139
276
85
so than that of the plantation slaves, because the hospitalsforvalter had
several duties besides being the supervisor of the Royal Slaves, unlike
the bailiff on a plantation whose main function was to look after and
control the work and other activities of the plantation slaves, including
maroonage. Furthermore, the arrangement of a very separate
community with only few European Caribbeans in its proximity calls
for a sense of independence, in correspondence with Mintz and
Olwig’s theories of the proto-peasants and their resistance to slavery.
14.5 Healthcare
Ensuring the survival of the enslaved population must have been
paramount to the slave owners, in particular after the abolition of the
slave trade. Thus, it was the norm to provide some form of healthcare
to sick slaves, although the standard of the care could have varied
greatly. The state appears to have provided some of the best care for
its slaves, when compared to that of the plantation slave owners who
did not always believe in providing good healthcare for the enslaved.
Healthcare was not only provided for those who were temporarily
indisposed, but also those with long-term illnesses who were unable to
work.
The relevant years quoted from hovedbøgerne for St. Thomas and St.
John list expenses in connection with either tilsyn or pleje, healthcare of
the Royal Slaves. An example of healthcare being provided is from
October 1793, where a post of “Negers pleie for negeren Andreas på
St. Jan”, “care of a negro for the negro Andreas on St. Jan”, is listed at
the cost of 3 Rd 32 Sk. 280 There is even one case, in 1794 on St.
Thomas or St. Jan, where the state pays 34 Rd for inoculating an
unknown number of Royal Slaves. 281
In the 1790s, tilsyn and pleje also seem to refer to dietary allowance,
which is where a European Caribbean is paid money out from the
state to supply the Royal Slaves with food, as discussed in chapter
14.2.
Furthermore, it seems that there are also instances where the state
pays a sometimes varying amount to another person who then looks
after the Royal Slaves, in Danish tilsyn, attending to the sick. In 1794,
for example, tilsyn expenses are paid out every six months, at the end
of June and the end of December, the one in December to Chirurgus
Otto, surgeon Otto, both at 42 Rd. 282
This system of the state paying a European Caribbean, often a woman
or a surgeon, seems to have been in place throughout the relevant
See Appendix B
See Appendix B
282 See Appendix B
280
281
86
period. After Emancipation, the system still existed, where the money
paid out to the state goes to military personnel as oppasserpenge,
caretaker’s salary, to the now hired labour in, for example, the forts
and the hospitals, as well as to cover the food costs of those who were
Royal Slaves before Emancipation but were now unable to work.
Furthermore, there appears to have been a system in place for paying
women to help deliver children to Royal Slaves. Some of them are
described as actual midwives, some of them merely by name.
On each occasion, it cost 6 Rd 24 Sk. For example, in 1793, 6 Rd 24
Sk was paid out twice to Madame Clerk, in April and May, and there is
at least one birth of a new Royal Slave, a boy named Simon during this
period. Similarly, in 1794, Madame Clark once more received 6 Rd 24
Sk in December, the year in which Louisa was born. In 1807, there are
three posts of 6 Rd 24 Sk, two to Madame Clark, who is also listed as
jordemoder, midwife, and one to Rebecca Dunchin. Although only one
Royal Slave appears to have been born this year, James Richard, it
could be that besides helping James Richard’s mother deliver him, that
Rebecca Dunchin and Madame Clark helped out at the hospital at
other deliveries where the baby died at birth or shortly thereafter,
which would explain why there are no more newborns mentioned in
hovedbogen. 283 In 1803 and 1807, Marge, the Royal Slave supposedly also
acting as a midwife, would probably have performed similar duties at
Frederiksted’s hospital.
In 1816, there are two posts of 6 Rd 24 Sk paid out to a John. Schmidt
(could either be Johanne, female name or Johannes, a male name) and
jordemoder J. A. Jeger in March and October respectively. This year
there are no births recorded in hovedbogen, but there are also no lists
with names and descriptions of the Royal Slaves as there are in most
of the other years. In 1834, the Royal Slave Sophie gave birth to a boy
called Jacob Constabell 284, and was aided by an unnamed midwife at
the cost of 5 Rd, possibly indicating that only the major part of the
midwife’s service was paid by the state, and that some of it may have
been paid by someone else, possibly even the child’s father. 285 The
following year, 6 Rd 24 Sk is paid out to another unnamed midwife for
delivering Eliza’s baby Frederik. Clearly this was another type of
healthcare deemed important by the state and was thus provided for
the female Royal Slaves.
Although more often than not, this would still have been listed in hovedbøgerne,
since all transactions, losses and gains are reported here. However, as already
mentioned, the records in the years surrounding the British occupations are
lacking in precision and detail compared to the other years, and this could be the
reason why they are not recorded
284 The second name or surname of Jacob, Constabell, could indicate who his father
was: perhaps a town constable. It is highly unusual that the children of Royal
Slaves have a surname, and this may suggest that the father was willing to accept
that he was the father of Sophie’s son
285 See Appendix A
283
87
As all other slaves, Royal Slaves too would have become ill, or too old
to work in their previous function. An example is Benina, who is listed
as being 88 years old in 1801 (whose age of 88 may very well be rather
exaggerated). 286 She is listed in hovedbøgerne as being of no value from
1792 up until 1807. Thus, Benina belonged to the state for more than
15 years, and, although of no value, was attached to the hospital in
Christiansted, and probably received equal amounts of food and
clothing as the other Royal Slaves in the hospital.
Thus, Royal Slaves were provided with healthcare to such an extent
that any illnesses or other ailments would have been treated, both
minor health issues as well as more serious or permanent illnesses.
Healthcare was provided to both those able and unable to work in
accordance with regulations and traditions, and thus the Royal Slaves
in this respect received at least a similar level of service as plantation
slaves, although occurrences of inoculations suggests that the state was
more eager than some plantation owners to protect their slaves from
disease.
14.6 Osnaburg – cloth and clothes
As described above in chapter 12.4, osnaburg cloth was the textile most
often used to clothe slaves. The Royal Slaves are no exception. For St.
Croix, St. Thomas and St. Jan, hovedbøgerne list expenses for purchases
of osnaburg as well as other types of cloth, hats and scarves. 287
For St. Thomas and St. John, some records are specific and list
measurements for the osnaburg purchased for the Royal Slaves. In
March 1816, when there were 25 Royal Slaves altogether on the two
islands 288, a total of 152 yards osnaburg, 86 yard lambo (bamboo, as it is
referred to by Brady), 13 hats, 14 scarves as well as 4 alen white and 2
alen blue thread was purchased. 289 It is difficult to establish exactly
how much osnaburg each adult would have been provided, since out of
the 25 slaves, 6 are children and therefore it is not possible to establish
the amount they should have been given as a reference. However, it is
still useful to calculate an average of osnaburg given to each slave: a
little more than 6 yards per slave, when dividing 152 yards by 25
slaves. This is fairly close to the annual average described by Brady,
although it leaves little leeway for the additional yard that was
supposed to be provided to women. 290 The 86 yards of bamboo gives a
See Appendix A
Several ways of spelling the word is found in the sources – as with most other
words. The most common spelling is osnaburg, thus used throughout the paper
288 See Appendix C
289 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,
p. 16
290 Ibid., p. 16
286
287
88
similarly corresponding average: 3,44 yards per slave, which is almost
exactly the same as the 3,5 yards mentioned by Brady. With regard to
there only being listed 13 hats and 14 scarves, I believe this is due to
the number of children (6 in 1816) and those unable to work (2 in
1816) being perhaps not provided with any of these items. 291 Or, it
could simply be that only those who worked a majority of their time
outdoors were provided with hats and scarves to shield them from the
sun.
There are clear indications that the average cloth and clothing
provisions described by Brady held true for the Royal Slaves of St.
Thomas and St. Jan, at least for certain years.
On St. Croix expenses for osnaburg is first mentioned in 1792, but
without specifying the amount. In the 1830s, there are numerous
accounts of purchases of osnaburg as well as other types of cloth, hats
and scarves. The first account of 1832 is of a purchase of 24 scarves,
556 alen 292 osnaburg and 11 hats for the Royal Slaves, the second is from
1833, when 400 alen osnaburg, 36 scarves is purchased for Frederiksted,
and 25 alen lærred, canvas, 500 alen osnaburg, 17 hats and 24 scarves later
the same year. 293 In 1832 there were a total of 48 Royal Slaves of
whom 6 were children. This equals around 11,5 alen osnaburg per slave
including the children who would have received less than the adults.
In 1833, there were 46 Royal Slaves of whom 7 were children, making
it an average provision of 8,6 alen osnaburg per slave for that year.
The provision of osnaburg of 1832 and 1833 is far more than the
average described by Brady, perhaps indicating that the Royal Slaves
on St. Croix received better treatment than plantation slaves in this
aspect as well as a larger allowance than the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Jan. 294 It could also be that the provision of osnaburg
represented the entire provision of cloth to the Royal Slaves, as there
are no accounts of any bamboo or other woollen textiles provided to
them during 1832 or 1833. The number of hats and scarves does not
match the number of Royal Slaves in the given years, but probably
reflect that not all were given a new hat and new scarf each year.
Similar types of textiles given to the Royal Slaves described in other
years are: in 1806 on St. Croix, where an unspecified amount of hør
lærreder, linen canvas was bought from the ship Carolina, and again in
1847 when 4 flannel, a type of woollen canvas, was purchased for the
Royal Slave Jacob. 295 However, accounts of textiles and other
garments do not appear to have been regular purchases on St. Croix.
See Appendix B
1 alen = approx. 0.62 cm. From
http://www.formel.dk/enheder/gamle_danske_maal.htm Accessed 28 April 2010
293 See Appendix A
294 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,
p. 16
295 ODS på nettet suggest that flannel was commonly spelled “flonel”
291
292
89
This could be due to the difficulties in shipping the goods from
Europe, but also simply because the system itself was not regulated
and thus any provisions were given as needs arose. Nevertheless, the
Royal Slaves received clothing provisions, and received amounts of
cloth which averaged or more than averaged the general provisions
given to all slaves in the Danish West Indies. 296 This indicates that in
terms of clothing, the Royal Slaves were equally provisioned to the
plantation slaves, or sometimes somewhat better, as Smith also
writes. 297
14.7 Funerals
On the eve of Emancipation, it appears that several new services were
provided to the Royal Slaves by the state. One of them is paying for
funerals, which becomes evident by the late 1840s, when the state pays
for funerary arrangements for Royal Slaves, i.e. to have the graves dug,
for the coffin, and for mourning garments. For example, in July 1848 a
sum of 1 Rd 24 Sk was paid out to Wittrog for a grave for the Royal
Slave Philippas’s newborn baby who had died on August 2nd. 298 On
August 10th 1848, a sum of 3 Rd 12 Sk was paid to M. E. Abbott for a
coffin for Philippa’s baby. 299 When the Royal Slave John passed away
around March, F. de Silva received 5 Rd 48 Sk “for a grave.” 300
Frederik and Henrich, who had both been deployed in vejerboden, died
on the 5th and 27th of January 1848 respectively, where the state paid
for sorgeklæder, mourning garments, either for the two dead men or for
two other Royal Slaves deployed in vejerboden. Graves and coffins for
Frederik and Henrich were also paid for by the state.
Across the Caribbean, it has been considered a customary right by the
enslaved to have funerals, and the slaves would often have claimed the
right to bury their own dead, particularly in Protestant territories. 301
This may have been true for the Royal Slaves as well, although by the
1840s the practices appear to have changed. The expenses described
above may signify a shift in approach to the responsibilities of the
state when providing for its slaves, as well as a willingness on behalf of
the Royal Slaves to allow the state to take care of their funerals. It can
be considered an expression of the increased humane approach to
slaves, if not from all, then certainly from many slave owners at this
See Appendix A
Schmidt, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St. Croix in America, p.
25
298 See Appendix A
299 See Appendix A
300 See Appendix A
301 Turner, Mary, "Religious Beliefs." In General History of the Caribbean. The Slave
Societies of the Caribbean., edited by Franklin W. Knight, Vol. III. Paris: United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1997, p. 297
296
297
90
time. It can also, however, be viewed as an attempt to satisfy the
increasing demands of the enslaved population, and the fact that
Emancipation had occurred in the British Caribbean in the previous
decade, which meant that the Danish state and the colonial
administration would have needed to change its practices in order to
lessen the likelihood of slave revolts, but perhaps also to change their
image as a purely exploitive enslaving nation. It is however also likely,
that these changes in provision practices simply occurred in the spirit
of the times with its pressure to end slavery. In any case, this is an
indication that the fewer Royal Slaves there were, and the later we are
in time (which happens to concur with one another), the state
provided additional services to the Royal Slaves. It could be that some
funerals of Royal Slaves had been paid for by the state before the
1840s, but there is no real evidence of this in hovedbøgerne, as no such
expenditure is described. 302 It can then be argued whether it mattered
a great deal to have one’s funeral arrangements made by the state as a
Royal Slave, but it is likely that this is an indication of the states’
perceived increased care for its slaves, perhaps even an indication of a
change of view of the slaves from being property to human beings.
Whether this arrangement mirrored that of the plantation slaves if
difficult to establish, as this would have depended partly on their
religion, as only Christians were allowed daytime burials according to
the church’s rites, but according to Hall it is uncertain if slave owners
paid the expenses in relation to the Christian burial of one of their
slaves. 303 The Gardelin Code of 1733 forbade all funerary rites which
included “negro instruments”, thus indicating that traditional nonChristian slave funerals were considered unimportant. 304 However, the
unpublished Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755 specifically declared that all
baptised slaves were entitled to a Christian burial without condition,
which presumably meant that the slave owner was required to pay the
expenses for the funeral. It seems plausible that over time, it became
increasingly common for slave owners to provide their Christian
slaves with funerals, and the state was no exception in this regard, no
matter what their incentive or requirement was to pay for these
services.
14.8 Baptisms
As over time the state provided for the funerals of its slaves, it was
reasonable to expect that the state would also have provided for
baptisms towards the end of the period in question. However, there
See Appendices A and B
Hall does not mention anything about who bore the cost of funerals: Hall, Slave
Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 83
304 Ibid., p. 57
302
303
91
are no such indications in hovedbøgerne. This could be, however, due to
very few children being born to Royal Slaves, who by the 1840s in the
main consisted of sick and disabled people. If, however, the state had
provided for baptisms for the children of Royal Slaves, I would have
expected it to be listed for Philippa’s child on St. Croix, probably born
in 1847, but who died in August 1847, perhaps too soon after the
birth to be baptised. There are several other plausible explanations as
to why no expenses in relation to a baptism would be listed. It could
be because the child was no longer newborn when it died, and actually
having been baptised prior to 1847 and thus not listed in hovedbogen. 305
This could also be due to the state not having deemed a baptism
timely for Philippa’s child, as this was for the slave owner to decide
when children of slaves should be baptised according to Frederik V’s
Reglement of 1755. 306 The priest could have been reluctant to baptise
Philippa’s child if she herself was not a Christian. 307 In both Catholic
communities across the Caribbean, baptisms was considered valuable
as the ritual provided means of protection, in particular from
witchcraft, and in some places slaves would demand to be baptised
repeatedly. 308
Because it is impossible to gauge why there are no notifications of
expenses in connection with baptisms in the 1840s hovedbøger, it is
impossible to conclude whether or not the Royal Slaves did receive
different treatment in this aspect than plantation slaves.
To conclude shortly on chapter 14, the provisions given to the Royal
Slaves by and large mirrored that of the privately-owned slaves, with
the exception of the extra cloth provided and the fact that the Royal
Slaves were given actual cash which would have enabled them to act
independently as proto-peasants within the marketplace and create an
identity independent of their enslavement. Most important was their
access to provision grounds and separate housing to forming a group
identity through living in a village community. The Royal Slaves seem
to have always been provided for, whereas not all plantation slaves
would have been, because legislation describing the entitlements of
slave provisions were never published and would not necessarily have
been followed by plantation owners. The findings in this chapter
indicate that the state did provide its slaves with the provisions set out
in unpublished legislation and in accordance with traditions and
occasionally more than prescribed.
See Appendix A
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
307 Ibid., p. 67
308 Turner, "Religious Beliefs." , p. 307
305
306
92
15 Living conditions of other non-Danish Royal
Slaves
Chapters 12, 13 and 14 of this paper outline several easily definable
parameters for comparisons between the conditions of the Royal
Slaves of the Danish West Indies, the Cobreros of Cuba and the Winkel
slaves of Berbice British Guyana in terms of basic necessities such as
food and provisions, housing, clothing and healthcare. These
comparisons will enable an assessment of the conditions which the
group of slaves lived under, which can then be compared to that of
the Danish Royal Slaves.
15.1 Winkel slaves
First, I will compare the living conditions and provision given to the
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies to those of Britain’s Winkel
department in Berbice, Guyana. The Winkel slaves’ provisions could
typically have been two good bunches of plaintains or 7-9 pounds of
rice, cornflour or wheat flour for each adult per week, and half that for
the younger slaves. 309 It was also common practice to provide the
slaves with 2 pounds of salted fish per week, although this practice
was at the slave owner’s discretion. An 1833 law improved the
quantity of provisions for the slaves of Berbice to 3 pounds of salted
cod, 4 pounds of herring or shad, 2 pounds of salted beef or pork, 4
pounds of fresh beef or pork and a half pint of salt. 310 It is evident that
the Winkel slaves were better provided for than the Danish Royal
Slaves if they actually received the provisions described above,
certainly in terms of the one provision which both units of slaves did
receive, the flour, where the Winkel slaves received about double that
of the Danish Royal Slaves. The explanation for this can be found in
the fact that the Winkel slaves did not have provision grounds. After a
disastrous storm and harvest in 1819, an attempt was made to
establish them, but as these were placed on poor soil the outcome was
negligible in the dilemma of providing the Winkel slaves with food. 311
It appears that very few attempts had been made to have the Winkel
slaves cultivate land to grow crops of their own. 312 This means that
comparing amounts of provisions is in fact untenable, because the
circumstances in which they were provided for was completely
different. Another additional factor is that the Winkel slaved received
no subsistence allowance unlike the Danish Royal Slaves, which means
Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 157
Ibid., p. 157-158
311 Ibid., p. 156
312 Ibid., p. 162
309
310
93
that the provisions received by Winkel slaves would have to have been
sufficient for their nutritional needs, as they had no other source of
food than the foodstuff provided by the state. Thus a direct
comparison is unfeasible. It does, however, signify that the Winkel
slaves never were proto-peasants as the Danish Royal Slaves and they
would therefore not have had the same opportunity to create an
independent identity and display resistance to slavery as the Danish
Royal Slaves in accordance with Mintz’s theory.
In terms of housing, the Winkel slaves probably lived in similar
conditions to that of the Royal Slaves of the Danish West Indies in
terms of the positioning of their houses in the town. They were on the
outskirts, amidst overgrown plots of land. Rows of houses for
occupation formed the basis of the Winkel village. 313 It was placed on
different pieces of land in close vicinity to one another. The buildings
were in such bad state that several times in the early 1800s the
administration was forced to improve them, but to no avail. The
Winkel slaves also complained numerous times of their bad housing
conditions. In this respect the Winkel slaves lived under very similar
conditions to that of the Danish Royal Slaves, in that their housing
was placed on the outskirts of towns and probably not as good quality
as the housing of the general urban slave population. 314
Clothing was apparently always an issue of complaint for the Winkel
slaves, who complained several times that they did not receive
sufficient clothing, including complaints that they had not received any
clothing at all for a period of about two years. 315 The Winkel
department’s account books do show that they bought a number of
different types of fabrics, including osnaburg. It is described that the
Winkel slaves not only received the fabric, but received dresses, shirts,
petticoats, shifts, handkerchiefs and sometimes a hat all made from
cheap types of textile such as the so-called check and gingham. 316
Testimonies from that time recount that women received 14 yards of
cloth annually, more than double that received by the Danish Royal
Slaves, although the 14 yards of cloth was only provided to female
slaves who were “effective.” However, Thompson argues that the
provision of clothing to the Winkel slaves could have been extremely
unregulated and that cloth could have been provided at random. This
means that although the Winkel slaves every once in a while received
far larger quantities of cloth than the Danish Royal Slaves, then it
Ibid., p. 142 - 145
Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834, p. 256
315 Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 168
316 Ibid., p. 165. The names of the fabrics simply refer to the way the fabrics looked:
check is chequered, gingham was striped, but from the mid 18th Century gingham
was often produced in a chequered pattern rather than the traditional stripes. They
were both inexpensive types of fabric. Kadolph, Sara J., Textiles. 10th ed.:
Pearson/Prentice-Hall, 2007, p. 472
313
314
94
could be that the Danish Royal Slaves were more certain to receive
their clothing on a regular basis, and thus in total would receive similar
amounts of cloth to that of the Winkel slaves.
Healthcare was granted to the Winkel slaves, and at least one
administrator attempted to install a system where Winkel slaves could
be looked after by other Winkel slaves, but this was deemed to costly
and stopped. 317 Winkel slaves themselves often acted as hospital staff
to care for other Winkel slaves, including one Lambert who was
referred to as the “negro doctor”. However, as with clothing
provisions, the Winkel slaves often complained of insufficient medical
care, such as that the medicines prescribed and food provided to them
whilst ill were too little. 318 It does appear that Winkel slaves, like the
Danish Royal Slaves, received medical attention from a doctor, but
that their recovery often was skewered by the fact that the
prescriptions given by the doctor was not provided to the slaves. It is
difficult to gauge how similar this system was to that of the Danish
West Indies, but I suspect that there would have been similar incidents
where Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies did not receive the
medicines and other care prescribed to them because the medicine was
too expensive. However, Thompson writes that there is evidence that
better treatment was provided to those still able to work in contrast to
those who were unable to work, for whatever reason. There are clear
indications that all Danish Royal Slaves unable to work were provided
for equally to those who were able to work, which is the main possible
difference in the medical care provided to the Danish Royal Slaves and
the slaves of the Winkel department. 319
15.2 Cobreros
Diaz has taken on the considerable task of attempting to find out what
it felt like to be a Royal Slave, a Cobrero, thus named after the copper
mines where they had once served and where they lived in the
community of Santiago de Cuba. 320 A Cobrero was a special type of
slave who earlier had been mining slaves belonging to a private
company until the mine was confiscated by the state in 1670. 321 Later
in 1780, these slaves became free men and women by permission of
Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 180
Ibid., p. 184-185
319 See chapter 14.5
320 Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in
Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780
321 Although the timeframe in which the Cobreros were Royal Slaves lies outside the
timeframe of this paper, the work will still be used as there are few studies of
Royal Slaves in the Caribbean that are viable to comparison. Furthermore, Diaz
offers insight into very interesting areas of the lives of this group of Royal Slaves
in terms of their own perception of them as Royal Slaves and what this entailed
317
318
95
the King of Spain, which is one of the reasons Diaz considers them
unique.
The former mining slaves of El Cobre in all aspects lived under far
better conditions than the Winkel slaves. Now, Diaz’s focus is not to
simply explain the conditions they lived under as Thompson does, but
rather to use this information to conclude about the inner workings of
the Cobrero society and the individual’s thoughts about their lives.
While she presents information which can be used here as
comparative parameters: food and provisions, housing, clothing and
self-manumission, she omits medical care.
In terms of food and provisions, the system the Cobreros lived under
shares several similarities with both the Winkel and the Danish Royal
Slaves. They too lived in a separate village, but they had an extreme
degree of autonomy because there were no colonial officials close by.
El Cobre was decidedly a village with a parish church, a small hospital
with its own chapel, slaughterhouse, several storage houses as well as
smelting, carpentry and blacksmith workshops. 322 80 thatched huts
were erected by the Royal Slaves themselves to live in and housed
around 300 people.
Alongside their houses were large provision grounds, on which they
were entirely dependent for producing their foods. However, the
Cobreros had an additional income which none of the other Royal
Slaves would have had access to: they were able to sell off scraps of
copper from the mines, and thus were considered wealthy for slaves,
more akin to the freedmen population (to which some of the
population of El Cobre also belonged). The Cobreros were thus free to
organise any production in the mines and provision grounds in their
own time, helped by the fact that they were able to negotiate very
liberal hours of work from the state. Records state that the Cobreros’
actual time spent working for the state was two months out of a year
at most, which meant that the Cobreros were free to operate within the
market sphere. 323 So although they were not provided with any
clothing or medical care by the state, Diaz believes that they were
more than capable taking care of themselves and would have lived
comfortably compared to other slaves. Direct provisions were paid in
cash, most commonly 1 real, equivalent of a daily ration of salted meat
or a cassava cake, the very basic subsistence rate. 324 This system is
more akin to that of the Danish Royal Slaves, where they were
dependent on the produce from their provision grounds but were also
provided with cash to purchase the food themselves.
Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in
Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780, p. 30
323 Ibid., p. 242 and 222-223
324 Ibid., p. 242
322
96
The Cobreros’ special status as Royal Slaves in terms of legal codes was
dissimilar to the conditions which the Danish Royal Slaves lived
under. Legal codes provided them with rights to initiate suits and to
appeal in defence of their master’s property, thus providing them with
a right to be heard in the courts, which the Danish Royal Slaves (or
any other slaves in the Danish West Indies) did not posses, as in the
Danish West Indies a testimony could be given by a slave, but could
not be used to “determine the truth.” 325 This right was used
extensively and played a vital role in their emancipation in 1780.
Cobreros also had the right to coartación.
Overall, it is easy to see that the conditions which the Royal Slaves of
El Cobre lived under were by far superior to that of the Danish Royal
Slaves. The Cobreros were far more autonomous, and had access and
guaranteed possibilities to earn money within the market place, from
which they were able to provide for themselves, both for basic needs
but also in terms of luxuries, such as additional adornments on their
clothes. I believe that they also were able to provide themselves with
medical care when needed from the money made in the marketplace.
To conclude the comparisons between the conditions under which the
Danish Royal Slaves, the Cobreros and Winkel slaves lived, it is clear
that the Danish Royal Slaves were more akin to the Winkel slaves than
the Cobreros. The Cobreros were unique in their opportunities and access
to a better life, which eventually also lead to their freedom before
emancipation for the entire enslaved population. Nevertheless, the
Danish Royal Slaves share one essential similarity with the Cobreros
because they all were dependent on provision grounds and the access
to the marketplace which the produce from the provision grounds
opened to them. In terms of actual provisions concerning the basic
necessities, the conditions of the Winkel slaves appear to have been
similar to that of the Danish Royal Slaves. In short, the conditions
which the Royal Slaves lived under were somewhere in between that
of the Cobreros and Winkel slaves, but probably closer to that of the
Winkel slaves.
16 Research perspectives
First and foremost, a way to shed further light on the lives of the
Royal Slaves would be to extend the parameters of research presented
in this paper to cover all years within the selected period, as well as use
the same data from the state’s takeover of the islands in 1755 until
1792, as this would provide an even better basis for concluding under
which conditions the Royal Slaves lived.
325
Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 62
97
Another aspect which has been left uninvestigated is that of what
happened to the Royal Slaves after 1848. This would be difficult to do,
since at least in 1848, the Royal Slaves were still only listed by first
name, and anyone without at least a surname is practically impossible
to track. Still, I think it would be useful to find out what happened to
them and how their lives were after Emancipation and if freedom
from slavery did in fact mean better living conditions.
There are several aspects of the lives of the Royal Slaves which could
be investigated to uncover more about their identity during
enslavement. First, an examination of the shifts in naming practices
and religious affiliation could provide information about attitudes to
ethnicity, origin and resistance to enslavement. A way to investigate
this is to find the Royal Slaves in the relevant church registries, which
has not been possible for this paper. Church registers potentially hold
a wealth of information, as the method of historical demography
suggests: familial, household and kin relations can be uncovered,
enabling even further illustration of identities, sense of belonging and
resistance to enslavement. Alongside these areas of study are the areas
of gender and ethnicity, which would also be of interest.
A more tangible but equally usable study of the physical resistance of
the Royal Slaves would be to examine the politijournaler in their entirety
for the relevant period in order to obtain a more general overview of
how the Royal Slaves acted within society.
A further attempt to uncover additional archival material which shed
light on the productivity of the provision grounds would be extremely
useful in order to be able to ascertain the success of the Royal Slaves
as proto-peasants, and thus further strengthen arguments of their
resistance to their enslavement.
Alongside studies of the identities of the Royal Slaves is that of the
relationship between the administration and the enslaved and how this
affected the lives and identities of the Royal Slaves. As far as can be
ascertained, the complicated nature of this relationship between the
two administrations on the islands and in Denmark is something not
even the secondary literature has attempted to uncover. Nonetheless,
when considering how important the relationship, or power struggle,
which took place in Cuba concerning the Cobreros, which according to
Diaz, eventually led to them gaining their freedom before other slaves,
then an analysis of the relationship between the administration on the
islands and in Denmark seems particularly relevant. That, however, is
a study in its own right, and has therefore not been touched upon in
the present dissertation.
98
The state’s need to rent privately-owned slaves, the so-called negerleje, is
another interesting aspect relating to the Royal Slaves. A study of this
would illustrate where numbers and skills available from the Royal
Slaves were not sufficient or cost effective, and thus would provide
greater insight into the thoughts and actions of the administration in
charge of the Royal Slaves.
17 Conclusion
The trends in numbers of the urban Royal Slaves appear to be similar
to the general development in numbers of the slave population of the
Danish West Indies between 1792 and 1848. In this aspect, there
appear to have been no significant differences between the Royal
Slaves and the privately-owned slaves.
The functions performed by the Royal Slaves were, however, different
to the typical privately-owned slaves. The characteristic of many Royal
Slaves would have been that they were physically strong, skilled, or
both. The daily tasks performed by the Royal Slaves in many cases
may have been unique and were not tasks that other slaves in the
Danish West Indies would have undertaken unless they became the
property of the King. The Royal Slaves often worked in functions vital
to the maintenance of the slave society through their work in vejerboden
and pakhuset, for example. Some functions performed by Royal Slaves
were less vital to the slave society, but they all, nonetheless, are
different functions to the typical privately-owned slave in the Danish
West Indies during this period. Typical functions undertaken by other
slaves working for other states across the Caribbean such as soldiering
or construction work do not appear to have been performed by
Danish Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.
Overall, the Royal Slaves on St. Croix were worth more than those on
St. Thomas and St. Jan, indicating that the majority of them, those on
St. Croix, were more important and more widely used. From the value
of particular Royal Slaves it is evident that a small majority were skilled
and may have been entrusted with managing the other Royal Slaves,
in, for example, the bakery, vejerboden and pakhuset. Some however,
performed less demanding functions, such as the Royal Slaves in the
hospitals where fewer skills and less physical strength were demanded
to carry out the required work. The value of the Royal Slaves indicates
that they were valuable and skilled labourers who played a significant
role in slave society.
Concerning legal rights, the Royal Slaves appear to have not been
significantly better provided for than the general slave population.
99
Several important legislations providing all slaves with right in terms
of provisions of food, housing, clothes and healthcare were shelved or
never enacted. Only towards the end of the period in question are
some legislation published and enacted. The findings of this paper,
however, indicate that the state did provide its slaves with at least the
provision allowances prescribed in the unpublished legislation and
traditions, and in some instances, such as that of clothing, occasionally
more than prescribed. Because it is by no means certain that all
privately-owned slaves received similar amounts and types of
provisions, this may suggest that although the Royal Slaves may not
have been the best clothed, best housed, or best provided for in
general, they were most certainly not the worst clothed, worst housed
or worst provided for of all slaves in the Danish West Indies either.
The typical crimes committed and punishments received by the Royal
Slaves do not suggest any differences compared to those of privatelyowned slaves. However, they do indicate that Royal Slaves helped
other Royal Slaves for example with attempting maroonage, which
indicate a sense of belonging to the grouping of Royal Slaves. This
may be used as further indication that the Royal Slaves formed an
independent identity through displays of resistance to their
enslavement demonstrated by the crimes they committed.
The Royal Slaves lived in close proximity to the town hospitals in
Charlotte Amalie, Christiansted and probably also Frederiksted, always
on the outskirts of the towns. The majority of them, those on St.
Croix and St. Thomas had provision grounds available to them
throughout the period investigated in this paper. This indicates, in
accordance with the theories of Mintz and Olwig, that the Royal
Slaves lived together in village communities and were successful protopeasants. This in turn suggests that the Royal Slaves through their
provision grounds had another option of displaying their resistance to
enslavement, and that they developed a unique group identity as Royal
Slaves that marked them out as a significant group in their own view.
The conditions which the Danish Royal Slaves lived under are in many
areas comparable to those of the British Guyana Winkel slaves, and in
most cases very different from the unique conditions under which the
Cuban Cobreros lived. The Cobreros share one condition with the Danish
Royal Slaves which is the access to provision grounds, which enabled
both groups of Royal Slaves to act independently as proto-peasants and
develop a unique identity. However, in terms of conditions of
provisions given to the Royal Slaves, those of the Danish Royal Slaves
were more similar to the conditions under which the Winkel slaves
lived. This indicates that the Danish Royal Slaves were neither the
100
worst off compared to other groups of Royal Slaves in the Caribbean,
nor as privileged as the group of Cobreros, for example.
To conclude, the Danish Royal Slaves do not appear to have led
significantly better lives than the general slave population; however,
they were by no means those who were treated the worst. They appear
to have developed a distinct identity as Royal Slaves through the
access to and use of provision grounds, which would have aided their
displays of resistance to their enslavement. In short, being the King’s
slaves did not naturally signify a special status or particular privileges,
but being a Royal Slave did guarantee a sure supply of provisions such
as housing, food, a cash allowance, clothing, and healthcare.
101
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106
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Web pages
“Den Lille Lommebog På Internettet:
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”Den store danske”:
www.denstoredanske.dk
108
”Gamle danske mål”:
www.formel.dk/enheder/gamle_danske_maal.htm
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“Pages on Economic Danish History”:
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109
Contents: Appendices
Appendix A: Transcription hovedbøger St. Croix 1792-1848 ........................................................................................... 3
St. Croix 1792................................................................................................................................................................... 3
St. Croix 1793................................................................................................................................................................... 9
St. Croix 1794................................................................................................................................................................. 16
St. Croix 1801................................................................................................................................................................. 29
St. Croix 1803................................................................................................................................................................. 43
St. Croix 1806................................................................................................................................................................. 51
St. Croix 1808................................................................................................................................................................. 66
St. Croix 1815................................................................................................................................................................. 67
St. Croix 1816................................................................................................................................................................. 70
St. Croix 1832................................................................................................................................................................. 74
St. Croix 1833................................................................................................................................................................. 88
St. Croix 1834............................................................................................................................................................... 105
St. Croix 1835............................................................................................................................................................... 121
St. Croix 1847............................................................................................................................................................... 135
St. Croix 1848............................................................................................................................................................... 145
Appendix B: Transcription hovedbøger St. Thomas & St. Jan ..................................................................................... 158
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1792 ......................................................................................................................................... 158
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1793 ......................................................................................................................................... 161
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1800/1801 .............................................................................................................................. 171
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1802 ......................................................................................................................................... 171
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1803 ......................................................................................................................................... 171
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1806 ......................................................................................................................................... 172
St. Thomas 1807 .......................................................................................................................................................... 172
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1832 ......................................................................................................................................... 177
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1834 ......................................................................................................................................... 184
St. Thomas 1847 .......................................................................................................................................................... 197
1
St. Thomas 1849 .......................................................................................................................................................... 200
Appendix C: Statistical overview of numbers of Royal Slaves 1892 – 1849 .......................................................... 204
St. Thomas and St. Jan ............................................................................................................................................... 204
St. Croix ........................................................................................................................................................................ 205
2
Appendix A: Transcription hovedbøger St. Croix 1792-1848
From: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske Regnskaber. Hovedbøger: St. Croix, 1755-1917:
1792, box no. 5.20; 1793, box no. 5.21; 1794, box no. 5.22; 1800, box no. 5.28; 1801, box no. 5.29;
1802, box no. 5.30; 1803, box no. 5.31; 1806, box no. 5.34; 1807, box no. 5.35-5.36; 1808, box no. 5.37;
1815, box no. 5.43-5.44; 1816, box no. 5.45; 1847, box no. 5.76; 1848, box no. 5.77; 1849, box no. 5.78.
St. Croix 1792
Box 5.20
Negerne (12) og Negernes omkostninger (127)
Folie 12, venstre side
Negerne debet
1792
Januar 1
kvinder
drenge
piger
Rd
49
12
4
6
16550
Til balance fra
ao 1791
December ..
mænd
.. til cassa for
indkiøbte
8 negere
8
2800
.. de kongelige
indtægters
og udgifters
Conto for i dette
år fødte, navnlig:
Maria Magdalena
1
50
19.400
Højre side
1792
Credit
December
Pr de kongelige negeres
mænd
kvinder
drenge
piger
Rd
Omkostningers konto, for i
År døde
A. ved … i Christiansted
Wernon
1
350
B. ved hospitalet ibid
Johannes Ferdinand
1
60
C.
Ved Frederiksforts
3
Packhus
Phillipus ingen værdi
1
0
D. Ved hospitalet ibid
Louise
1
20
.. ditto for negere ved
dette års … er taxeret ..
ved forrige år
250
2
December 31
1
1
680
Balance som er … hans
Majestæts Negere ved
dette års udgang er taxeret
at være værd, navnlig
1 Anthony
1
270
2 Gorm
1
300
3 Mads
1
250
Transport
3
820
Folie 14, venstre side
Negerne debet
1792
December 31
57 mænd, 12 kvinder, 4 drenge og 7 piger
19400 Rd
Højre side
1792
Credit
December 31
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
Ved packhuset i Christiansted
1 Krakow
1
300
2 Salamon
1
400
3 Markolphus
1
300
4 Carl
1
40
5 Cÿrus
1
250
6 Alexander
1
250
7 Johan
1
320
8 Esbern
1
260
9 Kion
1
270
10 Simon
1
280
11 Fritz
1
280
12 Knud
1
230
13 Thoms
1
300
14 Jarl
1
310
4
15 Cordt
1
270
16 Abel
1
300
17 Albert
1
300
18 Casper
1
300
19 Christian
1
300
20 Goliath
1
350
21 Owe
1
350
22 Ellef
1
350
23 Edwardt
1
350
24 Aford
1
350
25 Amalhis
1
350
Transport
28
folie 14
8180
piger
Rd
Folie 14, venstre side
1792 Credit
December 31
mænd
kvinder
drenge
C ved proviantgården i Christiansted
1 Sarah
2 Calpha
1
1
3 Charlotte
4 Woÿant
30
360
1
300
1
350
5 Maria Magdalena
1
50
D ved hospitalet ibid
1 Cambridge
1
190
2 Argus
1
280
3 Johannes
1
320
4 Benina ingen værdi
1
5 Martha
1
300
6 Margaretha
1
100
7 Beata
1
350
8 Ferona
1
300
9 Minerva
1
320
10 Lucia
1
400
11 Christian
1
230
12 Anna Lena
1
160
13 Friderica
1
100
14 Johan Friedrich
1
50
15 William
1
150
5
D ved Frederiksfort
1 Egbert
1
300
2 Factum
1
300
3 Ludewig
1
300
E Ved Packhuset i Friderichstæd
1 Roland ingen værdi
1
Transport
37
7
3
15
13.420
Folie 15, højre side (fortsat fra folie 14)
(ved packhuset i Frederiksted)
2 Buurmann
1
150
3 Samson
1
100
4 Hector ingen værdi
1
5 January
1
300
6 Dey
1
300
7 Jacob
1
250
8 Felix
1
300
9 Chemoux
1
300
10 Geashax
1
300
11 Zadigh
1
300
12 Quintus
1
320
13 Mads
1
320
1 Severin
1
200
2 Jacob
1
50
3 Sabrin
1
300
4 Alexander
1
300
G ved Proviantgården ibid
5 Catharina
1
100
H ved hospitalet ibid
1 Freyer
1
300
2 Paddy
1
200
3 Sarah
1
60
4 Margaretha
1
100
5 Mehella
1
400
6 Sarah Margaretha
1
150
7 Maria
1
200
6
Dertil de fol. 12 anførte
55
11
3
7
187.200
2
1
1
..
680
57
12
4
7
19.400
Folie 110, venstre side
Egentlig ikke noget af interesse her…
Højre side, nederst
Negerne
Den 15th til Johannes Prætorius for 8 stk (?) negere kiøbt for kongl. regning
2800
Folie 120
Materiel regnskabet, debet
Efter sidste post står der skrevet følgende:
Til Capital Conto for med kiøbt, den unge Maria ført af Captain P. H. Schultz efter factura af 14de April 1792 … materialer
og … til den kongl. Barker/barber samt 2de mærk Jern til beløb d Conto 260.78 som er…
326.1
Ditto for med kiøbt Gertrud Maria ført af Captain Klein efter Factura af 9de Novb 1791 ud… Osnabruck til beløb … 31
Rd 64 sc(?) som … conto
39.56
Folie 127, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1792
Debet
folie
Rd
Januar
Til cassa
69
335.58
February
.. ditto
72
120
Martz
.. ditto
74
239.81
April
.. ditto
79
373.87
Maÿ
.. ditto
82
120
Julÿ
.. ditto
90
286.24
Augustÿ
.. ditto
94
189.74
October
.. ditto
104
281.44
Novemb
.. ditto
107
96.50
December
.. ditto
136
330.89
Negerne
12
680
Højre side
1792
December 31
Pr de Kongelige Indtægter og Udgifters Conto
141
3054.27
7
8
St. Croix 1793
Box 5.21
Negerne (13) og negernes omkostninger (141)
Folie 13, venstre side
Negerne
Debet
1793
January 1
Quinder
dreng
pige
Rd, Sk.
55
11
3
7
18.720
2
2
Til balance fra
anno 1792
Julÿ
Mænd
Cassa for
indkiøbte 4
1400
negere
Decemb
Negernes
omkostninger
for i dette år
fødte, navnlig
Simon
1
50
.. ditto som
negerne dette
År er anført (?)
.. non … værdi,
samt de solgte
negere indbragte (?)
til …, med taxation
forrige år
Transport
405
57
13
4
7
20.575
Højre side
Credit
1793
Septembr 1
Pr Mr
Farringthon
for 2nd på
auction kiøbte
hospitals negere
i Frederiksted
..
1
875 (folie 122)
.. fuldmægtig
Ramlöse for
1 ditto neger
9
Paddy
December
1
105 (folie 121)
.. Negernes
OmkostningsConto, for i år
Døde, navnlig:
Mads ved
Christiansværn 1
250
Ciordt
1
270
Edvard
1
350
Minerva
Quintus
1
320
1
320
5
2
1
2490
Endvidere i dette år døde
31
Roland uden værdi 1 mand
-
Hector ditto
-
1 mand
Balance som er hans
Majestæts Negere ved
Dette års indgang er
Taxeret at være værd
Navnlig:
A Ved Christiansværn
1 Anthony
1
270
2 Gorm
1
300
3 Ludvig
1
300
Transport
3
870
3
870
Folie 14, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Credit
1793
December 31
Pr
B. ved Packhuset og Weyerboden i Christiansted
1 Krakow
1
300
2 Salomon
1
400
3 Markolfus
1
300
4 Carl
1
140
5 Cÿrus
1
250
10
6 Alexander
1
250
7 Johan
1
320
8 Esbern
1
260
9 Kiow
1
270
10 Simon
1
280
11 Fritz
1
280
12 Knud
1
230
13 Mons
1
300
14 Jarl
1
310
15 Abele
1
300
16 Albert
1
300
17 Casper
1
300
18 Christian
1
300
19 Goliath
1
350
20 Owe
1
350
21 Elles
1
250
22 Amalfis
1
350
c. ved Proviantgaarden
1 Sarah
2 calsoha
1
1
3 Charlotta
4 Woÿant
30
360
1
300
1
350
5 Maria Magdalena
1
Transport
27
2
27
2
100
.
1
8500
1
8500
Folie 15, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Credit
December 31
pr transport
D ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1 Cambridge
1
190
2 Argus
1
280
3 Johannes
1
320
4 Benina ingen værdi
1
-
5 Martha
1
300
6 Margaretha
1
100
7 Beatha
1
350
8 Faronÿ
1
300
11
9 Lucia
1
10 Christian
400
1
230
11 Anna Lena
1
160
12 Friderica
1
150
13 Johan Friedrich
1
75
14 Simon
1
50
15 William
1
200
E ved Friderichsforth
1 Egbert
1
300
2 Factum
1
300
F ved Packhuset og Weyerboden i Friderichsted
1 Buurman
1
150
2 Samson
1
100
3 January
1
300
4 Chemoix
1
300
5 Deÿ
1
300
Transport
37
8
14
3
13.355
Folie 16, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
6 Jacob
1
250
7 Felix
1
300
8 Glasfax
1
300
9 Zadigh
1
150
10 Mads
1
320
G ved proviantgården i Friderichsted
1 Jacob
1
50
2 Sabrin
1
300
3 Alexander
1
300
4 Petrus
1
350
5 Claus
1
350
6 Severin
1
200
7 Catharina
1
50
H ved hospitalet ibid
1 Freyer
1
300
2 Afford
1
350
3 Sarah
1
60
4 Margaretha
1
100
12
5 Maria
1
300
6 Johanna
1
350
7 Magdalena
1
350
50
13
4
4
18.085
7
2
.
1
2490
57
15
4
5
20.575
Folie
Rd, Sk.
Dertil de
folie 13
anførte
Folie 141, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
Debet
1793
January
Til cassa
72
401.95
Februar
.. ditto
76
1.64
Martz
.. ditto
78
427.2
April
.. ditto
85
6,24
Maÿ
.. ditto
88
413.79
Junÿ
... ditto
93
254.73
Julÿ
.. ditto
96
220
Augusty
.. ditto
99
43.52
September
… ditto
104
279.60
November
… ditto
110
127.72
Novembr
… ditto
117
311.83
Negerne
13
3998.28
13
455
Højre side
Credit
1793
December
Pr Negerne
-31
de Kongelige Indtægters og
Udgifters conto
162
3543.28
Folie 72, højre side
1793
Credit
January
.. Negernes omkostninger den 5te
til negerne i Christiansted
251.10
18de R. Campell
102.33
.. Mad. Kunikel
48.52
401.95 (folie 141)
Folie 76, højre side
13
1793
February
Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til Madame Hauschild 1.64
folie 141
Folie 78, højre side
1793
Marts
Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til kostpenge for negerne
160
31te til ditto
267.2
427.2 (folie 141)
6.24
folie 141
Folie 85, højre side
1793
Credit
April
Negernes omkostninger
Den 25de til Madame Clerk
Folie 88, højre side
1793
Credit
Maÿ
Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til J. Hart
7
13de kostpenge for negerne
157.52
Osnabrug for ditto
50.51
J. de Luy
8.64
J. Hassel
3.92
Doctor Gordon
70
Madame Hauschild
109.84
25de Madama Clerk
6.24
413.79
folie 141
Folie 93, højre side
1793
Junÿ
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til kostpenge
160
.. J. de Luÿ
25.71
.. Madame Nebe
.. G Grüs
42.32
26.66
254.73
folie 141
Folie 96, højre side
1793
Julÿ
Negernes omkostninger
14
Den 17de til kostpenge for negerne
I Christiansted
..
220
folie 141
1400
folie 13
Negerne
Den 22de til J. Prætorius for 4 busal
Negere [350 stk.]
Folie 99, højre side
1793
August
Negernes omkostinger
Den 21de til P. Ferdinand
6.72
27de .. R. Farmer
8.28 (streget igennem…?)
.. M. E. Kunckel
28.48
43.52
folie 141
Folie 104, højre side
1793
Septb
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30de til kostpenge
180
… ditto…
99.60
279.60
folie 141
127.72
folie 141
Folie 110, højre side
1793
November
Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til kostpenge for negerne i
Christiansted
Folie 117, højre side
1793
December
Negernes omkostninger
Den 31de til Wm Clarck
126.21
.. J. de Luÿ
134.14
.. P. Norton
51.48
311.83
folie 141
15
St. Croix 1794
Box 5.22
Negerne (14-17) og Negernes omkostninger (146)
Folie 14, venstre side
Negerne
Debet
January 1
Til balance
fra anno 1793
April 1
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd. Sk.
50
13
4
4
18085
folie
Cassa som er
Kiøbt
December
Mænd
3
1050
93
50
146
Negernes
omkostnings
conto, for i
dette år fødte
navnlig:
Louisa
1
Højre side
1794
Credit
Decembr
Pr negernes omkostnings conto for i dette år døde negere, navnlig:
December 31
Anthony
1
270
Cÿrus
1
250
Caspar
1
300
Jacob
1
50
Petrus
1
350
5
1220
146
Balance som er sund/fund hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang er taxeret at være værd efter bilag
86 & 87, navnlig:
A ved Christiansværn
1 Gorm
1
300
2 Ludwig
1
300
B ved packhuset og weyerboden i Christiansted
1 Krakow
1
300
2 Salomon
1
400
3 Markolfus
1
300
Transport
5
.
.
.
1600
Folie 15, venstre side
16
Transport…
Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 14 højre side
4 Carl
1
140
5 Alexander
1
250
6 Johan
1
320
7 Esbern
1
260
8 Kiow
1
270
9 Simon
1
280
10 Fritz
1
280
11 Knud
1
230
12 Mons
1
300
13 Jarl
1
310
14 Abel
1
300
15 Albert
1
300
16 Christian
1
300
17 Goliath
1
350
18 Owe
1
350
19 Elles
1
350
20 Amalfis
1
350
C ved Proviantgarden i Christiansted
1 Sarah
2 Calpha
1
1
3 Charlotta
4 Woÿant
30
360
1
300
1
350
5 Maria Magdalena
Transport
24
2
.
1
100
1
7680
16
Folie 16, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
C ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1 Cambridge
1
190
2 Argus
1
280
3 Johannes
1
320
4 Benina ingen værdi
1
-
5 Martha
1
300
17
6 Margaretha
1
100
7 Beatha
1
350
8 Faronÿ
1
300
9 Lucia
1
400
10 Christian
1
330
11 Anna Lena
1
160
12 Friderica
1
150
13 Johan Friedrich
1
75
14 Simon
1
50
15 Louisa
1
16 William
1
50
200
E ved Friderichsforth
1 Egbert
1
300
2 Factum
1
300
F ved packhuset og weyerboden i Frederiksted
1 Buurman
1
150
2 Samson
1
100
3 January
1
200
4 Chemoux
1
300
Enoch
1
350
Printz
1
350
Transport
35
8
4
4
12985
17
Folie 17 venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 16 højre side
5 Deÿ
1
300
6 Jacob
1
250
7 Felix
1
300
8 Glasfax
1
300
9 Zadigh
1
150
10 Mads
1
320
G ved Proviantgården i Frederiksted
1 Sabrin
1
300
2 Alexander
1
300
3 Claus
1
350
18
4 Severin
1
5 Catharina
6 Adam
200
1
50
1
350
1 Freyer
1
300
2 Afford
1
350
H ved hospitalet ibid
3 Sarah
1
60
4 Margaretha
1
100
5 Maria
1
6 Johannes
1
7 Magdalena
350
1
48
13
300
350
4
5
17.965
Dertil de fol.
14 anførte
5
53
1.220
13
4
5
19.185
Folie 146, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1794
Debet
Folie
Rd, sk.
January
Til Cassa
81
383.50
February
… ditto
85
251.80
Marts
… ditto
88
250
April
… ditto
93
167.60
Junÿ
… ditto
101
390.66
Julÿ
… ditto
107
102.58
August
… ditto
111
165.80
September
… ditto
115
349.66
October
… ditto
119
75.80
Novem
… ditto
122
124.12
Decemb
… ditto
124
375.30
Negerne
14
1220
December 31
pr negerne
14
50
..
.. de kongelige indtægters og
Højre side
Credit
udgifters conto 164
3807
3857.6
Folie 81, højre side
19
1794
januar
Rd
Folie
383.50
146
251.80
146
250
146
Negernes omkostninger
den 6te til kostpenge for
negerne i Christiansted
180
7de ditto i Christiansted
171.18
31te Mad. Hauschild
32.32
Folie 85, højre side
February
Negernes omkostninger
Den 11de til H. Nash
40.80
26de til Doct Storm
52
Ditto
10
28de negernes
kostpenge
149
Folie 88, højre side
Marts
Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til Doctor
Gordon
90
31de .. kostpenge for
Negerne i Frederiksted
160
Folie 93, højre side
April
Negerne
Den 12de til P. L. Oxholm
350
30te .. J. Tower 700
1050
14
167.60
167.60
146
390.66
146
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til kostpenge for
negerne i Christiansted
Folie 101, højre side
Junÿ
Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til J. de Luÿ
83.16
30de negerne i
Frederiksted
150
Ditto i Christiansted
74.48
Ditto E. L. Falcke
26.66
.. Madame Hauschild
56.32
Folie 107, højre side
20
Julÿ
Negernes omkostninger
Den 24de til J. Hart
8
31de .. negerne
I Christiansted
90.90
.. Madme Hauschild
3.64
102.58
146
165.80
146
Folie111, højre side
August
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til negerne
i Christiansted 72.72
.. Madame Kunkel
86.32
.. ditto
6.72
Folie 115, højre side
September
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til Denhurst
113.12
.. neger i Christiansted
86.54
..ditto i Frederiksted
150
349.66
146
69.80
75.80
146
124.12
146
Folie 119, højre side
October
Negernes omkostninger
Den 31te til Mad Kunkel
6
.. neger i Christiansted
Folie 122, højre side
Noveb
Negernes omkostninger
Den 26de til J. Tower &
Compl (?)
Folie 124, højre side
December
Negernes omkostninger
Den 12te til negerne
I Christiansted
80
22de .. Mad Clark
6.24
31te J. Thomas 47.2
.. Mad Bretfeldt 21.64
.. P. Norton
47.4
.. Mad. Kunkel
3.32
21
.. Doctor Storm 54
.. ditto
30
.. Doctor Gordon
86
375.30
146
St. Croix 1800
Box 5.28
Under “n” findess følgende opslag: Negerne (11-14) og Negernes omkostninger (144)
Folie 11, venstre side
1800
Januar
Til Balance
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
69
15
6
9
29.647
fra anno 1799
May
Til Cassa
2
950
Juny
Ditto
6
2400
July
Ditto
1
550
October
Ditto
2
875
November
Ditto
1
650
December
Ditto
2
1100
Om approbation .. for kiøbte 14 negere er udsat i Antegnelserne i Cassebogen for 1800 ¼ post
81
17
6
9
36.179
Folie 11, højre side
1800
December
??
Pr negernes omkostninger som id ette Aar er døde, nemlig:
Damon
1
370
Lucas
1
650
Henrich
1
bilag nr 162
3
31
400
1420
Ballance som hans majestæts negere findes at være værd efter hovedbogen pro 1799, da … ny burde
opgiøre … forvaltning over disse
a) Ved Christiansværn
1
Mads
1
350
2
Adam
1
375
3
Friedrich
1
181
4
Otto
1
350
5
Ovid
1 købt i år
450
b) ved Packhuset og veierboden i Christiansted
1
Krakow
1
350
2
Salomon
1
450
22
3
Carl
1
140
4
Ismael
1
360
5
Kiow
1
300
6
Fritz
1
300
7
Knud
1
230
8
Jarl
1
330
9
Abell
1
350
10
Goliath
1
400
11
Ove
1
400
12
Amalsis
1
350
13
Anthony
1
370
14
Laban
1
370
15
Ferdinant
1
350
16
Noel
1
350
17
Johann
1
350
18
Moons
1
360
19
Johannes
Friederich
1
350
20
Schipio
1
360
21
Haniball
1
350
22
Peter
1
366
23
Johann
1
300
24
Chemau
1
600
25
Georg
1
26
Henrich
1
400
31
10.942
Transport
købt i år
400
Folie 12, venstre side
Transport…
Folie 12, højre side
27
Anthon
1
400
28
Philip
1
400
29
Albert
1
30
Ludvig
1
400
31
Peter
1
437,48
32
John
1
33
William
1
200
34
Johannes
1
320
35
Georg
1
400
kiøbt I aar
400
ligesaa
437,48
23
c) Ved proviantgården i Christiansted
1
Sahra
1
30
2
Christian
3
Charlotte
4
Woÿant
5
Maria Magdalena
6
Hans Wilhelm 1
7
Anna Margaretha
1
100
8
Anna Drecitta
1
50
9
Wilhelm
1
400
10
Friedrich
1
700
11
Carolina
1
360
1
350
1
350
1
100
350
1
550
d) ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1
Cambridge
1
200
2
Argus
1
280
3
Christian
1
330
4
Johannes
1
320
5
Benina intet værd
1
-
6
Martha
1
300
7
Margaretha
1
100
8
Beata
1
350
9
Ferony
1
300
10
Lucia
1
400
11
Anna Lena
1
160
12
Friderica
1
150
13
Johann Friedrich
1
100
14
Simon
1
50
15
Louisa
1
60
16
Anna Elisabeth
1
50
17
Anna Christina
1
50
E) ved Frederiksfort
1
Eybert
1
350
2
Factum
1
300
3
Samba
1
400
Transport
49
9
5
8
21.927
Folie 13, venstre side
Transport…
Folie 13, højre side
24
f) Ved Packhuset og Veierboden i Frederiksted
1
Dey
1
300
2
Jacob
1
250
3
Christian
1
450
4
Glasax
1
300
5
Samson intet værd 1
-
6
Simon
300
7
Zadig intet værd 1
-
8
Mads
1
350
9
Printz
1
350
10
Enoch
1
375
11
Janus
1
400
12
Severus
1
400
13
Cletus
1
375
14
Tobias
1
400
15
Zuurnman intet værd 1
-
16
Arnoldus
1
400
17
Friederich
1
450
18
Goliath
1
400
1
g) ved Proviantgården i Frederiksted
1
Sabrin
1
350
2
Alexander
1
300
3
Catharina intet værd
4
Severin ditto
1
-
5
Johann
1
400
6
Christiane
7
Adam
1
450
8
Ned
1
550
9
Bosen
1
650
10
Friedrich
1
11
Presant
1
-
1
400
købt i år
500
1
550
H) ved hospitalet i Frederiksted
1
Troÿer
1
350
2
Margaretha intet værd
3
Maria
4
Afford
5
Johanna
1
350
6
Magdalena
1
350
7
Giertrud
1
400
8
Hanibal
1
1
1
350
350
1
75
25
9
Lucia
Transport
1
77
17
450
6
9
34.252
Folie 14, venstre side
Transport…
Folie 14, højre side
i) ved secretariatet på St Croix
1
Jack
1
78
Dertil de fol. 11 anførte
500
17
6
9
3
81
34.752
1.420
17
6
9
Folie
Rd
36.172
Folie 144, venstre side
1800
Negernes omkostninger
Debet
Januar
Til cassa
76
200
Martz
ditto
81
691,4
April
ditto
84
59
May
ditto
88
7,78
Juny
ditto
91
360
July
ditto
93
732,50
August
ditto
97
4
September
ditto
102
396,16
November
ditto
109
200
December
ditto
114
1826,88
..
..Negere 3 døde
11
1420
5897,44
Folie 76, højre side
1800 Jan
Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til const. Magazins forvalter Aarestrup
200
Folie 81, højre side
1800 Martz
Negernes omkostninger
d 10de til Ludvig
81,4
21de .. J. Schmidt
15
27de .. Aarestrup
250
31de .. doctor N. Storm
65
.. Tønsberg
280
691,44
26
Folie 84, højre side
1800 April
Negernes omkostninger
D 18de til Madame Bredtsfeldt
14
.. M L. Ludvig
24 .. John Steen
20
25
59
Folie 88, højre side
1800 May
Negernes omkostninger
D 29de til J. Smith
7,78
Folie 91, højre side
1800 Juny
Negernes omkostninger
D 30te til forvalter Tönsberg
360
Endvidere flere poster til privatperson til proviantgården i frederiksted og til fortresset frederiksværn
Folie 93, højre side
1800 July
Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til forvalter Aarestrup
200
19.. H. Mansfield
445
.. for mulat L. Hartmann
186,56
732,50
Nedenfor, under ”negerne” står også at negeren Ned er købt af D. Raadhauge for 550 Rd
Folie 97, højre side
1800 August
Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til M. C. Ludvig
4
Folie 102, højre side
1800 September Negernes omkostninger
22de til Nancy Schmidt
28,80
25 .. forvalter Tönsberg
360
30 .. M. C. Ludvig
7,32
396,16
Folie 109, højre side
1800 November Negernes omkostninger
D 15de til J. de Fine Olivarius
200
Folie 114, højre side
1800 Dec
Negernes omkostninger
D 3de til B. J. Centervace
259,84
27
.. forvalter Tönsberg
45
.. John Steen
46,84
8.. forvalter Tönsberg
91,64
.. P. Sadders
240
9.. Klein & Danielsen
471,72
Ditto
53,48
Maria Gius
6,24
27.. forvalter Tönsberg
380
31.. Doctor Storm
90
.. doctor Gordon & Adams
142
1826,88
28
St. Croix 1801
Box 5.29
Negerne (13 – 17) og Negernes Omkostninger (99)
Folie 13, venstre side
1801
January 1
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
78
17
6
9
34.752
Til Balance fra
Året 1800
February
Mænd
Cassa
1
550 (folie 85)
En Approbation på denne neger David til Veierboden udsat i antegnelser .. i cassebogen for 1801 … 26
post
Højre side
1801
Martz
Pr balance som hans majestæts negere findes at være værd efter … hovedbogen anno 1800
da med … … … opgive anordninger (?) … … …
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd, sk
A ved Christiansværn
1 Mads
1
350
2 Adam
1
375
3 Friedrich
1
181
4 Otto
1
350
5 Ovid
1
450
B ved Packhuset og Weyerboden I Christiansted
1 Krakow
1
350
2 Salomon
1
450
3 Ciarl
1
140
4 Ismael
1
360
5 Kiow
1
300
6 Fritz
1
300
7 Knuud
1
230
8 Jarl
1
330
9 Abell
1
350
10 Goliath
1
400
11 Ove
1
400
12 Amahses (?) 1
350
13 Anthony
1
370
14 Laban
1
370
15 Ferdinant
1
350
29
16 Noel
1
350
17 Johann
1
350
18 Mons
1
360
19 Johan Friedrich
1
350
20 Schipio
1
360
21 Hanibal
1
350
22 Peter
1
366
23 Johann
1
300
24 Chemau
1
600
25 Georg
1
400
26 Heinrich
1
400
Transport
31
10.942
27 Anthou
1
400
28 Philip
1
400
29 Albert
1
400
30 Ludwig
1
400
31 Peter
1
437.48
32 John
1
437.48
Folie 14, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 13
33 William
1
200
34 Johannes
1
320
35 Georg
1
400
36 David kiøbt I år
1
550
C ved proviantgården I Christiansted
1 Sahra
2 Christian
1
1
3 Charlotte
4 Woÿant
30
360
1
350
1
350
5 Maria Magdalena
1
6 Hans Wilhelm 1
350
7 Anna Margretha
1
8 Anna Deioitta
1
100
100
50
9 Wilhelm
1
400
10 Friedrich
1
700
11 Carolina
1
550
30
D Ved hospitalet I Christiansted
1 Cambridge
1
200
2 Angus
1
280
3 Christian
1
330
4 Johannes
1
320
5 Benina ingen værdi
1
6 Martha
1
300
7 Margaretha
1
100
8 Beata
1
350
9 Ferony
1
300
10 Lucia
1
400
11 Anna Lucia (?)
1
160
12 Friederica
1
150
13 Johan Friedrich
1
100
14 Simon
1
50
15 Louisa
1
60
16 Anna Elisabeth
1
50
17 Anna Christina
1
50
8
21.427
Transport
46
9
6
Folie 15, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 14…
E Ved Frederiksfort
1 Eÿbert
1
350
2 Factum
1
300
3 Samba
1
400
F Ved packhuset og weyerboden i Frederiksted
1 Dey
1
300
2 Jacob
1
250
3 Christian
1
450
4 Glasax
1
300
5 Samson ingen værdi
1
-
6 Simon
1
300
7 Zadig ingen værdi
1
-
8 Mads
1
350
9 Printz
1
350
10 Enoch
1
375
31
11 Janus
1
400
12 Severus
1
400
13 Cletus
1
375
14 Tobias
1
400
15 Zuurman ingen værdi
1
-
16 Arnoldus
1
400
17 Friedrich
1
450
18 Goliath
1
400
G ved proviantgården i Frederiksted
1 Sabrin
1
350
2 Alexander
1
300
3 Catharina ingen værdi
1
-
4 Severin ditto
1
-
5 Johann
1
400
6 Christiane
1
400
7 Adam
1
450
8 Ned
1
550
9 Thosen
1
650
10 Friedrich
1
500
11 Passent (?)
Transport
1
75
12
550
6
8
32.127
Folie 16, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Martz
H ved hospitalet I Frederiksted
1 Troÿet
1
2 Margaretha uden værdi
350
1
-
3 Maria
4 Aford
1
1
350
350
5 Johanna
1
350
6 Magdalena
1
350
7 Giertrude
1
400
8 Hanibal
1
9 Lucia
75
1
450
I Secretariatet på St. Croix
1 Jack
1
78
500
17
7
9
35.302 (folie 110)
32
Folie 99, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1801
Folie
Rd
Januarÿ
Til cassa
81
215.60
Februarÿ
… ditto
87
460.51
Martz
… ditto
89
424.36
1100.57
Højre side
1801
Martz
Pr de Kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Co 102
1100.57
Folie 81
Januarÿ
Negernes omkostninger
D 24de til forvalter Olivarius
200
.. … J. Dahe
15.60
215.60
Folie 87
February
Negernes omkostninger
d. 28de til Captain
John Campbell
460.51
Folie 89
Martz
Negernes omkostninger
d. 21de til Aalhon Koutze
84.36
.. 23de … forvalter Tönsberg
340
424.36
St. Croix 1802
Box 5.30
Under ”n” findes følgende opslag: Negerne (12-16) og Negernes Omkostninger (132)
Folie 12, venstre side
1802
Debet
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
Januarÿ
Til balance fra
anno 1801
78
17
7
9
35.302
Junÿ
Cassa
1
400 (folie 95)
August
ditto
18
7800 (108)
33
Octobr
ditto
Decembr
ditto
1
approved konto ref: 27 apr 1803
400 (116)
Approved… …. … 22
January 1804
2
700
Negernes omkostningskonto for de fra 1de January 1798 til … december d. a. som er født, navnlig:
I Christiansted
Maria Catharina
1
175
Bilag n 218
Juliana Carolina
1
150
&219
Johanna Susanna
1
Johann Abraham
1
Wilhelmine
75
75
1
50
I Frederiksted (folie132)
Bilag a 68
Johann Friedrich
1
100
Daniel
1
100
Hendrich
1
100
Amalia
1
50
Catharina
1
50
Johanna
1
75
Negernes omkostninger som negerne dette år er taxeret at være hvilken (?) værdi ved de
med forrige års udgang er anført som
Transport
98
19
folie 132
12
2974
15
48.576
Højre side
1802
Decn
Pr Jacob Moth
forrige som den
22 sept 1800
16 post af
på offentlig
antegn.
auktion tilsag (?)
cassebogen
en neger værd
for 1800
… … August …1
260
Negernes omkostninger som de i dette år findes anførte i hovedbogen pro 1801, og i lla (?) udi de ind.. og … ved følgende
… følgelig … …: ALLE FOLIE 132
Otto
1
350
Kiow
1
300
Knud
1
230
Laban
1
370
Mons
1
360
Schipio
1
360
Hanibal
1
350
34
Peter
1
360
Sara
1
30
Maria Magdalena
Cambridge
1
1
100
200
Lucia
1
400
Anna Christina
1
50
I Frederiksted
Esbern
1
350
Deÿ
1
300
Zadig ingen værdi
1
-
Tobias
1
400
Adam
1
450
Friedrich
1
500
Magdalena
1
350
Negernes omkostninger …
Folie 13, venstre side
Transport
Højre side Credit
1802
Decbr
Pr transport
4
-
3
3
1350
C
1 kiøbt Oct d. a. for 400 Rd
400
Mads (?)
1
200
Jack eller John 1
225
Ved Infanterie cassernen NYT!
John
1 kiøbt: august d. a.
400
Peter
1 for 433 R 32 s … (?)
380
1
450
Ved Cavallerie cassernen NYT!
Gabriel
ligeså
Ved Artillerie cassernene NYT!
Elizabeth
1
kiøbt decbr d. a.
350
Maria
1
for 350 rd pr stk
350
Ved Packhuset og Weyerboden
Jack
1
Georg
Abell
450
1
450
1
600
1
600
Friedrich el.
Johannes
Friderich
35
William
1
700
Goliath
1
400
sygelig
1
200
Ove
1
650
Amasses
1
650
Jarl
1
600
Peter
1
Ludvig
1
650
Hendrich
1
700
Georg
1
600
Anthon
1
600
Philip
1
600
Albert
1
450
Ferdinand
1
500
Anthonÿ
1
700
1
150
1
150
1
-
1
-
eller Krakow
1
300
Lorentz
1
500
Henning
1
kiøbte i år august d. a.
500
Jacob
1
for 433Rd 32 sk pr. stk.
550
Ludvig
1
Fritz svag og
kiøbt 1 juny for 400 Rd
650
F.. Johannes
gammel og
svag
Johannes
ligeledes
Marcolfus
eller Carl
intet værdi
Salomon
ligeledes
Quaccos
Transport
500
37
2
1
-
17.505
37
2
1
.
17.505
Folie 14, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
1802
Decbr
Pr transport
36
Carl
1
kiøbt i august d. a.
500
Otto
1
for 433 Rd og 32 sk pr. stk.
550
Schennan
1
……
450
David
1
Noel
1
Ismael
1
500
… ….
450
500
Ved hospitalet
Johannes
1
600
Peter
1
600
Jacob
1
kiøbt i august d. a.
500
Abraham
1
for 433 Rd og 32 Sk pr. stk.
500
Christian
mulat
1
600
Johan Friedrich
1
550
Beata
1
500
Feronÿ
1
400
Anna Helena mulatinde
1
450
Benina ingen værdi 88 år
1
-
Martha svag og .. .. unyttig
1
25
Margaretha ligeledes 64 år
1
50
Friderica
1
Johan Simon
500
1
275
1
75
tilkommen i år Johan
født fra 1798
Abraham
Johanna Louisa
1
250
Maria Elizabeth
1
175
tilkommen i
Juliana Carolina mustua
1
150
år som fødte
Maria Catharina
1
175
fra 1798
Johanna Susanna
1
75
Maria eller Anna Margaretha
1
300
Anna Drecitta
1
280
Wilhelmine
1
50
Ditto klumme
Carolina syg og svagelig
1
125
Charlotte intet værdi
1
-
Ved bageriet
Christian
1
350
Woÿant
1
400
Friderich
1
450
Paulus
1
Hans William
1
kiøbt I aug d.a. for 433 Rd og 32 Sk
500
450
37
Johannes eller
Johan
Transport
1
500
51
9
7
10
30.230 (folie 15)
51
9
7
10
30.230
Folie 15, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
1802
Decembr
pr transport
Ved fortet Frederiksfort
Simon eller
Factum
1
300
Samba
1
200
Coffe
1
kiøbt i august d.a.
433.32
David
1
for 433 rd 32 sk pr stk
433.32
Ved packhuset og Weyerboden
Jacob
1
100
Gladsax
1
200
Leonhardt
eller Sampson
intet værd 70 år 1
-
Simon eller
Chemoux
1
100
1
200
1
400
1
300
1
300
Cletus
1
375
Ned
1
500
Christian
1
450
Friedrich
1
450
Hanniball
1
433.32
Schaldus
1
Lorentz
1
Enoch eller
Kakorekow
Janus eller
Chipio
Petrus eller
Severus
Ciengo eller
Goliath
Pieter eller
ditto som tidl. klamme
433.32
433.32
38
Abraham
1
433.32
Mads
1
350
Printz
1
350
Zacharias el.
Buurmann
71 år. … … … …
intet værd
1
Arnoldus
1
teksten jeg ikke kan tyde er nok om denne
400
Ved hospitalet
Ferdinant eller
Freÿer
1
200
1
300
Afford eller
Quashy
Margretha intet værd
1
Maria eller Maÿ
1
tilk. d.a. født 1798 Johann
75
400
1
Johan Friedrich
1
Giertrud
1
Daniel
150
100
300
1
Amalia
100
1
Lusia
Transport
400
1
Hanibal
Ditto
-
1
Johanna
ditto
70 år
1
50
350
77
13
11
12
40.230
98
19
12
15
48.576
Folie16, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Ved Magazinet og bageriet
Salomon eller
Sabrin
1
200
1
-
Severin ditto
1
-
Johannes
1
400
Roesen
1
650
Alexander
ingen værdi
Coffe eller
Catharina Barbara
intet værd 75 år 1
Treseut
1
550
39
Christiana
1
Hendrich
Ditto
300
1
Catharina
Dertil de folie 12 anførte
100
1
50
82
16
12
13
42.480
16
3
-
2
6096
98
19
12
15
48.576
Folie 132, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1802
Debet
Folie
Rd
Februar
Til cassa kostpenge
80
500
Martz
… ditto
85
12.48
Maÿ
… ditto
90
600
Julÿ
… ditto
102
241.60
August
… ditto
107
589.79
September
… ditto
111
509.80
October
… ditto
116
439.54
November
… ditto
120
196.8
December
… ditto
121
893.45
Negerne
12
5816
Ditto
..
20
9818.86
Højre side
1802
December
Pr Negerne
12
1000
Ditto
..
2974
109
5844.86
De kongelige indtægters
og udgifters conto
9818.86
Folie 80, højre side
1802
February
Rd (indivduelt)folie
Rd (samlet)
200
500
Negernes omkostninger
Den 26de til forvalter Tönsberg 300
.. Olivarius
132
Folie 85, højre side
Martz
Negernes omkostninger
40
Den 31te til Madame Clarck
132
12.48
132
600
132
241.60
132
589.79
Folie 90, højre side
May
Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til forvalter Olivarius 200
Den 11de … … Aarestrup
400
Folie 102, højre side
Julÿ
Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til H. H. Brinch
.. 13de … Cruise
173.36
55,24
.. 16de Madame Schmidt
13
Folie 107
August
Negernes omkostninger
Den 4de til forvalter Aarestrup
400
.. 25de Mam Cruise
48.72
… H. H. Brinch
141.7
Folie 111, højre side
September
Negernes omkostninger
Den 1th til Negerinden Margaretha
23
.. 21de Madame Didrichsen
13.32
30.. … ditto
73.48
… .. forvalter Aarestrup
400
132
509.80
39.54
132
439.54
400
12
400
132
196.8
Folie 116, højre side
October
Negernes omkostninger
Den 7de til forvalter Olivarius
.. 15de .. .. Aarestrup
400
Negerne
Den 7de til Major Römling
Folie 120, højre side
November
Negernes omkostninger
Den 8de til J. Randall
8
.. 30.. Simon Windt
140.56
.. … Nancy Küntze
47.48
Folie 121, højre side
41
December
Negerne
Den 13de til procurator Giellerup for
for 2de negerinder
12
700
Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til H. H. Brinch
220.44
Ditto
34.55
… H. Graadman
454.45
.. 21de J. Dahl
17
.. 31de J. Tailor
120.56
.. Madame Smidt
30
.. Didrichsen
7.32
.. H. Graadman
9.27
132
893.45
42
St. Croix 1803
Box 5.31
Folie 14, venstre side
Negerne
Debet
1803
January 1
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
82
16
12
13
42.480
Til Balance
fra anno
1802
May
Cassa
2
December
ditto
k. Br 22 july
Negernes omkostninger for hvad mulatinden Anna Helena må (?) … folgt for med anført (?) 1803 19 May
1804
at være værd
1
kongl res (?) 22 jan 1804
1125 (folie 123)
k. … : 10 jun 1802
50 (folie 163)
Ditto ditto for de som fra 1 jan til ultimo decbr d. a. ere fødte, navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Bilag no 162
Joseph Manuel
1
50
Elisabeth
1
50
I Frederiksted:
D no 163
Johann Jacob
1
50 (alle folie 163)
Ditto ditto for negeren Nahfid (?) … fra Gouvernementets på Kÿsten og ansadt (?) ved Weyerboden
1
550 (folie 163)
Capital conto for 3de på Auction den 21de Juny 1802, for kongelig regning, indkiøbte negere, som Raed for
til landet på et … og deres … ikke …, navnlig:
……
Quamina
500
Acry
550
Bosanne
670
Fragaard (? overskrift)
Quamina som
er …* 500
2
1220 (folie 6)
Ditto ditto for negeren Natty som er rømdt (?) til s… og anfødt ved fortet
den 9 januar
1
Transport
87
350
18
14
14
46.375 (folie 15)
1
500 (folie 176)
* der står noget ulæseligt her, evt.: B n 866 bla bla bla
Højre side
Fortsat fra venstre side
Pr John Oven
Credit
… Lena K. Br. 22 Febr 1803
Bilag no 134 og 15 May (?) 1804
Negernes omkostninger, som i dette år døde, navnlig:
43
Fritz
1
200
Noel
1
450
Charlotte intet værd
1
Bilag no 162 & 163 63
Louisa eller Wilhelmina
1
50
Glasax
1
200
Leonhardt intet værd
1
- (alle folie 163)
Negernes omkostninger som negerne i dette år er mindre taxeret med d.a.
4
1
600
2
2000
Balance som er hvad hans Majestæts negere ved dette års udgang er taxeret at være værd efter bilag … no 162 og 163 og
anførdt som følge … navnlig:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn
Obid
1
400
Adam
1
350
Wilhelm
1
250
C
1
400
Friederich
1
350
Mads
1
200
Jaen
1
225
Natty
1 … I 1803
350
Johann
1
400
Pieter
1
300
1
450
Ved infanterie cassernen
Ved cavellerie cassernen
Gabriel
Ved artelleri cassernen
Elisabeth
1
350
Maria
1
350
Ved Artellerie hospitalet
Christopher
1 … 1804
450
1
450
Ved Secretariatet
Jack
Ved Bogholder contoiret
Georg
Transport
1
13
2
1
450
-
5805 (folie 15)
Folie 15, venstre side
Transport ….
Højre sid e
44
Fortsat…
Ved Controleurerne
Ismael
1
500
Abell
1
600
Friedrich
1
600
William
1
700
Goliath
1
400
Ove
1
500
Amalsis
1
650
Jarl
1
600
Peter
1
650
Ludvig
1
650
Hendrich
1
700
Georg
1
600
Anthon
1
600
Philip
1
600
Albert
1
450
Ferdinant
1
500
Anthony
1
700
Svag og sygelige
1
150
Johannes ditto
1
150
Marcolfus ditto intet værd
1
-
Salomon ditto
1
-
Quaco
1
300
Lorentz
1
500
Henning
1
500
Jacob
1
550
Ludvig
1
500
Carl
1
500
Nah
1 … I 1803
550
1
450
Ved Weyerboden
Fort Johannes
På toldbåden
Soheman
David
1
500
1
600
Ved hospitalet
Johannes
Peter
1
600
Jacob
1
500
Abraham
1
500
45
Christian Mulat
1
600
Johan Friedrich ditto
1
Beata
Transport
550
1
500
47
3
4
-
24.855
47
3
4
-
24.855
1
500
Folie 16, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Transport
Friderica
Farony
1
400
Benina gammel og unyttig 89 år
1
-
Martha svag og næsten unyttig
1
25
Margaretha ligeledes
1
50
Børn
Johann Simon mulat
1
275
Johan Abraham
1
75
Johanna Louisa mulatinde
1
250
Maria Elisabeth ditto
1
175
Juliana Carolina mustreinde (?)
1
150
Maria Catharina
1
175
Johanna Susanna
1
75
Joseph Manuel
1
Elisabeth
50
1
50
Ved Bageriet
Christian
1
350
Voyan
1
400
Friederich
1
450
Paulus
1
500
Hans Wilhelm
1
450
Carolina svag og sygelig
1
125
Børn
Maria Magdalena eller Anna Maria
1
300
Anna Margaretha eller Drecita
1
100
Ved fortresset Frederiksværn
Simon eller Factum
1
300
Samba
1
100
Ciofe
1
433.32
David
1
433.32
46
Ved packhuset og weyerboden
Jacob
100
Simon eller Chamoux
1
100
Enoch eller Kokarlow
1
100
Janus eller Scipio
1
400
Petrus eller Severus
1
250
Gionge eller Goliath
1
300
Peter eller ..tus
1
375
Ned
1
500
Transport
64
8
8
9
33.671,64
87
18
14
14
46.375
Folie 17, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Christian
1
450
Friederich
1
450
Hanibal
1
433.32
Abigal eller Sebaldus
1
433.32
Lorentz
1
433.32
Abraham
1
433.32
Mads
1
350
Printz
1
350
Zacharias eller Borrmann
1 til ingen værdi
Arnoldus
1
Acky
1
Bossam
1
670
Ferdinand eller Freyer
1
200
Afford eller Quasy
1
300
400
Tilkommet i 1803
550
Ved hospitalet
Margaretha intet værd
1
-
Maria eller Mary
1
400
Johanna
1
400
Giertrude
1
300
Louisa eller Lusia
1
350
Maria Brandt
1
Marge
1
Tilkommet i 1803
500
625
Børn
Hanibal
1
150
Johann Friedrich
1
100
47
Daniel
1
100
Johann
1
75
Amalia
1
75
Johan Jacob
1
50
Hendrich
1
150
Catharina
1
75
Ved Proviantgaarden
Salomon eller Sabrin
1
200
Alexander intet værd
1
-
Johannes
1
200
intet værd
1
-
Besen eller Roisen (svært)
1
650
Cioffe eller Severus
Catharina Barbara intet værd
Transport
1
83
15
14
12
43.525
Folie 18, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Present
1
550
Christiana
1
300
Dertil de fol 14 anførte
83
17
14
12
44.375
4
1
-
2
2000
87
18
14
14
46.375
Folie
Rd
Folie 19 venstre og højre side
Blanke begge to
Folie 163 (?), venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1803
January
Til cassa
109
800
February
ditto
112
441.57
Martz
ditto
115
421.64
April
ditto
118
36.48
May
ditto
122
156.72
Juny
ditto
127
489.90
July
ditto
136
499.88
August
ditto
141
6.24
48
Septbr
ditto
142
840
October
ditto
149
5
Novemb
ditto
150
710.15
December
ditto
155
427.50
Negerne
14
900
Ditto
..
600
6528.28
Højre side
Fortsat…
Pr negerne
14
50
Ditto
..
150
Ditto
..
550
175
5570.28
De kongelige
indtægters
og udgifters
conto
Folie 109, højre side
January
Negernes omkostninger
Individuelt
Folie
Samlet
400
163
800
163
441.57
Den 25de til forvalter Aarestrup 400
.. 31.. … … Olivarius
Folie 112, højre side
February
Negernes omkostninger
Den 15de til Wallich & Comp.
427.57
.. 21de … Madame Didrichsen
14
Folie 115, højre side
Martz
Negernes omkostninger
Den 17de til Madame Didrichsen 6.32
Ditto
15.32
..31 … … forvalter Aarestrup
400
163
421.64
163
36.48
Folie 118, højre side
April
Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Madame Didrichsen
10.32
… Clarck
12.48
..30… Didrichsen
13.64
49
Folie 122, højre side
May
Negernes omkostninger
Den 9de til lægerne (?) Oistenance
5
15de Ditto
5
26de … Madame Smith
51.32
.. J. Dahl
12.48
… Madame Ashton
82.88
163
156.72
Folie 127, højre side
Juny
Negernes omkostninger
Den 6de til F. Oisteaunance
.. H. Gradmann
5
220.86
..7 .. Doctor John Gordon
134.52
13 Madame Didrichsen
3
27 Doctor N. Storm
107
30 J. Dahl
12.48
163
482.90
5
163
5
163
710.15
Folie 142
Folie 149, højre side
October
Negernes omkostninger
Den 27de til … Oste….
Folie 150, højre side
Novbr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 4de til Höjner og Brinch
582.53
30 Madame Ashton
127.58
Folie 155, højre side
December
Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Höjner og Brinch
55.48
.. J. Taylor
128.64
.. J. Dahl
12.48
24 Capitain Martin
62.48
15 St. Thomas Kongelige casse
158.37
163
427.50
50
St. Croix 1806
Box 5.34
Under ”n” findes følgende opslag: Negerne (12, 210, 211, 212, 213) & Negernes omkostninger (165, 215)
Folie 12, venstre side
Debet
Negerne
Mænd
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd
86
19
12
10
45.160
1806
Jany 1
Til balance fra
anno 1805
Decembr
Capital conto, for følgende 2de Negere hertil ankomne fra Kysten af Guinea med Capitain N. Mortensen
Ishoy, og ansatte ved Christiansted Veyerbod, vide bilag herved No 123,
Nemlig Cothe
1 konto … 21 august og 13 sept 1806
200
Og Tetta Comi 1
500 (folie 6)
Negernes omkostninger som nu i dette år ere fødte, navnlig:
James Richard
1
50
Højre side
Credit
Decembr
Per Negernes omkostninger som i dette år er døde, nemlig:
Det efter
George
1
… ved pack-
Ismael
1
huset…
Maria Catharina
bilag no. 30??
450
600
1
2
175
1
1225
Balance som er hvad hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang anslåes at være værd, lige som forrige år,
da ingen taxations forretning blev erholdt, nemlig:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn:
Friderich
1
350
Paulus
1
300
Mads
1
425
Jack
1
300
Natty
1
350
Simon
1
400
Douglas
1
200
James
1
400
Obit
1
450
Johann
1
400
Adam
1
500
Wilhelm
1
250
Ved infanterie cassernen
51
C eller Morie
1
400
1
450
Ved Cavellerie cassernen
Gabriel
Ved Artellerie cassernen
Maria
1
400
Elizabeth
1
400
Thomas
1
50
Ved secretariatet
Jack
1
250
Abel
1
500
Transporteres fol 210
15
2
2
-
6775 (folie 210)
88
19
10
12
45.910
Ved weyerboden
Folie 210
Negerne
Debet
Transport
Højre side
Credit (der står godt nok 1805, men tror det er en skriver-fejl)
Fortsat…
Veierboden
Friderich
1
600
William
1
700
Goliat
1
400
Ove
1
500
Amasfis (?)
1
700
Yare (?)
1
500
Peter
1
650
Ludwig
1
650
Henrich
1
700
George
1
600
Anthon
1
600
Philip syg og svagelig
1
50
Albert
1
450
Ferdinant
1
600
Anthony
1
600
1
100
Johannes ditto
1
50
Salomon intet værd
1
-
Araca ditto
1
-
Lorentz
1
500
Fort Johannes
sygelig
52
Henning
1
500
Jacob
1
600
Carl
1
500
Otto
1
550
Nah
1
550
Cothe
1
200
Tetti Come
1
tilkommen I 1806
500
Ved toldbodens baad
Soheman
1
600
David
1
600
Johannes
1
600
Transport
45
Ved Christiansteds hospitalet
2
2
-
20.925 (folie 211)
Folie 211, højre side
Fortsat
Ved Christiansted hospital
Peter
1
500
Abraham
1
500
Christian mulat
1
700
Johan Friedrich mulat
1
500
Johan Simon ditto
1
350
Christopher
1
450
Beata
1
500
Farony
1
500
Bennena intet værd
1
-
Martha ditto
1
-
Margaretha ditto
1
-
Sophia
1
350
Nancy
1
600
Halv voxene
Johanna Louisa mulatinde
1
250
Maria Elizabeth ditto
1
175
Maria Catharina
1
175
død 1806/vid. Fol? 12/og … fol 213
Børn
Johan Abraham
1
75
Juliana Carolina
1
150
Johanna Susanna
1
100
Joseph Manuel
1
50
Christian
1
50
53
Ved Bageriet
Weyan
1
400
Friederich
1
450
Paulus
1
500
Hans Wilhelm
1
450
Johannes
1
John
500
1
Carolina, sygelige
700
1
125
Maria Magdalena
Transport
54
10
8
1
350
6
30.375 (Folie 212)
1
200
Folie 212, højre side
Fortsat fra 211
Ved bageriet…
Anna Margaretha
James Richard
født 1806
1
50
Ved Veyerboden I Frederiksted
Jacob
1
100
Simon eller Chamoux
1
100
Cocoroco – Enoch
1
100
Petrus – Severus
1
250
Scipio – James
1
400
Congo – Goliath
1
300
Peter – Ciletus
1
375
Niat (Ned?)
1
500
Johannes
1
200
Friederich
1
450
Hannibal
1
433.32
Abigal
1
433.32
Lorentz
1
433.32
Abraham
1
433.32
Mads
1
350
Printz
1
350
Acky
1
550
Bozam
1
670
Zacharias eller Bronman syg
1
-
Christian
1
450
Ved Toldbod båden
Ved Sydside Vagthus
Ved Apothequet
54
Ferdinant
1
150
1
300
Ved hospitalet
Affort
Margaretha intet værd
1
-
Johanna
1
400
Louisa
1
350
Transport
76
13
9
7
38.793,32 (folie 213)
Folie 213, højre side
Fortsat
Ved hospitalet
Maria Brandt
1
500
Margo
1
625
Gertrude
1
300
Børn
Haniball
1
200
Daniel
1
175
Johann
1
150
Amalia
1
100
Anna Sophia
1
50
Ved proviantgården
Salomon
1
200
Alexander intet værd
1
-
Arnoldus
1
400
Bosen
1
650
C. Barbara intet værd
1
-
Present
1
550
Christiana
1
300
Hendrich
1
Catharina
200
1
150
Ved Frederiksfort
Simon eller Timour
1
300
Tamba (Samba??)
1
100
Coffa
1
433.32
David
1
433.32
Bouky
1
170
Oowe
1
170
Fragaaer som er feil
anført Folie 21 86
Værdien af Maria Catharina
19
13
10
44.860
175
55
Balance
86
19
13
9
44.685
Dertil de fra folie 12 anførte
2
-
-
1
1225
88
19
13
10
45.910
Folie 165?, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
Decbr
Til Capital Conto for med Skibet Carolina Captain Söderup udsendte Hør Lærreder m.v. ifølge Factura af
30de Novbr 1805 Db (debet) 53 Rd 55 sk
folie 6
671. 93
166
671.93
Højre side
Folie
Rd
Per Negerne en født negerdreng
12
50 Rd
.. de kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
166
6890.64
folie
samlet
Faktura no 2889 for 1805
Højre side
1806
Decbr
Per Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
Folie 166?, venstre side
1806
Folie
Rd, sk
January
Til cassa
102
1156.76
Marts
ditto
111
641.45
April
ditto
114
400
May
ditto
119
252.67
Juny
ditto
125
585
July
ditto
131
474.72
August
ditto
135
52.48
Septbr
ditto
137
434.65
Octbr
ditto
143
454.40
Decbr
ditto
153
1263.36
Negerne
12
1225
6940.64
Folie 102, højre side
Credit
January
Negernes omkostninger
individuelt
Den 6de til Jeremiah Taylor
135.24
6de til H. H. Rönne
527.52
6de til A. Kontze
81.48
6de til Jordemoder C. Biörne
12.48
56
9de til forvalter J. de fine Olivarious 400
165
1156.76
165
641.45
165
400
165
252.67
165
585
165
474.72
165
52.48
165
434.64
Folie 11, højre side
Marts
Negernes omkostninger
Den 17de til kammersecretair og Forvalter
Frelsen
400
31de til M. Schiönning
27
24de til Degnen Oestermann
5
24de til Toldkasserer Aarestrup 209.45
Folie 114, højre side
April
Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til conto? Forvalter Rosenfeldt
Folie 119, højre side
May
Negernes omkostninger
Den 5de til Madame A.C. Clark 6.24
22de til Forvalter Olivarius
216.43
22de til Jens Dahl
30
Folie 125, højre side
Juny
Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til forvalter Frelsen
400
26de til Capitain N. Mortensen
Ishoy
125
30de til Mad Schiöning
60
Folie 134, højre side
July
den 14de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
31de til Skrædder Thimann
74.72
Folie 135, højre side
August
Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til Daly & Towers
37.48
25de til Degn Oystermann
15
Folie 137, højre side
Septbr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 8de til forvalter Frelsen
400
30de til Mad Schiönning
34.64
57
Folie 143, højre side
Octobr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 15de til Forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
22de til A. C. Clark
6.24
27de til Ann Kontze
48.16
165
454.40
165
1263.36
Folie 153, højre side
Decbr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 29de til Friderich Lauchardt
125.56
29de til Forvalter Frelsen
400
31de til M. Schiönning
53.64
31de til Forvalter Rosenfeldt
400
31de til N. L. Klint
128.12
31de til Dr. Keutsch
156
St. Croix 1807
Box 5.35-5.36
Under “N” star følgende relevante opslag: Negerne (22, 23, 24,25,26) & Negernes omkostninger (181)
Folie 22, venstre side
Negerne Dr (debet?)
1807
January
Mænd
Til balance fra 86
Kvinder
Drenge
Piger
Rd, Sk
19
13
19
44.685
1
50
anno 1806
Decembr
.. Negernes omkostninger som udi dette år er fødte, nemlig:
Anna Maria
lisg no 215 august er … 1804
(på lap): ditto 50 skulde een (?) neditanae Folie 181. Negernes omkostninger summa … udgifter fra … fol.
26
Højre side
Negerne
Credit
1807
December
Til negernes omkostninger som i dette år døde, nemlig:
George
Hovedb. Bilag Fort Johannes
N. 192
1 bilag no 171/176 ved hovedbogen
600
1
100
Christian
1
50
Zacharias eller
Booman
1 bilag no 182 ved hovedbogen
-
58
3
1
750
Balance som er hvad hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang anslåes at være værd
ligsom forrige år – Christiansteds negere allene efter taxations forretning:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn:
Frederich
Kaymand
1
350
Paulus
1
300
Mads
1
425
Jack
1
300
Natty
1
350
Simon er 26 år gl.
1
400
Douglas
1
200
James
1
400
Johan
1
400
Obit
1
450
Adam
1
500
Wilhelm
1
Morie
1
400
1
450
Ved infanterie cassernen:
har et ulægeligt sår på benet
250
Ved Cavallerie cassernen
Gabriel
Ved artellerie cassernen
Maria
1
400
Elisabeth
1
400
Thomas
1
50
Ved Secretariatet
Jack sygelig
Transport
1
14
250
2
2
-
6275
1
44.735
Folie 23, venstre side
Til transport
fra folie 22
Højre side
Ved Veyerboden
Abel
1
500
Friderich
1
600
William
1
700
Goliat
1
400
Ove
1
500
Amashis
1
700
59
Yarl
1
500
Peter
1
650
Ludwig
1
650
Henrich
1
700
Anthon
1
600
Philip
1 syg og svagelig
-
Albert
1
450
Ferdinand
1
600
Anthony
1
600
Johannes
1 sygelig
50
Salomon
1 ditto og fritaget for arbejde
-
Araca
1ditto
-
Lorentz
1
500
Henning
1
500
Jacob
1
600
Carl
1
500
Otto
1
550
Nah
1
550
Cothe
1
200
Woyan
1
400
Scheman
1
600
David
1
600
Johannes
1
600
Peter
1
500
Abraham
1
500
ditto
Ved toldbodens båd
Ved Christiansted hospitalet
Transport
45
2
2
-
21.075
Folie 24, venstre side
Samme mærkelige transport som ovenfor
Højre side
Fortsat – ved Christiansted hospital
Christian mulat, som bistår (?) de syge
soldater
1
700
Johann Friedrich
1 er 19 år
500
Johann Simon
1 er 18 år
350
Christopher
Beata
1
450
1
500
60
Ferony
1
500
Bennina gammel og unyttig
1
-
Martha ditto
1
-
1
-
Sophia
1
350
Nancy
1
600
Margaretha
ditto
Halvvoxne
Johanna Louisa er mulatta
1
250
Maria Eliszabeth
1
175
Børn
Johan Abraham
1
75
Johanna Carolina af mustica barn
1
150
Johanna Susanna
1
100
Joseph Manuel
1
50
James Richard
1
50
Anna Maria .. folie 22 anført født dette år
1
50
Ved bageriet
Friderick
1
450
Paulus
1
500
Hans Wilhelm 1
450
Johannes
1
500
John
1
700
Tetti Come
1
500
Maria Magdalena
Carolina, sygelig
1
1
350
125
Anna Margaretha halvvoxen
1
200
Ved veyerboden Frederiksted
Jacob
Transport
1
53
100
10
8
7
29.800
Folie 25, venstre side
Transport
Højre side
Fortsat – veyerboden Frederiksted
Simon eller Chemeaux
1
100
Cocoroco eller Enoch
1
100
Petrus – Severus 1
Scipio –James
Congo – Goliat 1
250
1
400
300
61
Peter – Ciletus
1
375
Nedt
1
500
Johannes
1
200
Friderich
1
450
Hannibald
1
433.32
Abigal
1
433.32
Lorentz
1
433.32
Abraham
1
433.32
Mads
1
350
Printz
1
350
Acky
1
550
Bozam
1
670
1
450
1
150
1
300
Ved toldbodbåden
Ved sydside vagthus
Christian
Ved Apothequet
Affort
Ved hospitalet
Ferdinand
Margaretha intet værds
1
-
Johanna
1
400
Louisa
1
350
Maria Brandt
1
500
Marge
1
625
Gertrude
1
300
Børn
Hannibal
1
200
Daniel
1
175
Johann
1
150
Transport
73
16
11
7
39.728,32
Amalia
1
100
Ann Sophia
1
50
Folie 26, venstre side
Transport…
Højre side
Fortsat – børn (Frederiksted)
Ved Proviantgården
Salomon
1
200
62
Alexander intet værd
1
-
Arnoldus
1
400
Bosen
1
650
C. Barbara intet værd
Present
1
-
1
Christiana
550
1
Hendrich
300
1
Catharina
200
1
150
Ved Frederiksfort
Simon eller Timour
1
300
Tamba
1
100
Coffe
1
433.32
David
1
433.32
Bouky
1
170
Ooue
1
170
Balance
83
Dertil de folie 22 anførte
3
19
12
1
Og denne summa som negerne er mindre vurderet i dette år end forrige år
86
10
19
13
Folie
Rd
43.935
750
50
10
44.735
Folie nr mangler på siden, evt. nr. 181
Negernes omkostninger
1807
Januar
Til cassa
113
114.32
Martz
ditto
119
576.22
April
ditto
127
800
Juny
ditto
137
400
July
ditto
142
714.60
August
ditto
146
6.24
September
ditto
151
899.8
October
ditto
162
23.32
November
ditto
166
105
December
ditto
171
183.64
3822.50
Højre side
Pr de kongelige indtægters og udgifters
Conto
186
3822.50
Folie 113, højre side
63
Januar
Negernes omkostninger
individuelt
Den 31de til Doctor Stedman
folie
samlet
181
114.32
Folie 119, højre side
Martz
Negernes omkostninger
Den 5de til George Nelthiopp
3.18
Ditto
46
.. Madame Scherine
83.76
.. Rebecca Dunchin
6.24
.. forvalter Frelsen
400
.. M. Schiönning
37
181
576.22
400
181
181
400
Folie 127, højre side
April
Negernes omkostninger
Den 9de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
.. 16de til forvalter Heitman
800
Folie 137, højre side
Juny
Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til konstitueret forvalter Heitmann
Folie 142, højre side
July
Negernes omkostninger
Den 14de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
.. N. Lund
21.84
..20de … Martha Schering
48.24
..27de .. Md. Melthropp
244.48
181
714.60
181
6.24
181
899.8
Folie 146, højre side
August
Negernes omkostninger
Den 7de til Madame Clark
Folie 151, højre side
Septbr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til degnen Oistermann 15
.. 12de til jordemoderen Madame Clark
6.24
..21.. Madame Walkers
18.32
20.. Fovalter Rosenfeldt
400
… forvalter Heitmann
400
.. Negerinden Catherine
59.48
64
Folie 162, venstre side
Octobr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 31de til Madame Walker
181
37.48
Folie 166, højre side
Nobr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til Degnen Oistermann
5
.. 30.. Doctor Heiberg
100
181
105
Folie 171, højre side
Decbr
Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Doctor J. E.? Keutsch
92.16
..24 de … Madame Schiönning
181
91.48
183.64
65
St. Croix 1808
Har man :
83 mænd
19 kvinder
12 drenge
10 piger
værdi 43.935
There are no further specification of ”negernes omkostninger” or the functions of the Royal Slaves
66
St. Croix 1815
Box 5.43-5.44
Negernes omkostninger (180) og Negerne (180)
Folie 181
Negerne
Rd
Folie
1815
Octbr
Til cassa
450
148
Decbr
ditto
450
151
Capital conto som denne conto … indtil videre for de på modstående side bortsolgte Negere, da intet ved
nu for den eer (?) blevet …
1205
199r
2105
Kolonne 2
Decbr
P. L. G.
Erichsen
150
181
Kiøbmand
V. Janr 1818 N: 41
L.L.Wallich
550
197
Christiansteds…
N. Höyrus
100
ibid
Regnskab for 1815. Folie 73
St. Thomas
405
ibid
Balance
900
Levis af
2105
Folie 148, højre side
Octbr
Negerne
Den 24de til F.M.J.M. Krause
Rd
450
Folie
181
Negernes omkostninger
d. 25de til Mad A. Thurland
18.84
31.. Captn. von Hederich
143.78
.. Mad A. Schmidt
5.48
168.18
180
450
181
Folie 151, venstre side
Decbr
Negerne
d. 22de til Thomas Carty jun.
Folie 197, venstre side
Kiøbmand J. J. Wallick
67
Decembr
Til negere for kiøbssummen af kongl negerinden Maria Margaretha med Lorentz John William som ... er
affordet vide bilag for
ved no 185 for
Christianstads .. regnskab
550
181
for 1815 fol. 73
Niels Höyrus
Decbr
Til negere for kiøbssummen af nu hans majestæts tilhørende mustica pige Nicoline som ham (?) er overladt
vide bilag formed no. 190 100 181
I marginen står der med anden pen: Christiansteds .. regnskab for 1815 fol. 73. Efter 6 … af forrige antal
for 1817 … bla bla bla en masse der ikke er til at læse
Levis af St. Thomas
Decbr
Til negere for kiøbssummen af nu hans majestæts tilhørende Mulatinde Maria Elisabeth, som han er
overladt, vide bilag
formed no. 190 550
181
I margenen – samme som ovenfor, også ulæseligt
Folie 180, højre side
Negernes omkostninger (oversigt på 1 side, mod over 2 tidligere)
1815
Rd, Sk
Folie
Aug
Til cassa
18.72
144
Septbr
ditto
959.70
145
Octobr
ditto
168.18
148
Novb
ditto
527.2
149
Decbr
ditto
603.84
152
2. kolonne
Dec 31
Per de kongelige Indtægters og udgifters conto
2277.24 Rd
163 folie
Negernes omkostninger
Rd
Folie
D 31de til Captain von Hederich 18.42
180
Folie 144, højre side
August
Folie 145, venstre side
Septbr
Negernes omkostninger
D 18de til overk. comis. Rosenfeldt
400
.. Capt. von Hederick
140.90
.. overk. comis. Rosenfeldt
111.40
.. John Hennerly
301.36
959.70
180
Folie 149, venstre side
Novebr
Negernes omkostninger
D 25de til Capt. og Forvalter Hederick
45.62
68
Ditto
340.60
..30de… Mad. A. Schmidt
7
.. Captain Hederick
133.72
527.2
180
Folie 152, højre side
Decbr
Negernes omkostninger
D 22de til Capt. Hederick
393.90
..31.. Höffner
22.72
.. Mad A. Schmidt
14.48
… Capt. Hederick
135.18
Ditto
37.48
603.84
180
69
St. Croix 1816
Box 5.45
Negerne (169) & Negernes omkostninger (280)
Folie 169, venstre side
Negerne
Folie
Rd
Januar 1
Til balance fra Anno 1815
..
900
..
Cassa
214
625
Martz
ditto
220
450
May
ditto
228
500
Juny
ditto
234
500
Octbr
ditto
261
400
Novbr
ditto
265
1350
4725
Højre side
Cr(?)
Pr cassa
245
350
.. Balance
345
4375
4725
Folie 214, højre side
Januar
Negerne
Folie
Rd
D 11de til M Kay & Creagh
169
625
Folie 220, højre side
Martz
Negerne
D 12de til Secretair T./P. Bach 169
450
Folie 228, højre side
May
Negerne
D 14de til Thomas Carty
169
500
169
500
D 10de til Justitsraad Mouritzen 169
400
Folie 234, højre side
Juny
Negerne
D 13de til Paul Twigg
Folie 261, højre side
October
Negere
70
Folie 265
Novebr
Negere
D 18de til Overkrigscomissaer
Rosenfeldt
169
Folie 180, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger Dt (?)
1816
Folie
Rd, Sk
Januar
Til cassa
214
561.78
Februar
ditto
217
673.30
Martz
ditto
220
280.16
April
ditto
224
773.30
May
ditto
227
65.42
Juny
ditto
234
930.84
July
ditto
244
538.60
August
ditto
249
256.66
Septbr
ditto
254
75.72
Octbr
ditto
261
406.24
Novbr
ditto
264
1208.13
Decbr
ditto
270
666.90
Capital conto for udfandte klæde foster (rester?) til de kongelige negere fra Skibet
Den unge Hendrick Capt. Morten Anderson efter factura d 4de october 1816 Rbg 1712 .. a Cours 750 …
212
356.63
Højre side
Decbr
Pr De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters conto
288
6794
Negernes omkostninger
individuelt
folie
samlet
D 10de til Overkrigscomissaer Rosenfeldt
400
31de til Madme Ann Schmidt
21
.. ditto
1
.. Capt. Hederick
139.78
280
561.78
Folie 214, højre side
Januar
Folie 217, højre side
Februar
Negernes omkostninger
D 15de til Capitain von Hederick
1.24
27de Regimentskirurg Schlegel
99.84
29de Madme Ann Schmidt
16.48
.. Captain Hederich
134.30
.. Forvalter Rosenfeldt
400
71
.. Garnisonskirurg Höffner
21.36
280
673.30
Dette siger nok noget om, hvor de er henne og hvor de bliver bragt hen hvis de er syge!
Folie 220, højre side
Martz
Negernes omkostninger
D 13de til Overkrigscommisaer Rosenfeldt
44.12
Ditto
44.12
14 Capitain Hederick
5.34
22 James Arndahl
10
31 Madme Ann Schmidt
28.12
.. Capt. von Hederick
142.18
.. John. Schmidt
6.24
280
280.16
280
773.30
Folie 224, højre side
April
Negernes omkostninger
D 8de til Capt. Hederick
417.78
20 Overkrigscommisaer Rosenfeldt
340.12
30 Madme Ann Schmidt
15.36
På dette og efterfølgende folier findes også udgifter til no 50 i Kongens Gade – kan det være det, slaverne boede? Det er
lignende poster til privatpersoner
Folie 227, højre side
May
Negernes omkostninger
D 4de til Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
28.90
14 Mad Ann Schmidt
6.22
16 Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
15.60
31 Mad Ann Schmidt
13.12
1
14.12
280
65.42
280
930.84
Folie 239, højre side
Juny
Negernes omkostninger
D 6de til Overkrigscom. og
forvalter Rosenfeldt
400
.. Kammerraad Lammers
500
30 Madame Schmidt
30.84
Folie 244, højre side
July
Negernes omkostninger
72
D16de til Regimentskirurg Schlegel
18 H. de Francis
106.6
13.12
23 Overkrigscom. Rosenfeldt
400
31 Madme Ann Schmidt
3.72
.. Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
15.66
280
538.60
280
256.66
280
75.72
280
1208.
280
666.90
Folie 249, højre side
August
Negernes omkostninger
D 31 Madame Ann Schmidt
16.48
29 Proviantforvalter Rosenfeldt
240.18
Folie 254, højre side
Septmbr
Negernes omkostninger
D 30de til Mad. A. Schmidt
.. A. L. Thorsen
19.48
28
… Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
28.24
Folie 261, højre side
October
Negernes omkostninger
D 14de til Overkrigscom. Rosenfeldt
400
.. Jiordemoder J. A. Jeger
6.24
Folie 264, højre side
November
Negernes omkostninger
D 14de til mad. A. Schmidt
.. Mad. Thorsen
10.12
2.48
.. Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
18.36
30 .. kammerraad Lammers
500
.. ditto
386.36
.. ditto
284.6
.. Madame Ann Schmidt
6.72
18
Folie 270, højre side
December
Negernes omkostninger
D 12de til overkrigs… Rosenfeldt
234.84
23 ditto
400
31 Adskillige
18.24
12 Guarnisonskirurg Höffner
13.78
73
St. Croix 1832
Box. 5.61
Negerne
31. 32. 33.
Negernes Omkostninger
200. 254.
Neger Leie
200
Folio 31
Negerne
1832
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
26
16
2
4
11.667
Januar Til Balance fra 1831
Decb: Pr. Capital Conto Fra Negeren Congo der ved døden er afgået d. 29 Juny D. a
12.48
Til Bilag Nr. 145
Capital Conto. Fra Vurdering af Negeren Amos der afskrives da denne neger af Regimentsquirurg Schlegels Attest er
Erklæret aldeles uduelig. Ved Bilag Nr. 170
200
Fra Capital Conto. Fra Vurdering af Kongsnegerne John, Peter, der ved døden er afgået d. 20. Nov 1832. Bilag Nr. 251
500
Ligeledes afskrives negeren Paulus der ved døden afgik d. 23. Septb. d.a. ved Bilaget 215
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
Balance
Ved Veierboden i Christiansted
James
1
300
Christopher
1
150
Petrus
1
450
Thomas
1
400
Ved Proviantgaarden
Charlotte
John Abraham
1
150
1
350
Albert
1
50
Schmaus?
1
500
1
400
Ved Toldopsynet
Ved Hospitalet
Joseph
Ferony?
1
400
Mody?
1
350
Flora
1
200
JohnWilliam
1
Beate
Transport
9
250
1
100
5
4.050
74
32.
71248
p. 32
Til Transport
1832 Decb. Til Transport
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
26
16
2
4
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
9
5
Susanna
4.050
1
Jacob Ravine?
31 11667. 48
450
1
100
Invalider
John
1
Hans
1
Paulus
død
Frederik
1
Arnsine?
1
August
1
250
Erlich?
1
50
Christian alias Amos
1
L. Frederiksted
Thomas ved
1
250
Daniel ved Veierboden
1
500
Ved Bageriet
og Proviantgaarden
Katrina?
1
500
Frederik
1
500
Hendrich
1
500
Eliza
1
400
Ved Hospitalet
Thomas
1
400
Margaretha
1
300
Emma
1
500
Sophia
1
500
David
1
400
Billy
1
300
Ved Fortet
Maria
1
100
Christiane
1
100
75
Transport
22
14
1
10.150
33. 712.48
Invalider
Gertrud
1
50
Johanna
1
25
Ackey
1
50
Børn
Rebecca
1
200
Johanna
1
150
John Wilhelm
1
150
Philicita
1
100
Lucretia
1
50
10.955
23
16
2
4
16
2
4
der til de for 31 til afgang
førte
3
26
11.667
Negernes omkostninger
1832
Januar
til Cassa
109
177.6
Februar
” Cassa
115
149.72
Martz
”
Cassa
126
200.54
April
”
Cassa
129
322.84
May
“
Cassa
134
479.30
Juny
“
Cassa
144
564.91
July
“
Cassa
149
495.54
August
“
Cassa
159
198.15
Septb.
“
Cassa
165
254.42
Octob.
“
Cassa
169
208.15
Novb.
“
Cassa
178
180.45
Decb.
“
Cassa
231
480.20
Transport
254
3.711.66
Decb Til Cassa
185
Capital Conto for Beløbet af 300 ... Osnabruck
64 af … 392 8/4 Qvart?
De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
2
195
4270
110
690.60
5
Transport
Negerleie.
1832
Januar
Til Cassa
76
Febr.
”
117
662.78
Marz
”
125
868.72
April
”
132
882.48
May
”
137
887.48
Juny
”
145
883.72
July
”
153
868.72
August
”
159
905
Septb.
”
167
730
Octb.
”
172
704.36
Novb.
”
176
746.24
Decb.
”
231
720.60
9.550.60
1832. Decb. Til De Kongelige
Indtægter og udgifter
195
6.625.60
Land Militaire Etaten
275
2.924
9.550.60
Negernes omkostninger
1832 Transport
200
3.711.66
Mørkeblåt klæde ifølge Factura
Af 6 Otober 1831
24
433.59
For 24 af Negertørklæder 556 alen osnabrück 11 af
Negerhatte udsendte i skibet Johanna Maria efter
Factura af 24. Maj 1832
24
126.72
4.272.5
December 1832
Til Transport
200
4.272.5
4.272.5
(Negernes omkostninger findes ikke på f. 129, 128 el 130)
Negernes Omkostninger
den 16 Til regimentsquirurg Schlegel for at have
Attesteret 26 Kongenegere i 2. Halv Aar 1831
65
” 29 ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff Husleie
”
” ” Kammerraad Erichsen
”
” ” Forvalter Kierumgaard?
” ”
” Fyhramt for Pleie
12
30
20
11.84
77
” ”
” N.P. Holm
10.84
200
149.72
Material Regnskabet
Den 29 Til
Kjøbmand M. Andersen for … …
Vogne leveret til Christiansted … …
” ”
”
440.15
Nicolas Bruun for… … … samt en
Skydeskive?
239.6
folie 125
1832
Marz Til Transport
Den 31 Til
3999.18
124
51411.80
193
5267.89
200
868.72
199
120.50
Capitain Scholten (Lønborg) for
…Gaarden
15
” ”
”
Sygehusforgaarden?
15
” ”
”
Sygevagteren
12
” ”
”
P. N. Holm for Pleie
141.60
” ”
”
Artilleriet
4.12
” ”
”
Do? for Extrapleie
34.37
” ”
”
Do efter …beregning
192.93
” ”
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
176.24
” ”
”
Do for Artilleriet
42.72
” ”
”
Do for Extrapleie
24.43
“ “
“
Do efter …beregning
609.36
“ “
“
Do for 3 Musketerer?
48.30
Den 31 ds.Til
Regieringsjurist Simmelkiær
18.72
” ” ”
”
Justitsraad Kirchoff
287.48
” ” ”
”
Kammerraad Erichsen
187.48
” ” ”
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
” ” ”
”
Kammerraad Testmann
18.72
” ” ”
”
Kammerraad Naser
56.24
” ” ”
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
” ” ”
”
Skrivemester Kierumgaard
206.24
” ” ”
”
… Didrichsen
56.24
Negerleie
Material Regnskabet
Den 31 ds Til
Kammerraad Erichsen
8.32
” ” ”
”
… for 4 Vaskeballier
12.48
” ” ”
”
Decouche ? i en Skive?
25
” ” ”
”
Do for 2 Skillerhuse?
75
Negernes Omkostninger
78
Den 31 ds Til
justitsraad Kirchhoff husleie
12
” ” ”
Kammerraad Erichsen
30
”
Transport
42
126
57.669.33
300
479.30
135
85030.48
357.37
143
114004.5
142
180311.23
187
974.59
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 ds.
Til kost Forvalter Erichsen. Forskud til
Kostpenge for Negerne
300
Den 31. ds.
Justitsraad Kirchhoffs Husleie
” ” ”
Forvalter Erichsen
”
”
12
30
” ” ” ”
Kierumgaard
20
” ” ” ”
Fyhramt for Pleie
29.6
” ” ” ”
P.N. Holm
13.12
” ” ” ”
Kierumgaard Forskud paa …
”
75.12
Se Bilag Nr. 121
Transport
Negernes Omkostninger den 25 Til H.N.
Erichsen for Klæde og Lærred til
Kongenegerne
295.37
Den 30 Til justitsraad Kirchhoff for husleie
12
”
”
Til Erichsen for do til 15 Negere
30
”
”
Til Kierumgaard for do til 10 Negere
20
Transport
S. 143
1832
Juny
Til Transport
66.74
Den 31 af
… Regierings… Simmelkier
784.30
” ”
”
Christiansteds Toldsted
83,60
” ”
”
Frederiksteds Toldsted
39.87
Den 30 af
… Hoffman ?
250
” ” ”
Justitsraad Fæster
292.93
” ” ”
Kammerraad Erichsen
117.18
” ” ”
Regimentsoff.? Worm
” ” ”
Krigsraad Bachlier
58.57
” ” ”
Regimentsoff.? Schlegel
100
” ” ”
Major v. Magens
65.10
“ “ “
-------------------------------???
Capital Conto
136.69
79
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 16. Til Negeren Waltridge for en Gave
5
Den 16. Til … … Hedmann ? for Medecinsk Tilsyn
Fra 1. April til
Md Juny
30
Transport
35
149
147514.42
200
905
200
98.18
200
208.18
Negerleie
Den 31 ds. Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Capt.?Forvalter Reumert
187.48
”
Sekrætair Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andria
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Weiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
Forvalter? Didrichsen
56.24
”
Kammerraad Testmann
18.72
”
Justitsraad kirchhoff
10
”
P.N. Holm
17.48
”
Kierumgaard
8.72
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 ds. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
”
Capt.? Forvalter Reumert
30
”
Kierumgaard
20
”
Do
89
Kostpenge
Se Bilag Nr. 196
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
19.6
”
Holm
28.12
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 15 ds. Til
L. …? For en Liigkiste til Kongenegeren
Paulus
6.25
Justitsraad Til Kirchoff for Huusleie
12
”
Reumert
30
”
Kierumgaard
22
”
L. Fyhramt Pleie
14.66
”
Kierumgaard
”
31 ds.
Kostpenge
97
( se Bilag nr. 233)
”
P.N. Holm Pleie
26.24
Negernes Omkostninger
80
Den 29 dm
Til Waltridge for at aabne En Grav
5
”
Kirchhoff for Husleie
12
”
Forvalter Reumert
30
”
Kierumgaard
22
”
do Forskud til Kostpenge
70
(se Bilag Nr. 260)
”
Do for en Liigkiste
6.24
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
11.24
N.P. Holm
24
Transport
200
180.48
179
306749.75
230
374724.50
Folie 231
1833
Decemb. Til Transport
Negerleie
Den 31 ds Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Const. Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
Overkrigscomm. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
”
Toldinspektør Aarestrup
”
Veiermester? Kierumgaard
150
”
Didrichsen
75
”
Forv. Kierumgaard
6.24
Do
18.72
P.N.Holm
14.36
”
Festmann
56.24
18,72
200
720.60
28.5
200
84.29
200
3711.66
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
”
Kasserer Reumert
30
”
Forvalter Kierumgaard
20
”
Reumert Forskud for Kostpenge
300
”
Forvalter Kierumgaard
55.84
”
Fyhramt
17.48
”
Holm
16.84
”
Const. Garnisionsqirurg Hedmann
for Tilsyn og… fra ? til dato
Negernes Omkostninger
1832 Transport
81
mørkeblaat Klæde ifølge Factura af 6 Otob. 1831
24
439.53
24
126.72
For 24 af negertørklæder 556 alen osnabrück 17 af
Negerhatte udsendt i Skibet Johanna Maria efter Factura
Af 24. May 1832
4272.5
Folio 24
1832
Negernes Omkostninger
254
453.59
Negernes Omkostninger
254
126.72
Folio 200
1832
Neger Leie
Januar
Til Cassa
110
690.60
Febr.
Til Cassa
117
662.48
Marz
Til Cassa
125
868.72
April
Til Cassa
132
882.48
May
Til cassa
137
887.48
Juny
Til Cassa
145
883.72
July
Til Cassa
153
868.72
August
Til Cassa
159
905
Septb.
Til Cassa
167
730
Octob.
Til Cassa
172
704.36
Novb.
Til Cassa
176
746.24
Decb.
Til Cassa
231
720.60
9550.60
1832
Decb.
De kongelige Indtægters og udgifters
Co.
195
6625.60
Land Militair Etaten
275
2925
9550.60
Folio 110
1832
Januar
Neger Leie
Den 31.dm
Til Regieringsraaad Pontoppidan 18.72
”
”
”
” Kammerraad Erichsen
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
187.48
82
”
” Const. Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
”
56.24
”
” Major aarestrup
18.72
”
” Forvalter Kierumgaard
150
”
” Const. Toldinspk. Didrichsen 56.24
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
”
Naser
28.12
200
690.60
Folio 117
1832
Februar
Neger Leie
Den 29 dm.
Til Regieringsraad Pontoppidan 18.72
”
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
”
Kammerraad Erichsen
187.48
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
” Major Aarestrup for en Neger 18.72
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
150
”
” Tolodinspekteur Didrichsen 56.24
200
662.48
Folio 125
1832
Marz
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm
Til Regieringsjurist Simmelkier
18.72
”
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
” Kammerraad Erichsen
187.48
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
” Const. Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 56.24
200
18.72
868.72
Folio 132
1832
April
Neger Leie
83
Den 30 dm.
Til Justitsraad Kirchoff
287.48
”
” Kammerraad Erichsen
187.48
”
” Const. Regjurist Simmelkier
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
”
56.24
”
” Major Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
” Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
56.24
”
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
13.72
”
18.72
Naser
200
882.48
137
91.845.44)
200
883.72
Folio 136
1832
May
Neger Leie d. 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
”
287.48
” P.N. Erichsen
187.48
(Transport
475
Folio 145
1832
Juny
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm.
Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
” P.N. Erichsen
187.48
”
” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
”
56.24
”
” Major Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
” Const. Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
56.24
”
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
2.48
”
” Holm for 2 Negere
12.48
Den 31 dm
Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
” H.N.Erichsen
187.48
”
18.72
Naser
Folio 153
1832
July
Neger Leie
84
”
” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier
18.72
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kasserer Festmann
18.72
”
” kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
” Major Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Forvalter Kierumgaard
206.24
”
” Const. Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
56.24
200
868.72
Folio 159
1832
August
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm.
Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
” Const. Forvalter Reumert
187.48
”
” Secretaire
18.72
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
” Overkrcommis. Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
256.24
”
” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen
56.24
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
10
”
” P.N.Holm
17.48
”
” Kierumgaard
Simmelkier
8.72
200
905
Folio 166
1833?
Septb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm.
Til Justitsraad kirchhoff
137.48
”
” Const. Forva.Reumert
187.48
”
” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier
Transport
18.72
343.72
167
254.505.82
17
166
293025.22
219
23.80
Folio 167
1832
Septb.
Til Transport
A.L. Prendergrast?
2.10
E.F. Gordon
4.70
85
Folio 171
1832
Octob.
Neger Leie
Den 31. dm.
Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
” Const. Forvalter Reumert
187.48
”
” Reg.jurist Simmelkier
18.72
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kamerraad Festmann
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Naser
56.24
Transport
437.48
172
286382.12
Folio 176
1832
Novb.
Neger Leie
Den 15
Til const Toldinspekteur Didrichsen
12.48
Den 30
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
” const. Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
” Regieringsjur.? Simmelkier
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
” Overkr.coms. Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Veiermestser Kierumgaard
”
” Const. Toldinsp. Didrichsen 56.24
“
“ Forvalter Kierumgaard
18.72
“
“ Do
18.72
“
“ P.N. Holm
15
”
” Const. Toldinsp. Didrichsen 18.72
200
Den 31 dm.
Til Justitsraad
137.48
”
” const. Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
” Reg.jurist Simmelkier
18.72
”
” Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
” Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
18.72
150
746.24
Folio 231
1833?
Decemb.
Neger Leie
Kirchhoff
86
”
”
”
Naser
56.24
”
” Overkr.coms. Aarestrup
18.72
”
” Veiermester Kierumgaard
150
”
” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen
75
“
“ Forv. Kierumgaard
6.24
”
”
Do
18.72
”
” P. N. Holm
14.36
200
720.60
87
St. Croix 1833
Box 5.62
Negerne
30 31 32
Negernes Omkostninger
230 289
Neger Leie
241
Negerne
Folio 30 v.
1833
Januar
Decb
Til Balance fra A: 1832
23 16 2 4
1
10.955
Capital conto for Beløbet som Negerpigen Johanne
Er solgt for højere end Vurderingssummen
295
Et Pigebarn født i Frederiksted
50
1
Folio 30 h.
1833
August
Octob.
Decb.
Til Cassa for Johanne
(Se Bilag Nr. 202)
168
200
”
(Se Bilag Nr. 215)
183
225
21
300
Cassa for katharine
Capitalconto for Værdien af Negerinden Margarethe der forhen har
været ansat ved Hospitalet i Frederiksted som afskrives da hun er opført
Paa …? Listen ved Bilag format? Nr 220
Capitalconto for Værdien af Negerinden Catherine mindre indbragt
End vurderet til.
275
Negerinden Charlotte der er anset som Invalid
150
274
Drenge
Piger
Balance
Mænd
Quinder
425
ved Veierboden
James?
1
300
Christopher
1
150
Petrus
1
450
Thomas
1
400
John Abraham
1
350
Joseph
1
400
Ved Hospitalet
88
Farony
1
400
Molly
1
350
Flore
1
200
Beate
1
100
John William
1
Susanne
250
1
Jacob Ravine?
450
1
100
Ved Toldopsynet
Chmauz
1
500
Invalider
Charlotte
1
Albert
1
Transport
9
50
6
1
4.450 31
1150
Folio 31 h.
1833
Decemb
Til Transport
23
16 2 5
Til Transport
23 16 2 5
30
11005
Folio 31 v.
1833
Decemb.
30
11005
Folio 31 h.
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Til Transport
9
6
1
Ellich
1
Piger
4450 30
1150
50
Christian
Alias Amos
1
John Gibbs
1
Hans
1
August
Fredrick
250
1
Arnsine
1
L.? Frederiksted
Ved Veierboden
Thomas
1
250
Daniel
1
500
Frederik
1
500
Billy
1
500
89
Henrick
1
300
( F. B. H Ansatte ifølge Regierings Befal.? 15 Aug 1833)
Ved Hospitalet
Eliza
1
400
Emma
1
500
Thomas
1
Sophia
400
1
David
500
1
400
Marie
1
100
Christiane
1
100
Børn
Rebecca
(Emmas Datter)
1
200
50
1
150
-
100
150
50
-
John William
(Marias Søn)
Phillippa
(Sophies dt.)
1
Lucretia
(Sophies Datter)
1
Ann Elizabeth
(Eliz. Datter)
Transport
22
12
2
1
-
50
4
9700
32
1150
Folio 32 v.
Decemb. Til Transport
23
16
2
5
23
16
2
5
22
12
2
4
31
11005
11005
Folio 32 h
Decb.
Til Transport
9700
31
1150
Invalider
Margareth
1
Gertrude
1
80
Johanne
1
25
Ashy
1
23
dertil er fol? 30 Afgang førte
50
15
1
23
2
4
9855 299
9855
1
16
2
5
11005
Folio 230 v.
1833
90
Negernes Omkostninger
Januar
Til Cassa
ved Bilag Nr. 30. 54. 48.
110
263.36
Febru.
” Cassa
ved Bilag Nr. 52. rv. 106.
117
199.60
Marz
“ Cassa
ved Bilag Nr. 30. rv. 54. 48.
123
470.60
April
“ Cassa
ved Bilag Nr.71. 300 rv. 72. 75. 48. 105.
135
193.48
May
“ Cassa
ved Bilag Nr. 128. 86. 12.
140
188.48
Juny
“ Cassa
148
129.48
July
“ Cassa
154
238.70
August
“ Cassa
Septb.
“
Cassa
October
“
Novb.
Decemb.
ved Bilag Nr 163. 69. 72.
“
“
Nr 186 80
163
254.31
“
Nr 207 362 10
170
453.58
Cassa
178
525.31
“
Cassa
190
321.22
“
Cassa
200
280.4
Land Militair etaten for Pleie …? Til negere I decemb.
229
127.72
Til Transport
283
3.346.12
“
Folio 330 h
1833
Septb.
Decb.
Til Cassa
169
13
265
861.3
Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af syge Kongenegere
Ansatte til Brug ved det Militaire samt udleveret Rugmel, udbetalte
Kostpenge & Huusleie til do do. Ved Bilag Nr 326 & 327.
Land Militaire Etaten for udleveret Rugmel i 1. ste. Halvaar 1833.
Klædningsstykker for hele Aaret, Syeløn , Kostpenge fra 1. md Januar
Til Ultimo August ved Bilag Nr 324
361.2
For do do til Kongenegerne i Frederiksted i 1. ste
Halvaar 1833 ved Bilag Nr 324.
590.81
266
Transport
951.83
283
1825.86
230
3646.12
274
87.10
Folio 283 v.
1833
Decemb.
Til Transport
Capital Conto for 400 alen Osnabrück og 36 Ng? Negertørklæder
Udsendt til Frederiksteds Magazin med Skibet Johanna Marie ifølge
Factura af27 Septemb. 1833
Ditto for Beløbet af 25 alen Lærred, 500 alen Osnabrück, 17
Negerhatte, 24 Ng. Tørklæder udsendt med Skibet Johanna Marie,
91
Capit. Christmass? Ifølge Factura af 28. Septemb 1833.
274
124.31
3.857.53
Folio 283 h.
1833
Decb.
Til Transport
230
1825.86
De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Co.
221
2031.63
3857.53
Folio 241 v
1833
Januar
Til Cassa
113
700
Febru.
”
Cassa
118
717.45
Marz
“ Cassa
126
863.72
April
“ Cassa
135
855
May
“
Cassa
140
966.84
Juny
“
Cassa
148
890
July
“ Cassa
159
709.36
August
“ Cassa
167
643.72
Septb.
“ Cassa
17.4
437,45
Octob.
“ Cassa
181
448.78
Novb.
“ Cassa
189
444.36
Deceb.
“ Cassa
198
446.24
229
337.48
Til Land Militair Etaten Leien af tre negere fra 1. Januar til md. Juny
8460.60
Folio 241 h
1833
Decb.
Til Land Militair Etaten for Leie af Negere til de Kongelige …? i
Christiansted og Frederiksted for 1. Halvaar 1833 efter GeneralGouvernements Resolution af 29. Juny 1833. Ved Bilag 330.
265
1462.48
Folio 230 v
1833
Januar
Til Cassa
Febru.
” Cassa
Marz
April
ved Bilag Nr.
30 54 48
110
263.36
“
52 106
117
199.60
” Cassa
“
30 54 48
123
470.60
” Cassa
“
71 300 72 75 48 105
135
193.48
92
May
” Cassa
“
128 86 12
140
188.48
Juny
” Cassa
“
148
129.48
July
” Cassa
“
163 69 72
154
238.70
August
” Cassa
”
186 80
163
254.31
Septb.
” Cassa
207 362 10
170
453.58
Octb.
” Cassa
178
525.31
Novb.
” Cassa
190
321.22
Decemb.
” Cassa
200
280.4
”
Til Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af do do til Negere i Decemb.
229
Til Transport
127.72
283
3646.12
169
13
265
861.3
Folio 330 h
1833
Septb.
Decb.
Til Cassa
Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af syge Kongenegere
Ansatte til Brug ved det Militaire samt udleveret Rugmel, udbetalte
Kostpenge & Huusleie til do do. Ved Bilag Nr 326 & 327.
Land Militaire Etaten for udleveret Rugmel i 1. ste. Halvaar 1833.
Klædningsstykker for hele Aaret, Syeløn , Kostpenge fra 1. md Januar
Til Ultimo August ved Bilag Nr 324
361.2
For do do til Kongenegerne i Frederiksted i 1. ste
Halvaar 1833 ved Bilag Nr 324.
590.81
266
951.83
Transport
283
1825.86
De Kongelige Indtægters og udgifters Conto
221
6998.12
8460.60
Folio 110
1833
Januar
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 21 dm til Regimentsqirurg. Schlegel for at have
Attesteret 25 Kongenegere i 2. Halvaar 1832
62.48
Den 21. do til Kjøbmand Andersen for 104 allen Klæde
65
Den 31 do til følgende Huusleie Kirchhoff
12
Reumert
30
Kierumgaard
20
Do Kostpenge
54.48
93
Fyhramt for Pleie til syge Kongenegere i …?
19.36
Til Transport
230
263.36
111
8.638.66
230
199.60
230
470.60
230
193.48
Folio 117
1833
Febru.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 14 dm Til N.P. Holm for Pleie til syge
Kongenegere i Januar
4.12
Den 28 Til justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie
12
”
Reumert
”
30
”
Kierumgaard
”
20
”
Fyhramt Pleie
17.48
”
Do i Frederiksted
10
”
Kierumgaard Kostpenge
106
Folio 123
1833
Marz
Den 18 Til
J…? Hansen
5
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
31 ”
”
Ludv. Reumert
30
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
20
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
21.24
”
Do
Do
6.84
”
Reumert Kostpenge
300
”
Kierumgaard
75.48
Folio 135
1833
April
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 Til efter…? Huusleie Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
Const. Forvalter Reumert
30
” Kierumgaard
20
” Fyhramt Pleie
31.24
Do Do i Frederiksted
Do Stopmann for Medicamenter i 1. Quartal
“ Kierumgaard Kostpenge
2.48
28.72
69
94
Huusleie den 30. Til Forvalter Kierumgaard
241
50
230
188.48
241
50
230
129.48
149
176384.29
230
238.70
Folio 140
1833
May
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
”
Forvalter Reumert
30
”
Kierumgaard
20
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
36.90
”
Do
3.42
”
Kierumgaard
Kostpenge
86.12
Huusleie Den 31 Til Kierumgaard
Folio 148
1833
Juny
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
12
”
L. Reumert
30
”
Kierumgaard
20
”
Hedmann for Tilsyn
28.72
”
Fyhramt for Pleie
1.24
”
Do
37.48
Transport
Folio 134
1833
July
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 22 dm Til Const. Forvalter Kierumgaard Kostpenge
Den 31
69.72
Regimentquir. Schlegel for Medicamenter for 1 st. Halvaar 1833 60
”
L.G. Fyhramt for Brød
31.61
”
Do for do i Frederiksted
33.87
”
Do for Pleie
38.72
”
Do Do i Frederiksted
4.66
95
Folio 163
1833
july
August
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 19 dm Til const. Veiermester Kierumgaard
Til at udbetale Kostpenge
80
Den 31
31.42
Fyhramt for Brød
”
ditto
do i Frederiksted
”
ditto
do paa Hospitalet 38.72
“
ditto for Pleie
8.12
ditto Justitsraad Kirchhoff
24
“
32.1
Kierumgaard for July & August 40
230
254.31
170
263104.33
169
363351.39
Folio 169
1833
Septb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 16 dm Til L.R. Reumert Beløbet … …?som er
Indbragt i Huusleie, Kostpenge og Syeløn fra
… …)
362.10
Den 30 dm Til Fyhramt Huusleie
20
”
Do Pleie for syge Kongenegere
i Chr. og Frest.
59.48
Transport
441.58
Folio 170 v
1833
Septb.
Til Transport
Debitorer Den 16 dm Af.?
Capitain Scholten
230
2000?
“
Den 26 dm ”
Kammerjunker Koefoed for August
231
3.48
”
den 30 dm ”
Overkrigsinspkt Hansen
79
12.48
”
”
Krigsraad Badulier?
74
19.51
”
”
Overkrigscomm. Hansen
79
27.75
”
”
Lietenant Hahn
”
”
Forvalter Kierumgaard
217
50
”
”
P.L. Müller
219
12.48
”
”
P.G.Fyhramt
48
150
68
12.36
96
”
”
Overkrcomm. Kaalund
92
29.16
”
”
Overlærer Møller
89
25
”
”
Fuldmægtig Mørch
88
25
”
”
”
Reimer
231
15
”
”
”
Simmelkier
62
37.48
”
”
Bogholder Andrea
47
37.48
”
”
H. de Francis
218
75
”
”
P.K. Bagger
232
78.12
”
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
”
”
Do
217
350
”
”
Major Lønborg
”
”
Capitain v. Gyllich
63
25
“
“
Capitain v. Giellerup
23
50
“
“
Lieutenant v. Warding?
220
12.48
“
“
…forstander Fyhramt
48
400
“
“
Agnes Smith
232
48
“
“
Mm? Wallace med R. smith
87
120.54
“
“
Kammerjunker Koefoed
231
5
94
100
Folio 178
1833
octob.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 dm. Til
…? Forstander Fyhramt Huusleie
til Kongenegerne i Septb.
”
10
do for udleveret Rugmel og udbetalte
Kostpenge i christianstd
92.75
”
do for do do til Frederiksted
95.18
Den 31 dm Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere
”
12
Do Hedmann for Tilsyn og
Medicamenter i 3. Quartal
”
28.32
Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge til
Negerne i Christiansted
96.44
”
do til do i Frederiksted
94.30
”
do Huusleie til do i Christiansted 8
”
do do til do i Frederiksted
”
do for Pleie til do i Christiansted 54.24
“
do for do I Frederikstd
20
14
230
525.31
97
Folio 190 v
1833
Novb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm. Til
Justitsraaad Kirshhoff Huusleie
Til 6 Kongenegere
”
12
Fyhramt for Pleie til ansatte ved det
Militaire
39.36
”
do for do til christst.
4.78
“
do Huusleie til Kongenegerne i
Frederiksted
“
16
do for do som er ansatte ved
det Militaire
”
4
do for Meel og kostpenge til Negerne
i Frederiksted
54.73
”
do for ansatte ved det Militaire
58.13
”
do for ansatte ved do i Christiansted
31.89
“
do do til Kongenegerne I Christianssted
79.9
“
do Huusleie til do
8
“
do Plei til do
13.12
230
Transport
191
321.22
350287.37
Folio 200
1833
decb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm. Til det militaire Depot for Syeløn til de Kongl.
Negere for 2 …?
”
43.48
Regimenstqr. Worm for Tilsyn og Medicamenter
for 4 Quartal
26.24
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til 6 kongenegere 12
”
Fyhramt for udleveret Brød og udbetalte Kostpenge til
Negerne i Christiansted
67.69
”
do for do i Frederiksted
46.85
”
do Pleie til Negerinden Emma
”
do til Arnesina
”
do huusleie til 4 Kongenegere i Frederiksted
”
do til 8 do i Christiansted
6.12
13.54
8
16
98
“
Fyhramt til Syeløn for 2 ,,,?
40
230
Transport
280.4
201
397263.53
230
3646.12
274
87.10
Folio 283 v.
1833
Decemb.
Til Transport
Capitalo Conto for 400 alen osnabrück og 36 stk Negertørklæder
Udsendt til Frederiksted Magasin med Skibet Johanna
Marie ifølge Factura af 27 dm. Septb. 1833
Ditto for Beløbet af 25 alen Lærred 500 alen osnabrück , 17
Negerhatte, 24 stk Tørklæder udsendt med Skibet Johanna Marie
Capit. Christmass, ifølge Factura af 28 dm Septemb. 1833
274
124.31
3857.53
Folio 283 h.
Decemb.
1833
Til Transport
230
1825.86
De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Co.
221
2031.63
3857.53
Folio 174 v
1833
Decb.
Negernes Omkostninger
283
87.10
Ditto
283
124.31
Ditto
Folio 241 v
1833
januar
Neger Leie
Januar
Til
Cassa
113
700
Febru.
“
Cassa
118
717.45
Martz
“
Cassa
126
863.76
April
“
Cassa
135
855
May
“
Cassa
140
966.84
Juny
“
Cassa
148
890
July
“
Cassa
159
709.36
August
“
Cassa
167
643.72
Septb.
“
Cassa
174
437.45
Octob.
“
Cassa
181
448.72
99
Novb.
“
Cassa
189
444.36
Decb.
“
Cassa
198
446.24
229
337.48
Land Militair Etaten Leien af 3 negere fra 1. Januar
Til mt. Juny
8460.60
Folio 241 v.
1833
Decb.
Neger Leie
Til Land Militair Etaten for Leie af Negere til de kongelige
Magasiner i christiansted og Frederiksted for 1.
Halvaar 1833 efter Generalgourvernements Resolution
Af 29 Juny 1833 ( Bilag 330)
265
De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
221
1462.48
6998.12
8460.60
Folio 113 v.
1833
Januar
Neger leie
Den 31 dm Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
Secret.? Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Festmann
18.72
”
”
Naser
56.24
”
Overkrigs.Com. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
150
”
Const.Toldinspt.Didrichsen
75
”
Forv. Kierumgaard
18.72
Til Transport
241
700
114
17886.62
Folio 118
1833
Februar
Neger Leie
Den 14 dm Til P.N.Holm leie af Negere i stedet for syge
Kongenegere i Januar
6.84
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for 6 Negere og en
Opsynsmand.
137.48
”
L. Reumert for 10 do af do
187.48
”
N.C. Simmelkier
18.72
100
”
P.C. Andrea
18.72
”
Kraad.? Festmann
18.72
”
”
“
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard
150
“
Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
75
”
Kierumgaaard Leie af en Neger i stedet
Naser
56.24
for Eliza
”
9.36
Fyhramt for 2 istedet for syge, som ere
ansatte ved Hospitalet.
20
241
717.48
241
863.72
Folio 126
1833
Martz
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Cst. Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
Cst. Regieringsraad? Simmelkier 18.72
”
Cst. Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
56.24
”
”
Festmann
18.72
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
168.72
”
Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
75
”
P.G. Fyhramt
13.72
Folio 134
1833
April
Neger Leie Den 30 Til Justitsr. Kirchhoff
287.48
Transport
287.48
114973.49
Folio 140
1833
May
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Const. Kasserer Reumert
187.48
”
Veiermest. Simmelkier
18.72
101
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Festmann
12.48
”
”
Naser
43.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
18.72
“
Overkrscomms. Aarestrup
18.72
“
Toldinspekt. Didrichsen
75
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
samt for …? …? Martz og April 75
”
Fyhramt
4.36
241
966.84
241
890
Folio 148
1833
juny
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til
justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Const. Forvalter Reumert
187.48
”
N.C. Simmelkier
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
206.24
”
Const. Inspekteur Didrichsen
75
”
Fyhramt
2.48
18.72
Folio 159
1833
July
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Fyhramt Leie i stedet for syge
Kongenegere
9.36
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secretair Simmelkær
18.72
”
Const. Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Oberstlt. De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
150
”
Inspkt. Didrichsen
75
102
”
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
241
709.36
241
643.72
241
437.48
Folio 167
1833
August
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secr. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
93,72
”
Toldinspkt. Didrichsen
75
”
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
Folio 174
1833
Septb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Secr. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogh. Andrea
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Kamr. Naser
18.72
”
Overkrc. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Kierumgaard
37.48
”
Didrichsen
75
”
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
Folio 181
1833
Octob.
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Secrt. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerrad Naser
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Major Aarestrup
18.72
103
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard
37.48
“
Inspekteur Didrichsen
75
“
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
“
Do
11.24
241
448.72
Folio 189
1833
Novb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraaad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Const Regieringssecret. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Toldinspkt. Didrichsen
75
”
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
”
Do Leie af en Neger i stedet for Emma
som har været syg fra 1. til 11.
6.84
”
Major Aarestrup
18.72
”
Const Veiermester Kierumgaard 37.48
241
Den 31 Til
Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Secret. Simmelkier
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Const. Kasserer Naser
18.72
”
Oberstl. De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrcomm. Aarestrup
18.72
444.36
Folio 197
1833
Decb
Neger Leie
Transport
268.72
198
391313.72
104
St. Croix 1834
Box 5.63
Negerne
Fo: 28, 29, 30
Negernes Omkostninger
Fo: 235, 236
Negerlei
Fo: 221
Folio 28 h.
1834
Januar
Til balance for Anno 1833
1
988.55
280
50
Capital Conto for dette beløb som er Kjøbesummen af … barn
Lucretia Vergenia
Et Drenge Barn kaldet Jacob Constabell en Søn af
Negerinden Sophie
Fra Anno 1833 Mænd
Transport
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
23
16
2
4
23
16
2
5
29
9905
255
50
Folio 28 v.
1834
December 31
Pr. Cassa Kjøbesummen for Barnet Lucretia Virgenia
Balance
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge Piger
James
1
300
… Veierboden 1
150
Petrus
1
450
Thomas
1
400
John Abraham 1
350
Joseph
400
Christoffer
Ved Hospitalet
1
Faroney
1
400
Molly
1
350
John William
1
250
Jacob Ravine
1
100
Ved Toldopsynet
Chemaux
1
500
Invalider
Charlotte
1
“
105
Albert
1
50
Ellich
1
50
alias Amos
1
“
John gibbes
1
“
Hans
1
“
August
1
250
Frederik
1
“
Christian
Arnesine
1
“
Beate
1
100
Flora
1
200
Susanne
1
450
I Frederiksted
Ved Veierboden
Thomas
1
250
Daniel
1
500
Fredrik
1
510
Transport
18
7
29
16
2
5
Til Transport
18
7
1
-
Hendrik
1
500
Billy
1
300
1
0
6800
29
50
28
9905
28
50
Folio 29 h.
1834
Decemb.
Til Transport
Folio 29 v.
1834
Decb. 31
6000
Ved
Hospitalet
Eliza
1
400
Emma
1
500
Thomas
1
Sophie
David
400
1
1
500
400
Marie
1
100
Christiane
1
100
106
Rebecca
(Emmas Barn)
1
200
John William
(Marias Søn)
1
150
Philippa
(Sophias Datter)
1
100
1
50
Lucretia
(Sophias Datter)
Anna Elisabeth
(Elnas Datter)
1
“
Invalider
Margaret
1
“
Gertrude
1
80
Johanne
1
85
Akoy
1
50
Balance
290
29
15
2
4
9855
9855
9905
Folio 235
Negernes Omkostninger
1834
January
Til
Cassa
122
244.92
Februarie
“
Cassa
129
216.51
Martie
“
Cassa
139
198.45
April
“
Cassa
146
163.70
Maie
“
Cassa
154
211.50
Junie
“
Cassa
163
304.55
Julie
“
Cassa
172
202.48
August
“
Cassa
133
227.60
September
“
Cassa
194
228.70
October
“
Cassa
205
223.11
November
“
Cassa
207
200.78
December
“
Cassa
257
511.52
2934.10
Folio 235 h.
1834
Decb. 31 Pr
De Kongl Indt. Og udg. Conto
240
2934.10
Folio 230 v
107
1834
Januarie
Til
Cassa
122
2276.37
Februarie
”
Cassa
130
2276.37
Martie
Cassa
134
7478.37
April
Cassa
145
2459.69
Maie
Cassa
149
2839.5
Junie
Cassa
156
7211.69
Julie
Cassa
169
2584.69
August
Cassa
181
2584.69
September
Cassa
189
6861.69
October
Cassa
200
2584.69
November
Cassa
209
2584.69
December
Cassa
260
7145.5
48887.28
Do Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capital Conto for Beløbet af Facturaen over de med Skibet
Foreningen Capt. Rønne udsendt Lamber?
280
101.54
Folio 236 h
1834
Decb. 31 Pr. De Kongl. Indtæg. og udg. Conto
288
101.54
Folio 221 v
1834
Neger Leie
Januarie
Til
Cassa
129
437.48
Februarie
”
Cassa
130
437.48
Martie
Cassa
138
660
April
Cassa
147
643.72
Maie
Cassa
154
727.18
Junie
Cassa
162
718.72
Julie
Cassa
174
718.72
August
Cassa
183
729.61
September
Cassa
193
522.48
October
Cassa
204
513.72
November
Cassa
215
520.60
December
Cassa
265
512.48
7142.43
Folio 221 h
108
1834
Decb. 31 Pr. De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
240
7142.43
Negernes Omkostninger
Folio 235 v
January
Til
Cassa
122
244.92
Februarie
”
Cassa
129
216.51
Martie
Cassa
139
198.45
April
Cassa
146
163.70
Maie
Cassa
154
211.50
Junie
Cassa
163
304.55
Julie
Cassa
172
202.48
August
Cassa
133
227.60
September
Cassa
194
228.70
October
Cassa
205
223.11
November
Cassa
207
200.78
December
Cassa
257
511.52
2934.10
Folio 235 h.
1834
Decb. 31 Pr
De Kongl. Indt. og udg. Conto
240
2934.10
Folio 122 v
1834
Januarie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 23 dm Til
Regimentsqierurg Schlegel Tilsyn
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie
”
P.G.Fyhramt for Pleie I Chrst.
20.12
”
Ditto for Huusleie for Negere i Fredst.
16
”
Ditto
8
”
Ditto for udleveret Meel og udbetalte
Ditto
57.48
12
Chr.
Kostpenge for Negere i Fredst. 54.72
”
Ditto for ditto til Ditto i Chrst.
76.56
235
244.92
Folio 129
1834
Februarie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
109
Kongenegerne
”
12
Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne i Chrst.
60.22
”
Ditto til Ditto i Frederiksted
45.17
”
Ditto Huusleie til ditto
16
”
Ditto ditto til ditto Christianst
8
“
Ditto ditto til Pleie Syge dds.?
24.48
”
Ditto Det militaire Depot for Brød til
Kongenegerne
50.60
235
215.57
235
198.45
235
163.70
Folio 140
1834
Martii
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie for 6
Kongenegere
”
12
Regimentsqirurg Worm for Tilsyn og
Medicamenter til kongenegerne i
Frederiksted
”
26.24
P.G. Fyhramt for Kostpenge til Kongenegerne i Christiansted
60.40
”
Ditto Frederiksted
45.17
”
Ditto Huusleie til ditto i ditto
16
”
Ditto ditto Christiansted
8
”
Ditto Pleie til ditto ditto
25.36
“
Ditto ditto Frederiksted
5.24
Folio 147
1834
April
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
Kongenegerne
”
12
P.G. Fyhramt til Pleie til syge Kongenegere i Christiansted
13.12
”
Ditto Kostpenge og Brød til ditto67.69
”
Ditto ditto Frederiksted
”
Ditto Huusleie for ditto i ditto
”
Ditto ditto for ditto i Christiansted
46.85
16
8
110
Folio 155
1834
Maie
Negernes omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
Kongenegerne
”
12
P.G. Fyhramt for meel og Kostpenge til
ditto i Christiansted
95.9
”
Ditto for ditto i Frederiksted
50.77
“
Ditto huusleie til ditto I ditto
16
”
Ditto ditto i Christiansted
14
“
Ditto Pleie til Syge ditto
13.51
”
Ditto ditto Frederiksted
10.6
235
211.50
42
164
194.342.27
78.13
235
90.13
172
Folio 163
1834
Junii
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie
Til Kongenegerne
”
”
12
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
do til do Christianstsed
14
ditto ditto i Frederiksted
16
Folio 171
1834
Julie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie
12
”
P.G.Fyhramt for Brød og Smør? til
Kongenegerne I Christiansted samt
Kostpenge
Til Transport
275.974.34
Folio 183
!834
August
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for denne måneds
Huusleie for 6 kongenegere
12
111
”
Jordemoderen for at forløse Negerinden
Sophie med et Drengebarn.
”
5
P.G.Fyhramt for leveret Brød og Smør
til kongenegerne i Christiansted 91.25
”
Ditto for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
”
Ditto for Huusleie til ditto i ditto 14
”
Ditto for ditto til ditto i Christiansted
“
Ditto for ditto til de paa Petersfarm
indlagte syge Kongenegere i denne Md
”
48.65
16
27.12
Ditto for indlagte syge Kongenegere
i Frederiksteds Hospital i d M.
13.54
235
227.60
Folio 194
1834
September
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for Huusleie dm.
12
”
P.G. Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge
77.90
”
Ditto ditto i Frederiksted
44.64
”
Ditto Huusleie til de i Chr.
14
”
Ditto ditto i Fredk.
16
”
Ditto for Syge ditto paa Petersfarm
27.12
“
Ditto ditto I Frederiksted
13.12
“
Regimentsqirurg Worm for Tilsyn med
Kongenegerne i Frederik. i 3. Quartal.
26.84
235
2
235
2
207
228.70
Folio 206
1834
October
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 Til
Konge Neger Albert for Huusleie for Octb.
Transport
375.470.42
Folio 257
1834
December
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 18 Til
P.G.Fyhramt Beløb af Regning for Syeløn
Til Kongens Neger i Christianstd. I 2.
Termin d aa.
45.48
112
”
Ditto ditto ditto I Frederiksted for
ditto
Den 31 Til
40
Veiermester Kirchhoff, Huusleie for
Kongenegerne i Christianst.
”
12
Det Militaire Depot for indkiøbt
Klædningsstykker til Kongenegerne paa
St Croix
”
79.6
P.G. Fyhramt for udleveret Brød og
Kostpenge til Kongenegerne i Christianst.
I Decb.
”
78.12
Ditto for ditto og ditto til ditto i Frederiksted dm.
”
41.64
Ditto for Huusleie for Kongenegerne i
i Christiansted i December.
”
Ditto for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted i
ditto
”
16
16
Ditto for syge kongenegere indlat på
Hosp. Petersfarm.
27.12
235
1355.26?
Til Transport
355.46
258
479.330.24
355.46
257
479.330.24
235
511.52
Folio 258
1834
December
Til Transport
Den 31 Til
P.G.Fyhramt Hans Regning for Indlagte
Syge Kongenegere på Frederiksteds
Hosptal
”
13.54
Regimentsqirurg Worm for at attestere
Kongenegerne i Frederiksted for 4
”
Quartal d.aa.
27.48
”
Regimentsqirurg Schlegel for at attestere do i Christiansted i dette Aar.
115
Folio 221
1834
Neger Leie
Januari
Til
Cassa
123
437.48
Februari
“
Cassa
130
437.48
Cassa
138
660.
Martie
113
April
Cassa
147
643.72
Maie
Cassa
154
727.18
Junie
Cassa
162
718.72
Julie
Cassa
174
718.72
August
Cassa
183
729.61
Septemb.
Cassa
193
522.48
Octob.
Cassa
204
513.72
Novemb.
Cassa
215
520.60
Decemb.
Cassa
265
512.48
7.142.43
1834
Decemb. 31 Pr De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
242
7.142.43
Folio 123
1834
Januarii
Negerleie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.42
”
Secretair Petersen
18,72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Erichsen
18.72
”
Oberstliutienant De Neilly
56.24
”
Toldinspecteur Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
37.48
”
Overkrigsinspecteur Didrichsen 75
”
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
56.24
221
437.48
221
437.48
Folio 130
1834
February
Negerleie
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
137.48
”
Secretair Petersen
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaaard
37.48
”
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen
75
”
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
56.24
114
Folio 139
1834
Martz
Negerleie
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secretair Petersen
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard
93.72
“
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen
75
“
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
“
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
8.72
“
P.G. Fyhramt
7.48
221
660
141
92175.37
221
643.72
149
114.541.21
Folio 142
1834
Martii
Pr Transport
Folio 148
1834
April
Negerleie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secretair Petersen
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
56.24
”
Toldkasserer? Aarestrup
18.72
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard
93.72
“
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen
75
“
P.G. Fyhramt
56.24
Til Transport
Folio 154
1834
Maii
Negerleie
115
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secretair Petersen
18.72
”
bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
56.24
”
Toldkasserer Aarestrup
18.72
Transport
418.72
155
132.228.39
221
718.72
175
280.821.86
Folio 163
1834
Junii
Negerleie
Den 30 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff
287.48
”
Secretair Petersen
18.72
”
Bogholder Andrea
18.72
”
Kammerraad Naser
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
56.24
”
Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
18.72
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
93.72
”
Inspecteur Didrichsen
75
”
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
112.48
”
Veiermester Kierumgaard
18.72
Folio 174
1834
Julii
Negerleje
Den 31 Til
Constituret Veiermester Kierumgaard,
Leie af en Neger i d m i stedet for en
syg kongeneger
”
18.72
Justitsraad Kirchhoff, for en opsynsmand ved Vægten
25
Transport
43.72
Folio 182
1834
August
Negerleie
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en OpsynsMand ved Vægten
25
116
”
Ditto for 14 Negere ved ditto 262.48
”
Regieringsecretair Petersen
for et Bud ved Secretariatet
”
287.48
18.72
Constitueret Bogholder Reumert for et
ditto ved Bogholdercontoiret
18.72
”
Toldkasserer Naser for et ditto
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly for 1 do ved
Contoiret en ditto ved M…? og en ditto
Ved Tolbodbaaden
”
56.24
Toldkasserer Aarestrup for et do ved
Contoiret.
”
18.72
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen for et ditto
ved Contoiret et ditto ved Sydside
Vagthuuset og to ved Toldbodbaaden
”
Veiermester Kierumgaad for 5 do ved
Veierboden
”
93.72
P.G.Fyhramt Leie af 3 Negere ved
Hospitalet
”
75
56.24
Ditto Leie af 3 Negere ved
Hospitalet Petersfarm I
I stedet for de 3 Afstaaede?
Kongenegere
56.24
Transport
112.48
221
700
183
295.753.45
182
389.706.80
Folio 183 v.
1834
August
Til Transport
Folio 193
1834
September
Negerleie
Den 30 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Neger
ved Vægten
25
”
Ditto for ditto ved ditto
112.48
”
Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 do
til Secretariatet
”
18.72
Const. Bogh. Reumert for 1 do ved
Contoiret
18.72
117
“
Const. Toldkasserer Naser for 1 do
”
Toldinspecteur Obertslietenant
de Neilly for 3 ditto
“
56.24
Toldkasserer Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
for 1 ditto
”
18.72
Constitueret Toldinspecteur Didrichsen
for 4 ditto
”
18.72
75
Constitueret Veiermester Kierumgaard
for 2 ditto
37.48
”
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 6 ditto
112.48
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff Leie for en Neger
i stedet for en syg ditto
”
1.24
P.G.Fyhramt for 1 do i stedet for en syg
Konge Negerinde
”
8.72
Constituret Veiermester Kierumgaard
Leie for en do i stedet for en do 18.72
221
522.48
Folio 203
1834
October
Negerleie
Den 31 Til
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten
25
Transport
25
204
374.038.73
Folio 214
1834
November
Negerleie
Den 30 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for
en Opsynsmand Ved Vægten 25
6 Negere ved Ditto
”
112.48
Regieringssecretair Petersen for
1 til Contoiret
”
18.72
Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser for 1 do
ved ditto
”
18.72
Const. Bogh. Reumert for 1 do ved
ditto
”
137.48
18.72
Toldinspecteur de Neilly for 1 do ved do
1 do ved Nordside Vagthuus og 1 do
118
ved Toldbodbaaden
”
56.24
Toldkasserer Overkrigscommissair
Aarestrup for 1 do ved Contoiret
”
18.72
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved do
og 1 ved Sydside Vagthuus og 2 do ved
Toldbodbaaden
”
75
Constitueret Veiermester Kierumgaard for
2 do ved Veierboden
Transport
37.48
221
381.24
215
389.901.49
Folio 264
1834
December
Negerleie
Den 31 Til
”
Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten
25
Og 6 Negere ved ditto
112.48
Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 Neger
ved Contoiret
”
18.72
Const. Bogholder Reumert for 1 do ved
Contoiret
”
137.48
18.72
Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser
221
Transport
175
265
499.052.26
175
265
499.052.26
Folio 265 h
1834
December
Pr Transport
For 1 do ved Contoiret
Den 31 Til
18.72
Toldinspecteur de Neilly for 1 do ved do
1 do ved Nordside Vagthuus 1 do ved
Toldbodbaaden
”
56.24
Toldkasserer Overkrigscommissair AareStrup for 1 do ved Constitueret ToldInspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved do, 1 do
Ved Sydside Vagthuus og 2 do ved ToldBodbaaden
”
Constit. Veiermester Kierumgaard for
2 do ved Veierboden
”
75
37.48
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 3 ved
119
”
Hospitalet
56.24
Og 3 do ved Petersfarm
56.24
112.48
Const. Veiermester Kierumgaard
Regning for Leie af 1 do ved Veierboden
I Frederiksted i stedet for den syge KongeNeger Thomas
18.72
221
512.48
120
St. Croix 1835
Box 5.64
Negerne
28 29
Do s Omkostninger
124
Do Leie
131
Folio 28 v.
1835
Januar 1 Til
Balance fra Aar 1834
Martz 14 Til
Capital Conto for beløbet som David William under
1
9.855
22
25
295
225
219
10.105
14.d Martii 1835 har betalt for Negerbarnet Ann
Elizabeths fødsel Bilag Nr. 73
Octb. 15 ”
Capital Conto for beløbet af Kjøbesummen for
Kongenegerinden Sophie med Drengebarn Jacob
Solgte for frihed?
Et Drengebarn Frederik f. Moderen Eliza f. født
Frederiksted Den 27. Julii 1835. Bilag Nr. 56 .
Transport
Mænd
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
23
15
3
4
23
15
3
4
Pr. Cassa
Bilag Nr. 73
177
25
Pr. Cassa
Bilag Nr. 191
226
225
Folio 28 h.
1835
Maaned 31
Octob 31
Decemb. 31
Capital Conto for modstaaende Beløb som er KjøbeSummen for Negerinden Sophie med Barnet Jacobs
Frihed der formenes? som urigtig debiteret
Negernes Conto
322
225
For næststaaende Beløb som i Hovedbogen for 1834
Urigtig er debiteret Negernes Conto og er KjøbeSummen for Barnet Lucretia Virginias Frihed
322
50
For Beløbet som Negerinden Sophie med Barnet Jacob
Castello er solgt for mindre end Vurderingssummen
For Moderen Sophias afregnes?
322
275
Negeren Christian alias Amos afgaaet ved Døden
Den 29 Jan.1835. Bilag Nr. 24
121
Negerinden Charlotte som under 4. Junii 1835 er
afgaaet ved Døden. Se Bilag Nr. 107
Balance
Mænd
James
Quinder
Drenge
Piger
Beløbet
1
300
1
150
Hospitalet
1
400
John Abram
1
350
Joseph
1
400
Christoffer v
Veierboden
Petrus ved
Faroney?
1
400
Molly
1
350
John William
1
Jacob Ravinee?
Transport
250
1
100
7
2
1
3.150 29
23
15
3
4
7
2
1
0
800
Folio 29 v
1835
December 31
Til Transport
28
10.105
Folio 29 h
1835
Decemb. 31
Pr. Transport
3.150 28
800
Ved Toldopsynet
Chernaux
1
500
Albert
1
50
Ellich
1
50
John Gibbes
1
”
Hans
1
”
August
1
250
Frederik
1
”
Invalider
Arnesine
1
”
Beate
1
100
Flora
1
200
Susanna
1
450
Ved Toldopsynet i
Frederiksted Veierboden
122
Thomas
1
250
Daniel
1
500
Frederik
1
500
Hendrik
1
500
Billy
1
300
Ved Hospitalet
Eliza
1
400
Emma
1
500
Thomas
1
400
David
1
400
Christiane
1
100
Marie
1
100
Børn
Rebecca
(Emmas Datter)
1
200
John William
(Marias Søn)
1
150
Philippa
(Sophias Datter
1
100
Frederik
Elizas Barn
1
Margaret
Transport
21
11
3
“
1
“
2
9.150 35
800
Folio 124
1835
Negernes Omkostninger
Janr.
31
Til
Cassa
140
215.37
Febr.
28
”
Cassa
150
231.57
Mar.
31
Cassa
160
216.62
April
30
Cassa
171
177.55
Maii
31
Cassa
180
203.56
Junii
30
Cassa
190
284.72
Julii
31
Cassa
197
450.84
Augst.
31
Cassa
204
227.19
Septb.
30
Cassa
213
174.52
Octb.
31
Cassa
223
195.95
Nov.
30
Cassa
230
244.58
Dec.
31
Cassa
241
170.21
Extra Udgt. For Land Militair Etaten for beløbet som i Sept. & Decb.
123
Er udbetalt Dr. Worm for Tilsyns og Medicins Pleie til Kongenegerne
I Frederiksted for 3. og 4. Quart. 1835 og som er Reg.? Som Ext.Udg.
For Land Milit. Etaten i steden for Negernes Omkostninger for Sept.
Quartal Nr 24, 84 og Decb. Quartal Nr 23, 92
131
48.80
2838.76
1835
Decb. 31 Pr. De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
130
2838.76
140
15.835.41
Folio 139
1835
Januari
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for huusleie for 6
konge Negere
12
”
P.G.Fyhramt do Chr.
16
“
do
16
do Fredk.
Transport
44
Folio 150
1835
Februari
Negernes Omkostninger
D 28 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
De 6 Kongenegere
12
”
Det Milit. Depot for Osnabruk & …?
48.69
”
P.G. Fyhramt for do i Christst.
“
do for do til do I Frederikst.
16
”
do for Brød og Kostpenge til do i Christ.
70.8
”
Do for do og do til do I Frederiksted
45.16
”
Do for do og do til do i Februar Maaned
16
paa Petersfarm indlagte syge do 23.60
124
231.57
Folio 160
1835
Martii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 16 Til
”
L. C… Landkasse for en Kiiste til afdød
Kongeneger Amos
4.66
Degnen Frances for Graven?
3.12
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
6 Kongenegere
12
124
”
Doctor R.P Worm for Pleien til s.st. for
første quartal
”
1835
26.24
P.G.Fyhramt for Huusleien til do i
Christiansted
16
”
do i Frederiksted
16
”
For Brød og kostpenge for do i
Christiansted
78.13
”
For do og do for do i Frederiksted
46.85
”
For do do til do paa Hospitalet indlagte
syge Kongenegere for Martii Md. 13.54
124
216.62
Folio 171
1835
April
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 30 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff Huusleie f. 6 negere
”
P.G. Fyhramt
”
do
”
do for Brød og Kostpenge for do i
12
8 do 16
8 do
Christianstst.
16
75.27
”
do for do og do for do i Fredk
45.16
”
do for indlagte syge do paa Hospitalet.
13.12
124
177.55
124
203.56
Folio 180
1835
Maii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere
12
”
P.G. Fyhramt for do til do i Christiansted
“
Do for do til do I Frederiksted
“
Do for leveret Brød og Kostpenge til do i
16
16
Christ.
91.25
”
Do for leveret do og do til do i Frederksted
54.73
”
Do for leveret do og do til de syge do
13.54
Folio 189
1835
Junii
Negernes Omkostninger
125
D. 30 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
6 Kongenegere
”
12
P.G. Fyhramt for Omkostninger i D.M. til
de syge ditto
”
14.42
Do for Huusleie til Kongenegerne i
Frederiksted
”
16
Do for Huusleie for Kongenegerne i
Christ.
”
14
Do for Brød og Kostpenge til Kongenegerne i Christiansted
72.89
Transport
129.35
190
157.269.61
197
190.492.93
Folio 106
1835
julii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til
Veiermester E. kirchhoff for Huusleie
For 6 Negere i d.m.
”
12
Kongenegeren Albert der som ifølge
det Kgl General Toldkammer og Comm.
Collegii Skrivelse af 18. April d. a. tilstaaet
Huusleie fra 1. Febr. 1831 til 1. Oct. 1834 a
2 Rd. Pr Md.
”
80
Det Militaire Depot for udleverede Hatte
…? til Kongenegerne
170.11
Transport
262.11
Folio 264
1835
August
Negernes Omkostninger
D 31 Til
Jordemoderen for at forløse Konge
Negerinden Eliza
”
Det Militaire Depot for Osnabruck til
Kongenegerne
”
44.38
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere
”
6.24
12
P.G.Fyhramt for Kostpenge til Kongenegerne.
70.26
”
Do do i Frederiksted
40.15
”
Do for Huusleie til do
16
126
”
Do for do i Christianst.
14
“
Do for de syge do
13.54
”
Do for do i Frederiksted
13.54
Transport
124
227.19
205
213.662
213
230.629.9
Folio 212
1835
September
Negernes Omkostninger
D 30 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff. Beløbet af HuusLeien for indeværende Maaned til
6 kongenegere
12
”
P.G.Fyhramt for do syge Kongenegere
”
Do for Brød og Kostpenge til do 72.88
Transport
13.12
98.4
Folio 223
1835
October
Negernes Omkostninger
D 31 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Hussleie til
6 kongenegere
”
12
P.G.Fyhramt for de i denne Maaned
paa Petersfarm indlagte syge
Kongenegere
”
13.54
Do for en Liigkiste til en afdød
Kongeneger
”
6.24
Do for leveret Brød og Smør? Til Kongenegerne
”
81.40
Do for leveret do og do til do i
Frederiksted
54.73
”
Do for Huusleie til do i Frederiksted
16
”
Do for do til do i Christiansted
124
12
195.95
Folio 230
1835
November
Negernes Omkostninger
D 30 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for betalt Huusleie
For 6 Kongenegere
12
127
”
Degnen Francis for at aabne Grav for
Kongeneger Albert
5
”
P.G.Fyhramt Huusleie for Kong.Neger
12
”
Do for do i Frederiksted
16
”
Do for leveret Brød og Kostpenge til do
i Christiansted.
65.6
”
Do for leveret do og do til do i Frederst.
45.16
”
Do for betalt i Syeløn til do i Christ.
39.45
”
Do for do til do i Frederikst.
35
”
Do for do til de Syge do i Frederiksted
14.84
124
244.58
124
170.21
242
398.469.38
Folio 241
1835
Decemb.
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til
P.G.Fyhramt for Huusleie til kongeneGerne i Christiansted for December Md.
”
12
Do for do i Frederiksted for do 16
Do for leveret Brød og udbetalt KostPenge til do i
Christiansted
65.38
”
Do for leveret ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
”
Do for de syge Kongenegere i Christians-
46.85
sted
17.90
Veiermester Kirchhoff Huusleie for ditto
12
Transport
Neger Leie
1835
Januar
31
Til
Cassa
139
493.72
Febr.
28
”
Cassa
143
551.84
Martii
31
”
Cassa
153
718.72
April
30
”
Cassa
170
718.72
Maii
31
”
Cassa
175
718.72
Junii
30
”
Cassa
187
718.72
Julii
31
“
Cassa
194
728.12
August
31
“
Cassa
203
762.87
Septemb.
30
“
Cassa
211
521.84
128
Octob.
31
“
Cassa
224
533.64
Novemb.
30
“
Cassa
231
534.60
Decemb.
31
“
Cassa
244
537.48
7.539.31
1835
Decem. Pr De Kgl. Indt. og Udgifters. Conto
130
7539.31
Folio 130
1835
Januarii
Neger Leie
D. 31 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
ved Vægten
25
”
Do for 6 Negere ved do
112.48
”
Reg. Secr. Petersen for 1 do ved Løncontoiret
18.72
”
Const. Boghold. Reumert 1 do do
18.72
“
Toldkasserer Naser 1 do do
”
Toldinspecteur Deneilly 1 do do 1 do
18.72
ved Nordside Vagthuus 1 do ved Toldbodbaaden
56.24
”
Toldkasserer Aarestrup 1 do ved Lønc.
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 4 Negere
75
”
Const. Veiermester Kierumgaard 2 do
37.48
”
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 3 do
56.24
”
Do
56.24
do
3 do
131
493.72
Folio 143
1835
Februarii
Negerleie
D 28 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for leie af en Neger
I stedet for den syge Konge Neger Petrus
”
Do for ditto i stedet for den syge ditto
Chemaux
”
8.12
8.12
Følgende Negerleie for Februarii: Veiermester Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand ved
Vægten
25
”
6 do ved do
112.48
”
Regieringssecretair Petersen for en do
137.48
129
ved Contoiret
18.72
“
Const. Bogh. Møller for 1 do til Contoiret
18.72
”
Toldkasserer Naser 1 do til do
”
Toldinspecteur Deneilly for 1 do ved do
18.72
1 ditto ved Nordside Vagthuus og 1 ditto
ved Baaden
56.24
”
Toldkasserer Aarestrup for 1 ved Cont.
18.72
”
Const. Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved
Contoiret 1 do ved Sydside Vagthuus og
2 ved Baaden
75
Transport
360
144
19.364.54
153
38.970.39
Folio 152
1835
Martii
Neger Leie
D 31 Til følgende: Beløb af Negerleie for denne
Maaned Nemlig:
”
Veiermester Kirchhoff for Opsynsmanden
ved Vægten
25
”
for 14 ditto ved ditto
268.48
”
Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 til
Contoiret
“
18.72
Bogholder C.L. Müller 1 do til Contoiret
1. til 15 dennes
”
9.36
Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser for 1 do ved
Contoiret
”
18.72
Const. Bogholder Simmelkier for 1 do fra
15 til …?
”
287.48
9.36
Toldinspecteur D’ Neilly for 1 do ved
Nordside Vagthuus og 1 ved Toldboden
Transport
56.24
400
Folio 169
1835
April
Negerleie
D 30 Til følgende: Beløbet af Negerleie for d.m.
Veiermester Kirchhoff en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten
25
130
”
for 14 Negere ved do
262.48
”
Regieringssecret. Petersen for
Contoir Buddet
18.72
”
Const. Bogh. Müller for do
18.72
”
Toldkasserer Naser for do
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 3 Negere a
18.72
“
”
56.24
Toldkasserer C.W. Aarestrup Contoir Bud
18.72
Toldinspecteur Didrichsen for 4 Negere
75
Transport
493.72
170
78.302.16
Folio 178
1835
Maii
Negerleie
Den 31 Til
Veierboden i Christ. For Opsynsmanden
25
”
Do for 14 Negere ved Vægten
”
Regm. Secr. Petersen for 1 Neger 18.72
”
Const. Bog. Simmelkier 1 do
18.72
”
Toldkasserer Naser 1 do
18.72
”
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 3 do
56.24
“
Toldkasserer Aarestsrup
18.72
“
Toldinspecteur P. v. Scholten 4 75
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard 6
“
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 6
262.48
1
112.48
112.48
131
718.72
Folio 187
1835
Junii
Negerleie
D 30
Til diverse Embedsmænd de der ifølge
Reglementet af 8. Maii 1822 for
Junii Md tilstaaes Negerleie
Transport
131
718.72
188
148.848.54
Folio 194
1835
Julii
Negerleie
131
D 31 Til diverse Embedsmænd overensstemmende
med Reglementet af 8. Maii 1822 dem
tilkommende Negerleie for denne Md
”
718.72
Veiermester Kierumgaard for leie af 1
Neger til Veierboden i Frederiksted
9.36
Transport
131
728.12
195
187.141.87
131
762.87
131
521.84
Folio 203
1835
August
Negerleie
D. 31 Til
Efternævnte Embedsmænd for denne
Md nemlig:
Veiermesteren i Christianst.
287.48
Regieringssecretairen
18.72
Bogholder Contoiret
18.72
Toldkasserer Contoiret
18.72
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly
56.24
Toldkasserer D?
18.72
Toldinspecteur P. v. Scholten
75
Veiermesteren i Frederiksted
112.48
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
112.48
Do i stedet for 1 syg Neger
25.39
Veiermester Kierumgaard
do
18.72
Folio 211
1835
Septemb.
Negerleie
D 30 Til efterfølgende Embedsmænd for d. M
Veiermesteren i Christ. Kirchhoff
137.48
Regieringssecretair Petersen
18.72
Bogholder simmelkier
18.72
Toldkasserer Naser
18.72
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly
56.24
Toldkasserer Deiv?
18.72
Toldinspecteur P. von Scholten 75
Veiermester Kierumgaard
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
56.24
112.48
Do for 1 Neger i stedet for syg do
9.36
132
Folio224
1835
October
Neger Leie
D 31 Til diverse Embedsmænd de der for Octbr.
Maaned tilkommende Negerleie 512.48
P.G.Fyhramt Leie for 1 Neger i steden for
1 syg Kongeneger
27.16
Transport
131
533.64
225
354.030.51
131
534.60
232
371.596.2
Folio231
1835
Novemb.
Negerleie
D 30 Til
Reg. Secrt. Petersen for 1 Neger ved
Contoiret
18.72
Bogholder Simmelkier
1 do
18.72
Toldkasserer Naser
1 do
18.72
Veiermester Kirchhoff
7 do
137.48
Toldinspecteur De Neilly
3 do
56.24
Toldkasserer Deivhurst?
1 do
18.72
Toldinspecteur v Scholten
4 do
75
Veiermester Kierumgaard
2 do
37.48
Do I steden for 1 syg do
P.G.Fyhramt for
18.72
3 do
56.24?
Do for 3 do i stedet for de 3 kasserede
56.24
For 1 do i stedet for Sophie som er solgt
18.72
For Leie af 1 do for Novem.
3.60
Transport
Folio 244
1835
December
Neger Leie
D 31 Til
Veiermester Kirchhoff for 1 Opsynsmand
Ved vægten
25
”
samt 6 do ved do
112.48
”
Sect. Petersen for 1 do ved Secretariatet
18.72
“
Bogh. Petersen for 1 do til Bogh.Contoiret
18.72
”
Kammer. Naser for 1 do ved Kasserercont.
18.72
133
”
Toldinspecteur De Neilly for 3 do
56.24
“
Toldinspecteur v. Scholten for 4 do
75
“
Veiermester Kierumgaard for 3 do
56.24
“
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 3 do
ved Hospitalet 56.24
”
Do for 3 do for kasserede do 56.24
”
Do for 1 do i steden for Neg.
Sophie som er bortsolgt
”
18.72
131.24
Veiermester Kirchhoff Leie for 1 do
i stedet for Negeren Petrus
6.24
131
537.48
134
St. Croix 1847
Box 5.76 (most likely listed in Rd)
Negrene (28), Negerleie (188), Negrenes omkostninger (189) og Negre ved milit. Tieneste (197).
Folie 28, venstre side
Negrene
1847
Januar
Til Balance fra ao 1846
For 15 mænd, 6 quinder, 3 drenge og 2 piger
6150 Rd
Højre side
Cr (?)
Folie
Rd/$
Marts 29
Pr: cassa Bilag herved no 59
76
175
Decbr 31
.. Capital Conto
For beløbet af forskellen imellem den under 29 marts hidstanden (?) indbetalte kiøbesum 175 Rd (?) v. 6
forhen kongen tilhørende neger Johan Abraham’s frihed, og den værdi, hvorfor han står anført
350 Rd 9
175
Ligeså udgår Negerinden Florah der ifølge Regeringens Resolution af 25 November er forflyttet til St.
Thomas og der optarer bilag no 193 uden
.. Balance, i dag a Regnskabet holder .. regnskab
omen kongsnegerne
227
5800
Anført i anden skrift nedenfor: 2 kost (?) a 5 a antal 1847
Rd6150
Folie 76, venstre side
Marts
Negrene
Af Eliza Cruse beløbet hvorfor det er tilladt hende at frikiøbe den hans Majestæts tilhørende Ufrie (?)
Abraham Rogiers
alias John Abraham
28
175
Folie 189, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1847
folie
Rd
Januar
Til cassa
66
241.77
Febr
.. cassa
67
242.5
Marts
.. cassa
82
254.75
April
.. cassa
90
200.43
Mai
.. cassa
97
216.16
Juni
.. cassa
107
301.10
Juli
.. cassa
116
209.10
Aug
.. cassa
119
223.59
135
Septr
.. cassa
133
228.69
Octobr
.. cassa
141
253.22
Novbr
.. cassa
148
185.76
Decbr
.. cassa
151
267.30
Rd 2794.15
Højre side
Negernes omkosninger Cr
Folie
Rd
December 31
15
937.48
Pr Toldvæsenet på St. Croix
Negerleie
For beløbet af den .. Negerleie for efter… kongsnegere der in natura … afgiver til .. ved de militaire
hospitaler, navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Joseph og Jacob halv …
375
og John Abraham for 3 mdr. da han
blev kiøbt fri
46.84
I Frederiksted:
Philippa, Emma og John
for halv …
188
Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 224
562.48
984.36
872.27
Rd 2794.15
Folie 66, højre side
Cassa Conto Cr
1847
Januar 31
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i steden for kongsnegerne David og Thomas
15.60
Samme for Rugmel m.m. til Negerne i Christiansted
for d. måned
38.31
Samme ditto ditto i Frederiksted i d. m.
57
Samme leie for negere i steden for de syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted for d. m.
189
45.80
241.77
Folie 67, højre side
Cassa Conto Cr
Februar 28
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, efter (?) til de syge kongsnegere i Christiansted
I d. m.
43.54
Samme, leie for negere istedenfor de syge kongsnegere i
136
d. m.
36.94
L. Wittrog for rugmel m.m. til negerne i
Christiansted
38.13
Samme d. i Frederiksted i d. m. 77.72
Samme leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital istedenfor kongsnegeren David og Thomas for d. m.
189
15.60
212.5
Folie 82, højre side
Marts
Negernes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie til neger ved Frederiksted hospital for
d. m.
15.60
Doctor Worm for tilsyn og medicin til 16 negere i
Frederiksted d. m.
20
Wittrog efter Regning for Rugmel m.m. til kongsnegere
i Christiansted i d. m.
45.65
Samme til ditto ditto I Frederiksted
80.87
Simmelkiær hospitalsberegning for syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m.
39.30
Samme for leie af negre istedenfor syge kongsnegere i
d. m.
31.24
Wittrog ditto ditto i Frederiksted i d. m.
11.94
Samme ifølge Regning for Pleie til de syge kongsnegere
I Frederiksted i d. m.
189
10.6
254.78
Folie 90, højre side
April
Negernes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie til 1 neger i stedet for David og Thomas
for d. m.
15.60
Samme pleie for syge negere i Frederiksted
i d. m.
7
Samme leie af 1 neger i Emmas sted i 8 dage og i Philippas
I 8 dage
8.32
Samme rugmel og kostpenge til negerne for d. m. navnlig:
I Christiansted
42.25
I Frederiksted
79.70
Simmelkiær pleie til syge negere i
Christiansted i d. m.
31.84
Samme leie for 1 neger i Jacobs sted i d. m.
15.60 (folie 189) 200.43
Folie 97, højre side
137
Mai 31
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie for 1 neger i stedet for David og Thomas for
d. m.
15.60
Samme for Meel og kostpenge m.m. til kongsnegere i d. m.:
I Christiansted
43.32
I Frederiksted
79.44
Samme for hospitalspleie til en syg negere i
Frederiksted i d. m.
13.54
Samme leie til 1 neger i dennes sted [altså, den syge der er i hospitalspleje]
I d. m.
15.60
Simmelkiær, pleie til de syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m.
32.90
Samme leie til 1 neger i stedet for de syge kongsnegere
I d. m.
189
15.60
216.16
Folie 107, højre side
Juni
Negrenes omkostninger
Til doctor Aagard efter regning for tilsyn og medicin til de kongl. negere
… i d. m. i Christiansted
23.72
.. Worm ditto ditto for 16 negere I
Frederiksted I 1 Cet Qro (?)
20
Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i stedet for
Kongsnegerne David og Thomas for d. m.
15.60
Samme ditto til en ditto i en syg kongsnegers sted
For d. m.
15.60
Samme hospitalspleie for syge negere i Frederiksted
I d. m.
13.12
Samme for rugmel og kostpenge m.m. til negerne i d. m.:
I Christiansted
42.25
Og i Frederiksted
77.21
Samme for sygeløn til negerne i …
termin d. m.
46
Simmelkiær hospitalspleie for negere i d. m.
I Christiansted
31.84
Samme, leie til en neger i stedet for syg neger Jacob
I d. m.
189
15.60
301.10
Folie 116, højre side
Juli
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie for kongsnegere i Christiansted
138
I d. m.
32.24
Samme, leie for en neger i stedet for en syg
Kongsneger
7.78
Wittrog, leie til en Neger ved Frederiksteds hospital … derfor
Kongsnegerne David og Thomas for d. m.
15.60
Samme hospitalspleie for negere i Frederiksted
I d. m.
13.54
Samme leie til en neger i de syges sted
i d. m.
15.60
Samme for meel og kostpenge til kongsnegerne
I d. m.
44.74
Samme ditto ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
79.44 (folie 189) 209.10
Folie 119, højre side
August
Negrenes omkostninger
20
Til Madam Hansen for at forløse en negerinde
Philippa
31
Bilag no 150
5
Wittrog leie for en neger i stedet for
David og Thomas
15.60
Samme ditto for en ditto i de syge
Kongsnegere … d. m.
15.60
Samme for Meel og kostpenge til negerne
I Christiansted
48.86
Og i Frederiksted
76.5
Samme for hospitalspleie til de syge negere i Frederiksted
I d. m.
21.84
Simmelkiær ditto til ditto i Christiansted
26.60
Toldinspecteur de Nully for leie af en neger til vægten i Christiansted fra 22de til 29de denne md i stedet
for Petrus
9.36
Simmelkiær .. pleie til syge negere i
Christiansted
189
4.52
223.59
Folie 133, højre side
Septbr
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Doctor Worm, lægetilsyn med kongsnegerne i Frederiksted
I d. m.
21.24
Wittrog, leie for neger for d. m. 15.60
Samme, ditto i de syge kongsnegeres sted
I d. m.
15.60
Samme for pleie til syge negere i Frederiksted
139
I d. m.
26.24
Samme for rugmel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m.
I Christiansted
45.12
I Frederiksted
71.82
Simmelkiær, hospitalsforplejning over kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m.
27.72
Samme extrapleie til ditto i ditto
2.49
Guarnisons.. Knudsen for et …bind til negeren
Chemeaux
189
2.70
228.69
Folie 144, højre side
Samme (Simmelkiær) for 4 flannel s…? til kongsneger Jacob R. R. 4 novbr 5.54
Total: 253.22
Folie 148, højre side
Novbr
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Wittrog leie af en neger i stedet for David og Thomas
I d. m.
15.60
Total 185.76
Folie 153, højre side
…
13
Til Wittrog for sygeløn for kongsnegere for
2de halvar 1847
49
Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie til kongsnegrene i
Christiansted i d. m.
13.84
Wittrog ditto i Frederiksted
2.60
Extrapleie til ditto
2.8
Samme for meel og kostpenge til ditto
I Christiansted
45.79
Samme i Frederiksted
86.69
Simmelkiær leie af en neger i de syges sted
I d. m.
3.12
Doctor Knudsen for lægetilsyn med negerne i Christiansted
I 2. halvår 847
22.48
Worm ditto i Frederiksted i d. quartal
21.24
Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i stedet for kongsnegerne
David og Thomas for d. m.
189
15.60
267.30
Folie 188, venstre side
140
Neger leie
Her har hver måned en udgift på 46.84 på hhv. folier:
Jan
65
Feb
73
Marts
78
April
87
Maj
93
Juni
105
Juli
114
August
24
Sept
128
OKt
137
Nov
144
Dec 1
153
Negernes omkostninger
189
984.36 Rd
Folie 65, højre side
Januar
Neger leie
Til general Søbøtker, 1 neger for d. m.
15.60
Secretair Rahr (von Rohr?), 1 ditto
15.60
Bogholder Kaalund, 1 ditto
15.60
46.84
Folie 188
Folie 73
Ditto
Folie 78
Ditto
Folie 87
Ditto
Folie 93
Ditto
Folie 105
Ditto
Folie 114
Ditto
141
Folie 124
Ditto bogholder hedder nu Heilbuth
Folie 128
Ditto, 1. post nu delt mellem Søbøtker og Scholten på hhv. 7.78 hver for en halv måned
Folie 137
Væk er Søbøtker, Scholten overtager den fulde postering på 15.60 Rd
Folie 144
Ditto
Folie 153
Ditto
Folie 197, venstre side
1847
Negere ved den militaire tjeneste Folie
Rd
Januar
Til cassa
63
286.44
Febr
.. cassa
72
286.44
Marts
.. cassa
80
286.44
April
.. cassa
89
302.8
Mai
.. cassa
96
302.8
Juni
.. cassa
102
302.8
Juli
.. cassa
113
302.8
August
.. cassa
121
302.8
Sept
.. cassa
131
302.8
Oct
.. cassa
140
302.8
Novbr
.. cassa
147
302.8
Decbr
.. cassa
156
302.8
Rd
3575.12
Højre side
Cr Pr Landmilitair etaten
folie 205
3575.12
Folie 63, højre side
Januar
Negre ved militair tieneste
Til Dapte (?) v. Strandgaard for 1 for d. m.
15.60
.. Gjellerup.. 2..
31.24
Lietnt. Meincke … 1
15.60
Hospitalsforstander Wittrog brøndpenge og negerleie for
142
d. m.
145.80
folie 187
286.44
Folie 72, højre side
Februar
Negre ved militair tjeneste
Til … (samme som ovenfor, kan stadig ikke læse det)
v. Strandgaard for 1 for d. m.
45.60
Gjellerup 2
31.24
Castonier 1
15.60
Wittrog, negerleie og brøndpenge
evt. samme som ovenfor
145.80
Simmelkiær, f. d. m.
78.12
folie 187
286.44
93.72
197
302.8
Folie 80, højre side
Marts
Negre ved militair tjeneste
Ditto ovenfor alle poster!
Folie 89, højre side
April
Negre ved militair tjeneste
Ditto ovenfor, dog på nær sidste post:
Simmelkiær leie til 6 negere ved hospitalet i
Frederiksted i d. m.
Folie 96, højre side
Ditto ovenfor
Folie 102, højre side
Ditto!
Folie 113, højre side
Ditto!
Folie 121, højre side
Ditto!
Folie 131, højre side
Ditto!
Folie 140, højre side
Ditto!
143
Folie 147, højre side
Ditto, bortset fra at 1. post nu er til en Major Falbe
Folie 156, højre side
Ditto inkl. Major Falbe
144
St. Croix 1848
Box 5.77
Negrene (29), Negerleie (208), Negrenes omkostninger (209) og Negre ved milit. Tieneste (220)
Folie 29, venstre side
Negre Dr
1848
Januar 1
Mænd
Fruetim
Rd
Til balance fra Ao 1847
Ifølge forordning (?) forentning af 23 mai og 9 juni 1843 (???)
I Christiansted:
Petrus
1 ved veierboden
450
Thomas
1
400
Joseph
1
400
Jacob
1
ved hospitalet
100
I Frederiksted:
Daniel
1
Frederik
1
Hendrich
1
500
John
1
350
Emma
ved hospitalet
Philippa
500
ved veierboden
500
1
500
1
300
Invalider:
Frederik
1
-
John
1
-
Susannah
1
125
Chameux
1
500
Thomas
1
400
David
1
400
Ackay
1
-
Magreth
1
-
Marie
1
100
Børn:
Frederik
1
125
Joseph
1
100
Johannes
1
50
Susannah
1
-
Eliza Sulomi
1
-
7
5800
17
145
Højre side
December 31
Pr Capital Conto
For beløbet af den hans majestæts kongen tilhørende, ved døden d. 9 januar d. m. afgåede neger Frederik
for bilag no 6
Rd 500
.. ditto for negeren Hendrich ligeledes død d. 27 januar d.
m. bilag herved no 12
500
Ligeledes afskrives invalideneger John død den 29. februar d. m. og ført uden værdi,
Bilag no 43 & 137
-
Beløbet af de øvrige Hans Majestæt Kongen tilhørende negere der er frigivne
Ifølge allerhøjeste kongelig resolution 18 august 1848
4800
5800
Folie 209, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1848
Folie
Rd
Januar
66
185.53
Februar
76
148.8
Marts
80
202.42
April
93
147.32
Maj
101
143.21
Juni
108
179.72
Juli
118
16.54
August
121
97.46
September
139
146.53
Oktober
151
95.52
November
167
69.51
December
238
71.82
Bilag no 281
1504.65
Højre side
1848
Decbr 31
Pr Toldvæsenet på St. Croix
folie 15
302.8
Negere ved den militaire tieneste
for beløbet af den … negerleie for efternævnte kongsnegere der in natura hare været afgiver til tjeneste ved
de militaire hospitaler navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Joseph og Jacob fra efter Januar til 3de juli da de blev frigivne den
6 … 3 dage
190.60
I Frederiksted:
Philippa, Emma og John i samme tid ligeledes
frigived nu
285.90
folie 220
476.54
146
Indtægters og Udgifters Conto
folie 247
726.6
1504.08
Negernes omkostninger oversigt!
Folie 66, højre side
Januar 31
Negrenes omkostninger
Rd
F
Rd samlet
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m.
15.60
Simmelkiær for pleie til udygtig kongsneger
I Christiansted i d. m.
13.54
L. Wittrog ditto I Frederiksted ditto
7.66
Samme for Ruugmeel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m:
I Christiansted
52.87
I Frederiksted
82.92
Samme efter regning for at åbne 2 Grave for
Kongsnegerne Frederik og Henrich
3.12
M. E. Abbott for ligkiste til ditto 10
209
185.83
Folie 76, højre side
Februar
Negrenes omkosninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m.
15.60
Sundkur Petersen for en ligkiste til
Konsneger John
5
W. Simmelkiær efter hospitalsberegning
For syyg kongsneger i Christiansted i d. m.
12.66
L. Wittrog for Meel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m.
I CHristiansted
46.37
I Frederiksted
68.37
209
148.8
Folie 80, højre side
Marts
Negrenes omkostninger
13
Til F. de Silva efter regning for en grav til afdøde
Kongsneger John
5.48
L. Wittrog leie til en neger ved Frederiksted hospital i stedet for kongsnegrene
David og Thomas
15.60
Lieutn. v. Meincke efter regning for sorgeklæder for de ved
147
weierboden ansatte 2 negere
20.15
Doctor Worm efter Regning for tilsyn og medicin til 15 negere i
Frederiksted dette års d. m.
18.72
W. Simmelkiær pleie til syge negere i Christiansted
I d. m.
21.84
Samme leie for en neger i stedet for en syg
Kongsneger
9.86
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til kongsnegrene i d. m.
I Christiansted
37.90
I Frederiksted
72.66
209
202.41
209
147.32
209
143.11
Folie 93, højre side
April
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog leie for en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m.
15.60
Simmelkiær, pleie for syge kongsnegere i Christiansted
I d. m.
17.48
Samme, leie for en neger i de syges sted
5.20
L. Wittrog for rugmel m. m. til kongsnegere i d. m.
I Christiansted
38.46
I Frederiksted
70.50
Folie 101, højre side
May
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie for en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m.
15.60
W. Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie for syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m.
13.54
L. Wittrog, for meel og kostpenge til negrene i
Christiansted
41.23
Samme ditto i Frederiksted
72.66
Folie 108, højre side
Juni
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m.
15.60
Guarnisonskirurg Knudsen for lægetilsyn med kongsnegere
I dette halvår 1848
18.32
W. Simmelkiær forpleigning af syge kongsnegere
I Christiansted i d. m.
14.84
Samme leie af en neger i den syges sted
2.8
148
L. Wittrog for rugmel m.m. til kongsnegrene
I Christiansted
39.53
Samme ditto i Frederiksted
70.15
Doctor Worm, lægetilsyn med kongsnegerne i
Frederiksted i 2…. D. år?
18.72
Folie 118, højre side
Juli
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
I d. m.
15.60
Samme for en Grav til kongsnegerinden Philippas barn
Død d. 2de Juli d. m.
1.24
209
16.84
Folie 121, højre side
Aug
Negrenes omkostninger
10
Til M. E. Abbott for en ligkiste til kongsnegerinden
Philippas nyfødte barn død d. 2de af d. m.
3.12
L. Wittrog husleie for juli for Invalide negere Marie
og Margareth
4
Samme leie til .. ved Frederiksteds hospit.
15.60
Samme pleie til syge invalide Frederik i d.m. 13.54
Samme for mel og kostpenge til invaliderne i d. m.
I Christiansted
17.25
I Frederiksted
43.87
Folie 139, højre side
Septr
Negrenes omkostninger
14
Til L. Wittrog for kostpenge til de hans majestæt førhen tilhørende invalide negere i d. m.
navnlig: I Christiansted
15.12
I Frederiksted
33.59
fra 1 (?) til 25 august
bilag no 182
Simmelkiær for forpleining af invalide negeren
Frederik i f. m.
13.54
Samme for ditto ditto i d. m.
13.12
Wittrog, kostpenge m.m. til invalider i Frederiksted
fra 26de til 31 august
8.6
Samme ditto i Christiansted
14.23
Samme husleie til ditto
8
209
146.53
Folie 151, højre side
October
Negrenes omkostninger
149
23
Til L. Wittrog, sygløn for de hans majestæt tilhørende invalide negre for
1ste termin 1848
31
21.48
Simmelkiær for forpleining af invalid kongsneger Frederik
På hospitalet
13.54
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til forrige invalide kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m.
15.11
Samme ditto i Frederiksted
41.65
Samme husleie til ditto
4
209
95.82
209
69.51
209
71.81
Folie 167, højre side
November
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for pleie til invalide Frederik på hospitalet
d. m.
13.12
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til invalidenegere
i Christiansted
14.73
Samme ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
37.62
Samme husleie til ditto
4
Folie 238, højre side
December
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær pleie på hospitalet til forrige kongsneger
Frederik ..
13.54
Wittrog, meel og kostpenge samt husleie til forrige kongsnegere
I Christiansted:
I Frederiksted
15.11
43.16
Folie 208, venstre side
Negerleie
folie
Januar
63
Februar
73
Marts
84
April
89
Maj
99
Juni
103
Juli
117 (findes ikke?)
August
131
Septembr
140
October
151
November
163
December
175
150
Alle beløb samme hver måned:
46.34 i alt 562.48
Folie 63, højre side
Januar
Negerleie
Til General v. Scholten for d. m. 15.60
Secretair Rahr
15.60
Bogholder Heilbuth
15.60
208
46.84
Folie 73
Februar
ditto
Folie 84, højre side
Marts
Til diverse for d.m.
46.84
Folie 89, højre side
April
Ditto januar, bortset fra at det nu er bogholder Kaalund..
Folie 99, højre side
Juni
ditto (april)
Folie 131, højre side
August
Her er Scholten udskiftet med Kammerherre Oxholm
Folie 140, højre side
Septbr
Til diverse for d. m.
46.84
Folie 151, højre side
October
ditto
Folie 163, højre sid e
Novbr
ditto
Folie 175, højre side
Decbr
Negerleie
Til general Hansen for d. m.
15.60
Secretair Rahr
15.60
Bogholder Kaalund
15.60
208
46.84
Folie 220, venstre side
Negere ved den militaire tieneste
151
Januar
folie 65
Februar
75
Marts
83
April
91
Maj
96
Juni
107
Juli
116
August
128
September
142
October
154
November
166
December
178
Alle værdi af 302.8
Alle værdi af 396.80
Negrenes omkostninger
209
476.54
Højre side
Det kommer stadig fra landmilitair etaten
Folie 64, højre side
Januar
Negre ved den militaire tieneste
Til major Falbe for d. m.
15.60
Gjellerup
31.24
Captain v. Castonier
15.60
Hospitalsforstander Wittrog brøndspenge (?) og
negerleie for d. m.
145.60
Simmelkiær, negerleie for d. m.
93.72
220
302.8
Folie 75, højre side
Februar
Ditto ovenfor
Folie 83, højre side
Marts
Ditto
Folie 91, højre side
April
Ditto
Folie 96, højre side
Maj
ditto
Folie 107, højre si de
Juni
ditto
152
Folie 116, højre side
Juli
Ditto
Folie 128, højre side
August
Til diverse officerer, negerleie for d. m.
62.48
L. Wittrog brøndspenge og negerleie for d. m. 145.80
Simmelkiær negerleie for d. m.
93.72
220
302.8
Folie 142, højre side
Septbr
Negre ved den militaire tieneste
Til Major Falbe for d. m.
15.60
Gjellerup
31.24
Leutnt. Castonier kasen (?)
15.60
L. Wittrog, brøndpenge og negerleie til
guarnisons bageriet
Rd 145.80
Samt leie for 3 negere ved Frederiksteds
hospital for d. m.
46.84 (samlet 192.68)
Samme, leie for en neger i stedet for de Kongen tilhørende negere
David og Thomas for d. m.
15.60
W. Simmelkiær, leie for 8 negere ved Christiansteds
hospital for d. m.
125
220
395.80
Folie 154, højre side
October
ditto, blot med lidt forskellige interne beløb
Folie 166, højre side
November
ditto, samme beløb som i october
Folie 175, højre side
December
Missing
St. Croix 1849
Box 5.78
Under ”n” findes negrenes omkostninger (225)
Folie 225, venstre side
Negrenes omkostninger
Folie
Rd
Januar
68
18.35
Til cassa
153
Februar
..
79
16.56
Marts
..
88
45.61
April
..
107
29.56
Maj
...
119
30.46
Juni
..
129
37.24
Juli
..
139
38.88
August
..
143
39.96
Septm
..
161
35.12
October
..
169
40.32
Novebr
..
178
29.12
December
..
193
32.48
393.66
Højre side
Decbr
Pr Indtægters og Udgifters conto 393.66
BILAG 144
Folie 168, højre side
Januar
Negrenes omkostninger
Til W. Simmelkiær, forpleining på hospitalet d.m. af
Kongeneger Frederik
$ 8.68
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til invaliderne i
Christiansted i d. m.
9.67
225
18.35
225
16.56
Folie 79, højre side
Februar
Negrenes omkostninger
Til W. Simmelkiær, rugmel og kostpenge for
invalide negere
$8.72
Samme, forpleining af syge invalide
I d. m.
7.84
Folie 88, højre side
Marts
Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, kostpenge m.m. til forrige kongsnegere
I fred. For jan
$18.67
Samme, husleie til ditto
2.56
G. P. Woods for at underholde 5 invalide kongenegere i 16 dage
Af Marts m. i 11 dage…
8.80
W. Simmelkiær for ditto
I Christiansted
9.38
Samme for forpleining paa hospitalet i d. m.
154
Af kongenegeren Frederik
6.20
225
45.61
Folie 107, højre side
April
Negrenes omkostninger
Til samme (Simmelkiær) kostpenge, brød og husleie til de
forrige kongenegere for d. m.
$9.16
Samme, forpleining til Frederik i d. m.
6
G. P. Woods for underholdning m.m. af invaliderne i
Frederiksted
14.40
225
29.56
Folie 117 mangler!
Folie 119, højre side
Mai
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, brød og kostpenge samt husleie til forrige kongenegere
I Christiansted i d. m.
$9.38
Samme hospitalspleie til negeren Frederik
6.20
G. P. Woods for underholdning af negrene i
Frederiksted
14.88
225
30.46
Folie 129, højre side
Juni
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Landkassen kopskat pro 1847 af de hans majestæt
da tilhørende negere
$7.68
Simmelkiær, brød og kostpenge samt husleie
til forrige kongenegere for d. m. i Christians 9.16
Samme for hospitalspleie for do syg negere Frederik
6
G. P. Woods for brød m.m. til ditto
I Frederiksted
14.40
225
37.24
225
38.88
Folie 139, højre side
Juli
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for brød og kostpenge m.m. til forrige
Kongenegere i Christiansted d. m.
$18.76
G. P. Woods ditto til i Frederiksted d. m.
13.22
Simmelkiær hospitalspleie af forrige kongeneger
Frederik
6.20
Folie 143, højre side
August
Negrenes omkostninger
155
23
Til Simmelkiær for sygløn i efter halvåret 1849til 3 hans majestæt forhen tilhørende
invalide negere i Christiansted
$3.84
Samme, kostpenge og huslei til negrene
I Christiansted
18.76
Woods ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
11.16
W. Simmelkiær forpleining på hospitalet
Af Frederik
6.20
225
39.96
225
35.12
225
40.32
225
29.12
Folie 161, højre side
September
Negrenes omkostninger
Til G. P. Woods for brød og kostpenge til invalidenegrene i
Frederiksted i d. m.
$10.80
Simmelkiær ditto samt husleie til ditto i
Christiansted i d. m.
18.22
Samme hospitalpleie til invaliden Frederik
6
Folie 169, højre side
October
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for ligkiste og grav til invalideneger
Frederik
$4.80
Samme for brød og kostpenge til invalidenegrene i
Christiansted i d. m.
18.76
Samme hospitalspleie til invaliden Frederik
5.60
G. P. Woods for brød og kostpenge til Invaliderne
I Frederiksted i d. m.
11.16
Folie 178, højre side
November
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for underholdning til invalidenegerene i
Christiansted i d. m.
$18.32
Woods for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted
10.80
Folie193, højre side
December
Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for klædestykker til forrige invalidenegere for
2det halvår 1849
$2.56
Samme for brød og pleie til ditto i Christ
18.76
P. G. Woods ditto I Frederiksted 11.16
225
32.48
156
157
Appendix B: Transcription hovedbøger St. Thomas & St. Jan
From: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske Regnskaber. Hovedbøger: St. Thomas & St. Jan, 1755-1917:
1792 & 1793, box 1.37; 1794, box 1.39-1.40; 1800-1801, box no. 1.45-1.46; 1801 – 1804, box no. 1.47-1.49; 1806, box no. 1.51;
1807(-1808), box no. 1.52-1.53; 1815, box no. 1.59; 1816, box no. 1.60; 1832, box no. 1.76; 1833, box no. 1.77; 1834, box no. 1.78;
1835, box no. 1.79; 1847, box no. 1.91; 1848, box no. 1.92, 1849, box no. 1.93-1.94.
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1792
Box 1.37
Folie 46, højre side
Kongelige Negres Capital
Januar
Balance fra sidste år: 8925 Rd
1.
kolonne:
Kongelige
Bilha uduelig (ingen værdi)
-
Aura
300 Rd
Catharinia pige 150
Bilha ditto
75
Frantz udygtig
20
Jørgen Bomba
300
Isaac udygtig
50
Anthony (tegn?) 125
Avalina
200
Amos med brok 170
Cassander med ….
Clement
300
Christian
350
Ludevig
350
Nicolay
350
Jacob
350
Daniel Sygelig
100
3190
2.
kolonne
Kongelige transport af 3190
158
Johannes
200
Johannes Bager 350
Joina (?)
200
Andreas
100
Jacob Barber
500
William
350
Randolph
350
Primus
150
Lucas
100
Jani (?)
75
Abraham
50
Thomas
350
Rosalina
160
Sara
100
Phillis
300
Amalia
300
Hospitalets!
6825
Kongelige negere på St. Jan
Jaique bomba
240
Mattheus
100
Francis
150
Polly gl. (gammel)
50
Maria
250
Anna, ?
150
Betty
100
Christian fød 1789
50
Quasiba
125
Catharina
250
Christopher
250
Maria Rosuia
225
Charlotte
160
2100
8925
May 9, 1792
P. Capital Eta
Ifølge Dr. Ulrichts indgiven aktstykke for det af negeren Anthony inden 24. marts er ved døden afgået … afskrives med 125
Rd.
Dec. 31 1792, Kongl. Balance 10.463,,65
159
Folio 47, Kongelige negres capital
1792 marts 27. A. Westindiske Handels Selskab for neger Simons indkiøb
380
April 30 Cassa ditto neger Morten
417
Sept 4 ditto neger Isaac
400
Sept 5 ditto tilbage betaler Casseren Quarter Auctionarius Sallarium af Negeren Morten 16.65
Sept 21 Capital ditto negerinde Amalias barn født og 7nd denne døbt Anna Maria
50
Nov. 15 Cassa ditto negren Samba kiøbt summa
400
Transport 10.588,,65
160
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1793
Box 1.37 (samme som 1792)
Indholdfortegnelse:
Negrenes capital kongl. Folie 35 a 36
Ditto og slavernes pleie folie 90
Folie 35
1793
January 1 A. Kongelig balance fra f. a. (forrige år) 10.463,,65
Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan
Bilha uduelig (ingen værdi)
-
Aera
300 Rd
Catharina pige
150
Bilba ditto
75
Frantz udygtig
20
Jörgen bomba
300
Isaac udygtig
50
Quamina
200
Amos med brok 170
Casander med kazarus (?) af ingen værdi
Clement
300
Christian
350
Ludvig
350
Nicolay
350
Daniel, syge
100
Johannes
200
Johannes bager
350
Josua dreng
200
Andreas
100
Samson
380
Morten
417
Anna Maria født 1792
50
Barber Neger Jacque
240
Mattheus
100
2 kolonne
St. Jan
161
Francis
150
Polly gl (gammel)
50
Maria
250
Anna, ?
150
Betty
100
Christian født 1789
50
Quasiba
125
Catharina
250
Christopher
250
Maria Rosina
225
Charlotte
160
Isaac
400
Samba
400
4762
På St. Thomas & St. Jan hospital
Jacob barber
500
William
350
Rudolph
350
Prince
150 (350)
Lucas
100
Isaac
75
Abraham
50
Thomas
350
Rosalina
160
Sara
100
Phillis
300
Amalia
300
2785
10447
Højre side, folie 35
May 13 1793
P.F.C. Werlun for negerinden gl. og Maria
Polly med barn Christian
428
Peter Durloo for negerinden Betty
251
Johs Zytsema for ditto Anna
300
Efter Oblig. Febr. Ditto
Decr. 31 Kongl. Balance
10.584,,65
Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan og St. Jan
162
Bilha uduelig
-
Acra
300
Catharina pige 150
Bilba ditto
75
Frantz udygtig
20
Jörgen bomba
300
Isaac udygtig
50
Quamina
200
Amos med brok 170
Cassander med Lazarus af ingen værdi
Clement
300
Christian
350
Ludvig
350
Nicolay
350
Jacob
350
Daniel sygelig
100
Johannes
200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng
200
Andreas
100
Samson
380
Morten
417
Anna Maria født 1792
50
4762 (evt. inkl. 2. kolonne også)
På St. Thomas & St. Jan hospital
Jacob barber
500
Rudolph
350
Prince
150
Lucas
100
Isaac
75
Abraham
50
1225
Transport
8687
41. 563,,65
Folie 36, venstre side
Kongelig Negres Capital
1793
February 20 A Cassa ditto Negermand Isaac kiøbt af Raadet til
Weierboden på St. Jan for den summa
400
163
Decb. 29 ditto buzal negeren Andreas kiøbt af Rådet til
hospitalet på St. Thomas & St. Jan for den summa
350
ditto, ditto … …. Christiansfort
350
700
Ud for de to ovenstående står notits at ”rådets ordre no 01/VI”
Samlet for de to ovenstående
700
11.565,,65
Højre side, folie 36
Rosalina
160
Sara
100
Phillis
300
Amalia
300 som/her 14 Anteg…
Andreas
350
William
350
På fortresset Christiansf.
Negeren Quassie
350
10.597
Negere og slavers pleie
1793
folie
Marty 13 A Cassa .. diæt penge
5
300
Juny ult. ditto ½ … tilsyn med de kongl. negere
9
40
Rd, sk
July 5 ditto diætgage
10
300
Septbr. Ult. Ditto … for ny syeg på St. Jan hospital
12
6.32
October 31 ditto ditto ditto
13
3.32
Novbr. 14 ditto diætpenge
14
300
30. ditto Chirurgu Ottos pige
ibd.
5
Decbr. 31 ditto ½ … tilsyn med de kongl. Negere
15
42
Ditto … for syge negere på hospitalet
ibd.
25
1021. 64
Folie 5
Negeres pleie diæt penge
folie 90
300
Folie 9
Negeres pleye ½ år tilsyn med de kongelige Negere til Ulrich 90
40
Folie 11
164
Negeres pleie Gartner inholdt af …. folie 90
300
Folie 12
Diætpenge til de kongl. Negere
90
300
Negeres pleie betalt til Zytsema 90
6.32
Folie 12 (oct).
Negers pleie for negeren Andreas på St. Jan
90
3.32
90
5
90
42
Folie 14 (nov.)
Negeres pleie, Chir Ottos pige
Folie 15 (dec.)
Negeres pleie, for tilsyn udi sihste ½ år
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1794
Box 1.39-1.40
Folie 34
Kongelige Negeres Capital
1794
January 1 Pr. Kongl. Ballance fra forrige aar
10.584,,65
Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan
På St. Thomas
Bilha uduelig
-
Aera
300 Rd
Catharina pige
150
Bilha ditto
75
Frantz udygtig
20
Jörgen Bomba
300
Isaac udygtig
50
Quamina
200
Amos med brok 170
Clement
300
Christian
350
Ludewig
350
Nicolay
350
Jacob
350
165
Daniel Sygelig
100
Johannes
200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng
200
Andreas
100
Samson
380
Morten
417
Anna Maria
50
Barber neger Jacque
240
Mattheus
100
Francis
150
Quasiba
125
Catharina
250
Christopher
250
Maria Rosina
225
Charlotte
160
Isaac
400
Samba
400
På St. Jan
2700
4762
Højre side
Juny 30.
Pro Capital Negeren Amos og Neger Pigen
Anna Maria Christiana der er bortdøde
Decbr. 31
111
220
ibid.
320
ditto er Negerinden Amalia og
Negeren Frantz som er døde
Kongl. Balance
10.714.65
Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan
St. Thomas
Bilha uduelig
-
Aero/Acra
300 Rd
Catharina pige
150
Bilha ditto
75
Frantz udygtig død
Jörgen bomba
300
Isaac udygtig
50
Quamina
200
166
Cassander med Lazarus af ingen værdi
Clement
300
Christian
350
Ludewig
350
Nicolay
350
Jacob
350
Daniel sygelig
100
Johannes
200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng
200
Andreas
100
Samson
380
Morten
417
Barber neger Jacque
240 Rd
Mattheus
100
Francis
150
Quasiba
125
Catharina
250
Christopher
250
Maria Rosina
225
Charlotte
160
Isaac
400
Samba
400
Isaac
400
St. Jan
2700
4522
Transport
7222
folie 35
11.284.65
Folie 35 Kongelige Negeres capital
På St. Thomas hospital
Jacob barber
500
Rudolph
350
Prince
150
Lucas
100
Isaac
75
Abraham
50
Rosalina
160
Sara
100
167
Phillis
300
Amalia
300
Andreas
350
William
350
Højre side
Samme hospitalsnegere som ovenfor inkl. samme værdier. Samlet værdi: 2485
På fortresset
Quasie eller Thomas
350
Hermann
350
Hendrich
350
Total
10.757
Ved veierboden
Folie 100 Negere og slavers pleie
1794
Febr. 28
A Cassa … Syge Negeres pleie på hospitalet
Marty 12
Ditto diætpenge
ibd.
300
31 ditto
syge negeres pleie på hospitalet
6
10.32
April 30
ditto ditto
Ditto på St. Jan
May 10
folie 5
7
ibd.
16.64
19.64
7
ditto Limprecht, Lenecke & Strickers
syge: for Rouan & Osnabrug
8
162.28
31
ditto syge negeres pleie på hospitalet
ibd.
3.64
..
ditto, ditto på St. Jan
ibd.
10.32
Juny 24
ditto diætpenge
30
ditto, ½ års tilsyn med de kongelige negere på St Jans 24
9
300
For inoculation (vaccine)
10
34
..
ditto ½ års tilsyn med de kongelige negere på St. Thomas
ibd.
42
..
ditto syge negeres pleie på hospitalet
ibd.
3
..
ditto, ditto på St. Jan
ibd.
10
July 31
ditto, på St. Thomas
10
11.32
August 8
ditto efter erindringer pro 1792 … 9….
11
2
30
ditto hospitalets Bere… for D. M.
ibd.
2.64
Septbr 27
ditto diætpenge
12
300
Novbr 28
ditto hospitalets Bere.. for d. m.
14
16.44
Decbr 31
ditto Chrs Ottos for tilsyn med de kongelige negere
for sidste ½ år
Janr 31
ditto hospitalets beregning (ligner ovenstående)
ibd
4
42
14.32
Højre side
168
Decbr 31
Pr Kongelige Udgifter
109
1318.92
100
14.32
Folie 4, højre side
Janu 31
Negeres pleie
Folie 5, højre side
Febr 28
Pr negeres pleie
100
16.64
Folie 6, højre side
Marty 31
ditto, negeres pleie
100
10.32
100
19.64
Folie 7, højre side
April 30
Negeres pleie
Folie 9, højre side
Juny 24
Negeres pleie
100
300
30
Negeres pleie
100
34
..
Negeres pleie
100
42
..
ditto
100
3
..
ditto .. hopit. Bereg. For St. Thomas d. m
ibd (92)
100
We/be. … for ditto
ibd
151.48
Hospitalets Be… for St. Jans d. m.
ibd
8
… … for ditto
ibd
24
Negeres pleie
100
10
100
11.32
..
Folie 10, højre side
July 31
Negeres pleie
Folie 11, højre side (burde også have fotograferet venstre side, mangler dato 8 august)
August 9
Negeres pleie
D. 2.64 (?)
100
…
30
Negeres pleie på hospitalet
100
2.64
100
300
100
16.44
Folie 12, højre side
Septr 27
Negeres pleie, diætpenge
Folie 14, højre side
Novbr 30..
Negeres pleie
Folie 14(kan ikke passe), højre side
169
Decbr 31
negeres pleie, hospitalets beregninger (?) for d. m. 100
10.32
..
ditto .. Chs Otto for tilsyn sidste ½ år
ibd
42
170
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1800/1801
Box 1.45
1800 findes der en hovedbog, pakke 1.45, hvor der står at man har indkøbt en negerdreng der lærer en profession for 450 Rd, negere til
Weierboden til samlet 750 Rd, noget/nogen til hospitalet til en værdi af 550 Rd. Ligeledes er der dette år døde: hospitalsnegeren Jacob til 600
Rd, Pakhuusnegere Jörgen til 300 Rd, fortresnegeren Johannes til 200 Rd.
I samme hovedbog for 1800, findes også en liste over negeres pleie. Her er der ikke mere poster ang. diætpenge, men op til flere om pleje, bl.a.
udført af Chirurgus, og en forløsning af en negerinde på St. Jan. Samlet kommer disse udgifter til 961.25 Rd.
For 1801 findes der to hovedbøger der begge dækker dette år. I den ene, den der hedder pakke 1.46 & 1.47 findes der ikke lister med negere
navne osv., men blot en værdi, hvori der står skrevet, at der ingen ændringer er noteret fra sidste år.
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1802
Box 1.47 (part of box no. 1.47-1.49)
Nothing related to the Royal Slaves are detailed this year.
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1803
Box 1.48 (part of box no. 1.47-1.49)
Folie 25, venstre side
Marty 30 Charlotte Sebastian for at forløse af kongens negerinde
folie 5
6.24
Folie 2, venstre side
Dec 31
Negernes capital
..
Fortresset Christiansfort
folie 60
11.523.65
67
10.000
89
0.32
85
19.32
Folie 4, venstre side
Januar 12
kostpenge
Folie 4, højre side
Januar 4
Negeres og slavers pleie
171
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1806
Box 1.51
Folie 2, højre side
Henvisning nr. 55
Negeres capital folie 48
12.433.65
På folie 48 er der ingen liste med navne osv., blot en samlet værdi pr. 31. december.
St. Thomas 1807
Box 1.52 (fra pakke 1.52-1-53)
Folie 2, højre side
January 1
Post 59, Negeres capital
folie 51
12.433.65
Ud over denne findes også en hovedbog hvor der på forsiden står 1808, men hvor indholdet er beskrevet som tilhørende
1807. Her er beløbet for Negeres Capital det samme som ovenstående, dog på folie 46.
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1815
Box 1.59
In this hovedbog, there are no records of negeres capital, negeres omkostninger or anything else relevant to the Royal Slaves.
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1816
Box 1.60
Folie 3 (oversigt) højre side
Januar 1
66. Negeres Capital
folie 94, 95
5.850 Rd
Folie 4, venstre side
Nothing of interest
Højre side
Marts 1
bilag (85?) Negeres Capital for 2n tilbage… … bortsolgte
neger Lit.(?) 5 folie 95
450 Rd
Folie 94, venstre side
1816
January 1
Til Balance
fol. 3
5.850 Rd
172
Marts ..
Decbr 31
.. Capital Conto den tilbage… … Magdalenas Maria
350
Og La… Maria Elizabeth Værdi 100
4
450
153
50
153
105
Negrenes omkostninger for i dette år fø…
Johannes William
..
.. ditto, som negerne dette års udgang er .. …
i det forrige
Højre side
1816
Decbr 31
Pr balance, som er hans majestæts negeres værdi ifølge bilaget no 22, navnlig:
På St. Thomas:
a. Hospitals negere
Christian
300 Rd
David
200
Charlotte
300
Susanna Elisabeth
400
Anna Susanna
200
Magdalena
400
1800 Rd
b. Forts negere:
Andreas
200 Rd
Cæsar
400 Rd
Randolp
150
Isaac
200
950
c. Bager negere:
Anna Bilha
450
Catherine
150
David
400
Josua
400
1400
d. neger børn
Susanna Johanna
250
Johan Jacob
200
Maria Catherina 150
Helena
100
Maria Elizabeth 150
Johan William
50
1000
overføres folie 05
5.150
173
Folie 95, Negeres capital
Venstre side
Værdi med henvisning til folie 94 6.455
Højre side
Decbr. 31
Pr. overført
fol. 94
5150
e. Udtjente og gamle negere
Cassander
5 Rd
Salome alias Aqua
50
55
f. På St. Jan
Isaac … … creol
175
Mortena (?) alias Andreas
200
Carl
525
900
Summa
..
fol. 191
6.105
.. Negernes omkostninger for dette år afdøde Neger Frantz, som .. … …
fol. 133
350
Folie 133
Har en post under ”hospitalsforstander Madame Thoager
Folie 153, Negrenes omkostninger
Venstre side
1816
Rd, sk
Januar
Til Cassa
folie 29
15.32
Februar
ditto
101
4.64
Marts
ditto
105
240.94
May
ditto
110
11.64
Juny
ditto
114
28.16
July
ditto
118
1.020
August
ditto
122
15.32
Septbr
ditto
128
121.78
October
ditto
131
3.64
Decbr.
Ditto
138
725.24
31
Negeres capital 95
350
2536.84
Højre side
Decbr 31
Pr Negeres Capital
94
50
174
Ditto
94
105
189
2381.84
.. de kongelige Indtægters
og udgifters conto
Folie 99, højre side
1816
Januar 31
Negernes omkostninger
til hospitalets forstanderinde for 3
negeres forpleigning i d. m.
153
15.32
155
4.67
Folie 101, højre side
Februar 29
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalets forstanderinde for
2 negres forplejning
Folie 105, højre side
Marts 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til Darcinity for 152 yard Osnabrug, 86 yard Lambo, 13 hatte,
14 ? tørklæder, 4 al? (alen?) hviid og 2 al (alen?) blaa traad til
de kongelige negre
221.46
.. forvalter Elsted paa St. Jan for … … nærmesk (?) kongs neger
Isaacs …holdning fra 30th December
1815 til 29rd Marts d. a.
19.48 153
240.94
Folie 110, højre side
May 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalets forstanderinde for 3 negeres
forplejning i d. m.
folie 153
11.64
Folie 114, højre side
Juny 30
Negernes omkostninger
Til Toldskriver (?) Elsted for d..lsig på St. Jan og … kongs neger Isaacs
forpleigning i dette Quartal
19.48
.. hospitalets forstanderinde Madme Thoager for neger Isaacs
Forpleigning fra 5th til 30th denne
Folie 153
8.64
28.16
Folie 118, højre side
July 31
Negernes omkostninger
175
Til hospitalets forstanderinde for de syge kongs negeres
forplejning i d. m.
20.00
.. forvalter Olivarius i diætpenge for de kongl. negere fra
19 September 1815 til ultimo July 1816
857.44
.. ditto .. …huus
142.52
Folie 153
1.020
Folie 122, højre side
August 31
Negernes omkostninger
til … Madme Cloelle for at forlgne (?) af kongens negerinde,
navnlig Magdalena
5
.. hospitalets forstanderinde for neger Isaac’s forplægning
fra 1th til 31th dennes
10.32
folie 153
15.32
Folie 128, venstre og højre side
Billeder af begge sider forefindes, men der står umiddelbart ikke noget af interesse.
Folie 131, højre side
Octbr. 31
Negernes omkostninger
til hospitalets forstanderinde for negerens Isaac’s forplægning
fra 1th til 11th denne..
folie 153
3.64
Folie 138, højre side
Decbr. 31
Negernes omkostninger
til husleie for Hospitalets og Lager negerne fra 23rd October 1815
til 23rd … 1816 og for Hospitalets Negerinde Magdalena fra
29th Febr. 1816 til 29rd … (samme måned som ovenstående der heller ikke er skrevet ud)
d. a.
450.00 Rd
.. forvalter Elsted for Kongs neger Isaac’s forplægning i 4th Qu. d. a.
samt for klæde til ditto
33.30
Forvalter Olivarius for diætpenge fra 1o August til dato til de
kongelige negere … afdrag af at (?) nu den 30th Julu anholdt (?)
Romshus (?) af 142 Rd 52 og 3 241.90
Folie 153
725.24
176
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1832
Box 1.76
Negeres capital (35), Leie for Negere (132) og Negernes omkostninger (133)
Folie 35, venstre side
Negernes capital
Debet
1832
folie
Rd
1
2525
Januar 1
Til Balance
Dec.
.. Negernes omkostninger som der … vurdering af
Negerdrengen Nicolas ifølge vurderingsfor..,
idet bilag no 86 133
25
Folie 35, højre side
Credit
Negernes Capital
1832
April
Pr Cassa, vide bilag no 26
81
156.24
..
.. Negernes omkostninger for den mindre Auctionssumma
for Negeren Fortuna, med hans sidste Vurderingssum,
udi ditto bilag
Decbr
.. 31
133
343.72
Ditto for den mindre vurdering af Hans Majestæts Negere, i dette år ved bilag no 86, navnlig:
1 Charlotte
50
2 Gabriel
75
133
125
Ballance, som er værdien af Hans Majestæts Kongens Negere på …, vide bilag no 86, navnlig:
1 Susannah Elizabeth 33 år
350
2 Charlotte
50
63
3 Anna Susannah 62
100
4 Adonis
20
300
5 Nicholas
16
250
6 Gerhadine
15
225
7 Maria Taphuss
41
275
8 Floretnz
32
150
9 Caspar
9½
150
10 Catherine
47
25
11 Gabriel
38
25
12 David
42
25
159
1925
Anmærkning
177
Den til Hans Majestæts arbeids ansatte præsilia Negere Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Fenis er ifølge vurderingsformulering (?)
bilag no 86, vurderet til 200 Rd
Folie 133, venstre side
Debet
Negernes omkostninger
1832
Folie
Rd
Januar
Til cassa
71
35.36
Februar
Ditto
76
29.36
Marts
Ditto
79
24.6
April
Negernes capital 35
343.72
..
Cassa
83
32.65
May
Ditto
85
49.89
Juny
Ditto
89
97.72
July
Ditto
94
55.56
..
capital conto for de med skibet Johanna Maria, Capitain
Christmas indførte (?) 6 st negersække (?),
vide bilag no 49 3
7.3
August
Cassa
96
71.62
Septbr
Ditto
100
55.42
Octbr
Ditto
103
48.12
Novbr
Ditto
106
33.22
Decbr
Ditto
109
83.24
..
Negernes capital 35
125
1092.21
Folie 133, højre side
1832
Negernes omkostninger
Credit
Decbr
Pr Negernes Capital
35
25
..
.. Land Militair Etaten
154
609.72
..
De kongelige indtægters og
udgifters konto 158
457.45
1092.21
Folie 71, højre side
1832
Januar
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleie til
de syge kongsnegere for d. m.
27.54
Ditto for extra ditto til ditto for d. m.
7.78
178
Folie 76, højre side
1832
Negernes omkostninger
Februar 29
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for de syge
kongsnegeres pleie for d. m.
26.24
Ditto for extra ditto til ditto for d. m.
3.12
29.36
Folie 79, højre side
1832
Negernes omkostninger
Marts 31
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere i d. m.
24.6
Folie 83, højre side
April 30
Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m.
21.42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for
denne maaned
11.23
32.65
Folie 85, højre side
May 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m.
33.24
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
16.65
49.89
Folie 89, højre side
Juny 30
Negernes omkostninger
Til forvalter Holm for sygepenge til negernes
klædningsstykker for 1 July …
24.48
Do Ravn for Tilsyn og Medicamenter til ditto i
1st halvaar d. A. á 5 Rd
34
Do Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge kongsnegere på
hospitalet i d. man. I 81 dage
35.42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
3.78
97.72
Folie 94, højre side
July 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m.
52.48
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
3.8
55.56
179
Folie 96, højre side
August 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere på hospitalet for d. m.
69.54
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
2.8
71.62
Folie 100, højre side
Septembr 29
Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere på hospitalet for d. m.
52.90
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
2.48
55.42
Folie 103, højre side
Octbr 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for denne md.
42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
6.12
48.12
Folie 106, højre side
Novbr 30
Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m.
28.84
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m.
4.34
33.22
Folie 109, højre side
Decbr 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til forvalter Holm syepenge til kongsnegernes
klæder for 2. Termin d. A.
24.48
.. hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m.
26.24
.. do. Ravn Hornbeck for tilsyn og medicamenter
til ditto frå 1 July … til dato
32.48
83.24
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1833
Box no. 1.77
“N”: Negeres capital (41), Leie for negere (139), Negeres omkostninger (147)
180
Folie 41, venstre side
Debet
Negeres Capital
1833
Januar 1
Til Balance
folie 1
Decbr.
.. Negernes omkostninger, for den Saison
1925
Mundering af efternævnte Negere:
I dette Aar, vide bilag no 67, navnlig:
1.
Nicholas
Rd 50
2.
Florentz 50 147
100
2025
Folie 41, højre side
1833
Negeres Capital
April
Pr Cassa
Decbr
Negernes omkostninger for den mindre Mundering af
81
375
Negerinde Anna Susanna ifølge vedlagte Munderingsforrretning,
bilag no. 67
31..
147
75
Ballance som er Værdien af Hans Majestæt Kongens Negere paa St. Thomas, vide bilag no. 67, navnlig:
1 Susannah Elisabeth 34 Aar
350
2 Charlotte 64
50
3 Anna Susannah 63
25
4 Adonis 21
300
5 Nicholas 17
300
6 Maria Taphuus 42
275
7 Florentz 33
200
8 Catherine 48
25
9 Gabriel 34
25
10 David 43
25
1575
Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte
…neger? Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Feris
Er i følge en …?Bilag Nr. 67 vurderet
Til Rd. 200
Folio 147 venstre side: Negernes Omkostninger
1833
Januar 1
Til Cassa
72
13.12
Februar 1
“
75
14.90
”
“ Capital Conto for de med Skibet Johanne
”
ditto
Maria Capitain L. Christmass udsendte
181
Osnabrück, Hatte, Tørklæder og…?
Ved Bilag Nr. 6
3
79.35
April 1
“ Cassa
83
13.90
May 1
“ Ditto
87
17.48
Juny 1
“ Ditto
90
299.90
August 1
“ Ditto
100
7
Octbr. 1
“ Ditto
107
26.24
Novbr. 1
“ Ditto
110
12.66
Decbr. 1
“ Ditto
111
329.76
“
“
“ Negeres Capital
41
75
“
“
3
46.77
“ Capital Conto for Beløbet af det man til
Kongenegerne udleverede i KlædningsStykker for dette Aar med …? debiteret
med
Rd 21.77
Samt for Beløbet af den højere Vurdering
af Negerne for dette Aar.
25
Rd 936.32
Folio 147 højre side
Negernes Omkostninger
1833
Decbr . 1
“
“
Pr Negeres Capital
“ Land Militair Etaten
44
100
174
836.32
936.32
Folio 139 venstre side
1833
Leie for Negere
Folio
Rd. Sk.
Januar
Til
Cassa
71
369.66
Februar
”
Ditto
74
372.48
Martz
“
Ditto
78
370
April
“
Ditto
82
379.36
May
“
Ditto
85
390.60
Juny
“
Ditto
89
828.12
July
“
Ditto
96
319.76
August
“
Ditto
99
323.52
Septbr.
“
Ditto
109
319.76
Octbr.
“
Ditto
106
357.28
Novbr.
“
Ditto
109
337.88
Decbr.
“
Ditto
112
727.28
Rd 5.155.90
182
Folio 139 højre side
1833
Decbr. 1
Pr Land Militair Etaten
174
3.805.90
“
“ De Kongl. Indtægters og Udgivters Conto
178
1.350
“
Rd. 5.155.90
183
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1834
Box no. 1.78
Folio
Negeres Capital
41
Leie for Negere
147
Negernes Omkostninger
152
Negeres Capital
Folio 41 venstre side
Folio
Rd. Sk
Januar 1.
1
1.575
Til Balance
1.575
Folio 41 højre side
1834
December 31
Pr Balance som er Værdien af hans
Majestæts Negere paa St Thomas ved
Bilag Nr 52
1. Susannah Elizabeth
35 Aar
350
2. Charlotte
55
“
50
3. Anna Susannah
64 “
25
4. Adonis
22 “
300
5. Nicholas
18 “
300
6. Maria …
43 “
275
7. Florenz
34 “
200
8. Catharina
49 “
25
9. Gabriel
40 “
25
10. David
44 “
25
184
1.575
Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte
…neger Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Feris
er ifølge ovennævnte Bilag Nr. 52
vurderet til Rd. 200.
Rd. 1.575
Folio 152 venstre side
1834
Negernes Omkostninger
Januar
Til
Cassa
Folio
Rd Sk
73
55.42
184
Februar
“
Ditto
76
38.48
Martz
“
Ditto
81
42.60
April
“
Ditto
84
43.72
May
“
Ditto
88
44.36
Juny
“
Ditto
93
668.60
July
“
Ditto
98
15.30
August
“
Ditto
101
18.78
Septbr.
“
Ditto
104
118.86
Octbr
“
Ditto
108
10.48
Novbr.
“
Ditto
111
4.36
Decbr.
“
Ditto
115
177.24
638.44
Folio 152 højr side
1834
Decbr. 1.
Pr. Land Militair Etaten
179
638.44
638.44
Folio 147 venstre side
1834
Folio
Rd.Sk.
Leie for Negere
Januar
Til
Cassa
72
364.16
Februar
“
Ditto
74
338.52
Martz
“
Ditto
78
338.52
April
“
Ditto
81
338.82
May
“
Ditto
87
331.64
Juny
“
Ditto
89
777.88
July
“
Ditto
95
341.64
Augst.
”
Ditto
99
346.64
Septbr.
”
Ditto
102
319.76
Octbr.
”
Ditto
106
334.76
Novbr.
”
Ditto
110
326.4
Decbr.
”
Ditto
113
769.76
4.928.42
Folio 147 højre side
1834
Decbr. 1.
Pr. Land Militair Etaten
179
3.578.42
185
“
“
“
De kongel. Indtægters og
Udgivters Conto
183
1.350.
4.928.42
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1835
Box no. 1.79
Folio
Negeres Capital 36
Leie for Negere 150
Negernes Omkostninger
152
Negeres Capital
Folio 36 venstre side
1835
Januar 1.
Til Balance
Folio
Rd.Sk
1
1.575
1.575
Folio 36 højre side
1835
April 1.
Pr Capital Conto, som har afskrives nemlig,
Vurderingssummen af Kongeneger Florenrz
som ved Døden er afgaaet…
ved Bilag No 24
Decbr. 31.
3
200
Ballance som er Værdien af hans Majestæts
Konge Negere paa St. Thomas ved Bilag
No 73
Nemlig:
1.Susannah Elisabeth
36 Aar
350
2. Charlotte
66 ”
25
3. Adonis
23 ”
350
4. Nicolas
19 ”
350
5. Maria …?
44 ”
200
6. Anna Susannah
65 ”
25
7. Catharine
50 ”
25
8. Gabriel
41 ”
25
9. David
45 ”
25 176
1.375
Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte
186
Neger Joseph Pedro paa Briggen Feris er
ifølge ovennævnte Bilag No 73 vurderet til
200 Rd.
30 Aar
Rd.1.575
Folio 152 venstre side
1835
Negernes Omkostninger
Folio
Rd.Sk.
Januar
Til
Cassa
73
23.30
Februar
“
Ditto
77
16.60
Marts
”
Ditto
80
148.74
April
”
Ditto
86
3.2
May
”
Ditto
89
3.6
Juny
”
Ditto
95
119.72
July
”
Ditto
96
42.48
August
”
Ditto
102
1.30
Septbr.
”
Ditto
106
99.30
Octbr.
”
Ditto
110
2.18
Decbr.
”
Ditto
114
190.30
”
Capital Conto som har opføres ifølge
3
453.78
Antegnelserne i Hovedbogen fra 1833
19. Post § 2, nemlig Beløbet af Hospitals
og extra Pleien samt Lægetilsyn med
Kongenegerne fra 1832, som bliver at
Debitere Land Militair Etatens Conto med
Rd. 1.103.94
Folio 152 højre side
1835
Decbr. 1
Pr. Land Militair Etaten
173
1.103.94
152
23.30
Folio 73 højre side
1835
Januar 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Neger Florentz Pleie
paa Hospitalet I 3 Dage af 42 Sk.
”
1.30
Kasserer Denkurst? Syepenge
til kongenegernes
Klæder for 2. Termin s.a.
22
187
Folio 77 højre side
1835
Februar 28.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie af de Syge
Kongenegere paa Hospitalet f..d.Md.
152
16.60
Folio 80 Højre side
1835
Marts 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie til Negeren Florentz
paa Hospitalet i d. Md.
13.54
Ditto for extra Pleie for do i d. Md.
6.44
Kasserer Denkurts? for Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne I dette Qurt.
111.24
Ditto for do til Florentz fra 1. t 28. Januar
3.48
Ditto for Neger Florentz Begravelses
Omkostninger
14
152
1.148.74
Folio 86 højre side
1835
April 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de syge
Kongenegere i d. Md.
Ditto for extra do til do f. d. Md.
2.18
80
152
3.2
Folio 89 højre side
1835
May 31
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Hospitalsforstander Mr. Hansen for Pleie
Til Kongenegerne i 7 Dage a 42 Sk
152
3.6
Folio 95 højre side
1835
Juny 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
188
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de Syge Kongenegere
paa Hospitalet for d. Md.
9.60
Kasserer Denkurst? Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne for dette Quart. 110.12
152
119.72
152
42.48
152
1.30
152
99.30
152
2.18
Folio 96 højre side
1835
Juny 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
July17.
Til
Kassserer Denkurst? Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne frem til 18. d. Md.
July 24
22.48
Mr. Hansen for Syepenge til ditto Klædningsstykker for 1.ste Termin d.a
20
Folio 102 højre side
1835
August 31
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie til Kongeneger
David i 3 Dage a 42 Sk.
Folio 106 højre side
1835
Septbr. 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Kostpenge til Kongenegerne fra 18. July …? Til Qct.
89.24
Ditto for Pleie til de Syge Kongenegere paa Hospitalet for d. Md.
10.6
Folio 110 højre side
1835
Octbr. 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til
Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de Syge
Kongenegere paa Hospitalet i d. Md.
Folio 114 højre side
1835
189
Novbr. 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Decbr 15
Til
Mr. Hansen Syepenge til Kongenegernes
Klædningsstykker for Decbr. Termin
20
Decbr 31
Til
Ditto for Pleie til de syge Kongenegere
paa Hospitalet for denne Md.
6.54
”
Ditto for Kostpenge til do for d..Md.
”
Dr. Hornbeck for Medicamenter og
112.48
Tilsyn med Ditto i dette Aar
51.24 152
190.30
Folio
Rd. Sk.
Leie for Negere
Folio 150 venstre side
1835
Januar
Til
Cassa
71
367.88
Februar
”
Ditto
75
360.59
Marts
”
Ditto
79
382.8
April
“
Ditto
85
357.28
May
”
Ditto
88
352.28
Juny
”
Ditto
93
811.64
July
”
Ditto
99
347.88
August
”
Ditto
101
347.88
Septbr.
”
Ditto
104
357.88
Octbr.
”
Ditto
109
3351.4
Novbr
”
Ditto
112
347.88
Decbr.
”
Ditto
115
807.28
5.191.83
Folio 150 højre side
1835
Decbr
Negerleie
Pr
Land Militair Etaten
Negerleie til Officererne
1.213.11
Ditto til bageriet 1.250
Ditto til Hospitalet
946.84
Ditto til Fortet
431.84
173
3.844.83
De kongelige Indtægters
190
Og Udgivters Conto for
Secretairens og Bogholderens
Contoier Budde?
450
Negerleie til Veierboden
900
175
1.350
5.181.83
Folio 71 højre side
1835
Januar 31
Negerleie
Til
Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md.
130.60
Secretairen og Bogholderen for deres ContoirBudde for denne Md.
37.48
Major v. Scholten for Leie af
Negere til Fortets Brug
For d. Md.
20.60
Mr. Hansen for Ditto
Af Ditto til Hospitalet for
d. Md.
75
Ditto af Ditto for Ditto m.m.
Til Bageriet for d. Md
104.16
Overføres
150
1.367.88
72
5.756.86
Folio 75 højre side
1835
Februar 28.
Negerleie
Til 24
Leiutenant v Friderichsen for
Negerleie saat? til 23. Januar
28
7.67
Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Ditto for denne
Maaned
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
For d. Md
37.48
Mr. Hansen for Leie af Ne-
191
gere til Hospitalet for d. Md.
81.24
Ditto for do for do til Bageriet
For d. Md.
104.16
Major v Scholten for do af do
Til Fortets Brug for denne Md
36.24
150
360.59
150
1.382.8
Folio 79
1835
Marts 31
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de Militaire Be-
”
tjente i Negerleie for denne
Md
“
114.1
Lieutenant … v Raphael i
Ditto fra 27. Januar …til 10
Marts incl.
”
13.87
Secretairen og Bogholderen
For deres Contoirbudde for
Denne Md
”
Mr. Hansen for Leie af Negere til Hospitalet for denne Md
”
75
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m.
Til Bageriet i denne Md.
”
37.48
104.16
Major C v Scholten for
Ditto af do til Fortet for
Denne Md.
37.48
Folio 85 højre side
1835
April 30
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de militaire Betiente i Negerleie for d. Md.
103.12
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for d. Md.
”
37.48
Major v Scholten for Leie af
Negere i denne Maaned
til Fortet
”
37.48
Menagebestyrer? Mr. Hansen
for do af do i denne Md. til
192
Hospitalet
”
75
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m
i denne Maaned til Bageriet
104.16
150
357.28
150
352.28
Folio 88 højre side
1835
May 31
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md.
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde
for denne Md.
”
37.48
Mr Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitalet for
denne Md.
”
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto
til Bageriet for denne Md
”
79.36
104.16
Major P v Scholten for Ditto
af Ditto til Fortet I denne Md.
37.48
Folio 93 højre side
1835
Juny30
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md.
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md.
”
Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalet for denne Md.
”
104.16
Major v Scholten for Ditto af
do til Fortet for denne Md.
”
88.72
Ditto for Ditto af do til
Bageriet for denne Md
”
37.48
37.48
Justitsraad Mallei? do for do
til Veierboden samt i Januar
193
…til Dat.
450
150
811.64
150
347.48
150
347.88
Folio 99 højre side
1835
July 31
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
Denne Md.
”
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for do d. Md.
”
75
Ditto for do til Bageriet
for d. Md.
”
37.48
Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalet for denne Md.
”
93.72
104.16
Major P v Scholten for
Dittto af Ditto til Fortet for
Denne Md .
37.48
Folio 101
1835
August 31
Negerleie
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie i
Denne Md.
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md.
”
37.48
Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
i denne Maaned til
Hospitalet
”
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto i
denne Maaned til Bageriet
”
75
104.16
Major v Scholten for Ditto
af do til Fortet for denne
Maaned
37.48
Folio 104 højre side
1835
194
Septbr. 30
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md
”
37.48
Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitalaet
For denne Md.
”
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto til
Bageriet for denne Md.
”
85
104.16
Major P. v Scholten for
Ditto af Ditto til Fortets
Brug for d. Md. 37.48
150
357.88
Folio 109 højre side
1835
Octbr. 31
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md.
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md.
”
37.48
Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Bageriet
for denne Md.
”
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto
til Hospitaalet for denne Md.
”
104.16
78.12
Major v Scholten for Ditto af
do til Fortet for denne Md.
37.48
150
351.4
Folio 112 højre side
1835
Novbr. 30
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
195
Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md.
”
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for d. Md.
”
75
Do for do af do til Bageriet
for d. Md.
”
37.48
Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalets Brug for d. Md.
”
93.72
104.16
Major v Scholten for do af do
til Fortets Brug for d. Md.
37.48
150
347.88
150
807.28
Folio 115 højre side
1835
Decbr. 31
Leie for Negere
Til
Officererne og de milit.
Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md.
”
93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md.
”
37.48
Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitlalet for
Denne Md.
”
Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m.
til Bageriet for denne Md.
”
84.36
104.16
Major v Scholten for Ditto
af Ditto til Fortets Brug for
denne Md.
”
37.48
Toldintendant Etatsraad
Eckardt for do af do til
Veierboden samt July Quart.
Til Dat.?
450
196
St. Thomas 1847
Box 1.91
Negeres capital (16), Leie for negere (117), Negeres omkostninger (130).
Folie 16, venstre side
Negeres Capital
1847
Januar 1
Til Balance
folie 1
300 Rd
Højre side
1847
Decembr 31
Pr balance, som er Værdien af Negeren Nicolas ifølge vedlagte vurdering,
Bilag no. 6
Folie 164
300 Rd
Anmærkning:
De Hans Majestæts Kongen tilhørende 5 andre Negere,
nemlig: Adonis, Maria Taphuus, Charloth, Catherine og
Flora, af hvilke sidstnævnte er fortsat hertil fra St. Croix,
er uduelige til arbeide og af Ingen Værdi
………
Folie 117, venstre side
Leie for negere
1847
Folie
Rd
Januar 31
Til Cassa
30
313.52
Februar 28
.. ditto
32
313.52
Marts 31
.. ditto
37
422.88
April 30
.. ditto
41
304.16
Mai 31
.. ditto
45
319.76
Juni 30
.. ditto Told… 375
50
778.12
Juli 31
.. ditto
58
304.16
August 31
.. ditto Told… 33 33rd
63
337.48
September 30
.. ditto
67
397.88
October 31
.. ditto
71
304.16
November 30
.. ditto
74
304.16
December 31
.. ditto
78
436.94
Fr Cassa
79
34.36
Højre side
1847
December 31
197
..
.. Land militair Etatens Conto
..
.. Salarium Gage og
Lønninger m.m.
160
3719.26
162
783.32
navnlig Sinclair og … 375 … fra i .. til 16 Juli
for 4 negere:
408.32
Folie 130, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1847
Marts 31
Til Cassa
40
157.44
Juni 30
.. ditto
49
233.53
September 30
.. ditto
69
159.92
December 31
.. ditto
81
181.21
163
732.18
Højre side
1847
December 31
Tr (?) De kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Conto
St. Thomas 1848
Box 1.92
Under ”n” findes følgende opslagshenvisninger: Negeres capital (15), Negernes omkostninger (130)
Folie 15, venstre side
Negeres Capital
1848
Januar 1
Til Balance
1
300 Rd
Højre side
1848
December 31
Pr Capital Conto, for Værdien af Negeren Nicolas, som her
afskrives ifølge allerhøiste aabne Brev dateret 22nd September
1848, der stadfæster de ufrie Negeres Emancipation paa de dansk
vestindiske øer. 2
300 Rd
Folie 117, venstre side
Leie for Negere
1848
Januar 31
Til Cassa
31
294.76
Februar 29
.. ditto
34
304.16
198
Marts 31
.. ditto
41
397.88
April 30
.. ditto
45
304.16
Maü 31
… ditto
50
304.16
Junü 30
.. ditto
55
388.52
Julü 31
.. ditto
62
308.87
August 31
.. ditto
66
310.44
Septembr 30
.. ditto
70
357.28
October 31
.. ditto
76
357.28
Novembr 30
.. ditto
82
310.40
December 31
.. ditto
85
466.64
4104,55
Højre side
1848
December 31
Pr Land Militair Etatens
Conto
..
170
3682.83 Rd
172
375.83
.. Salarium, Gage og
Lønninger m.m.
/bogholder og sin… neger
199
St. Thomas 1849
Box 1.93.1.94
Negeres omkostninger (114) & Leie for negere (156)
Folie 114, venstre side OBS! Er i dollars
1849
Folie
$, c
Marts 31
Til Cassa
43
87
Juni 30
.. ditto
66
88.3
Septr 31
.. ditto
86
80.60
Decembr 31
.. ditto
99
87
183
342.83
Højre side
1849
December 31
Pr De Kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Conto
Folie 43, højre side
Marts 31
Pr Negernes omkostninger
Til Capitani Hansen for underhold
til de Hans Majestæts Kongen forhen tilhørende Negere i dette kvartal
fol. 114
87 $
Folie 66, højre side
Junü 30
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capitani W. Hansen for underhold m.m. : til de hs
Majestæts Kongen forhen tilhørende Negere i dette
Quartal, navnlig:
For brød
15.23
For kostpenge
36.40
For huusleie
30
For syepenge
6.40
Folie 114
88.3
Folie 86, venstre side
September 30
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capitani Hansen for underhold m.m.: til de hans Majestæts
forhen tilhørende Negere
i dette Quartal fol. 114
80.60
Til Sammenligning Garnisonens menage bestået af brød en udgift på 187.92
200
Folie 99, højre side
1849
December 31
Negernes omkostninger
Til Capitani M/W Hansen for underhold m.m. til de hs Majestæts forhen tilhørende Negere
i dette Quartal fol. 114
87
Folie 156, venstre side
Leie for negere
1849
Fol.
$c
Januar 31
Til Cassa
28
198.67
Februar 28
.. ditto
34
198.67
Marts 31
.. ditto
40
282.67
April 30
.. ditto
46
216.33
Maü 31
.. ditto
52
184.67
Junü 30
.. ditto
58
184.67
Julü 31
.. ditto
73
184.67
August 31
.. ditto
76
ditto
September 30
.. ditto
84
ditto
October 31
.. ditto
89
ditto
November 30
.. ditto
92
ditto
December 31
.. ditto
95
ditto
181
2167.70
Højre side
1849
December 31
Pr Land Militair Etatens
Conto
..
.. Salarium, Gage og
Lønninger m.m. 182
240
Folie 28, højre side
Januar 31
Leie for negere
Til anrist (?) Officererne og de militære embedsmænd
i Oppasserpenge
42
Secretairen og Bogholderen
20
Capitani Hansen for … … …
66.67
S… for negere ved hospitalet
50
Captain V. Strandgaard til 1 neger
ved fortet
10
Vr. (?) Lindmaal v … til 1 do ved Cassernen
10
201
156
198.67
Folie 34, højre side
1849
Februar 28
Leie for negere
$c
Til officererne og de militaire Embedsmænd i
oppasserpenge for denne md:
42
.. Secretairen og Bogholderen
20
.. Capitani Hansen for leie af negere ved
bageriet (SAMME SOM FØR!) 66.67
.. Samme for ditto af ditto ved hospitalet
50
.. Capitani v. Strandgaard for leie af en
neger ved fortet
10
.. Premierlieutenant v. Steuaun (?) for
leie af en ditto ved Cassernen
10
Folie 156
198.61
Folie 40, højre side
1849
Marts 31
Leie for negere
$c
Til officererne og de militaire Embedsmænd
i Oppasserpenge
36
Secretairen og Bogholderen
20
Capitani Hansen for leie af negere
ved bageriet
66.67
Samme for leie af ditto ved hospitalet
140
Capitani v. Strandgaard for leie af en
neger ved fortet
10
Premierleuitnant Bügel for leie af
en ditto ved Cassernen
10
Folie 156
282.67
Folie 46, højre side
April 30
Leie for negere
$c
Til officererne og de militaire
Embedsmænd i Oppasserpenge
for denne måned
48
Secretairen og Bogholderen
20
Negerleie ved bageriet
66.67
Ditto ved hospitalet
61.66
202
Ditto ved fortet
10
Ditto ved Cassernen
10
Folie 156
216.33
Folie 52, højre side
1849
Maü 31
Samme som ovenstående, bortset fra, at udgifterne til hospitalet kun er 30 $.
Folie 58, højre side
Junü 30
Samme som ovenstående, med de 30$ til hospitalet
Folie 73, højre side
Julü 31
Samme som ovenstående inkl. 30$ til hospitalet
Premierliutnant Magens
Folie 76, højre side
August 31
Ditto
Folie 84, højre side
September 30
Ditto
Folie 89, højre side
October 31
Ditto
Folie 92, højre side
November 30
Ditto
Folie 95, højre side
December 31
Leie for negere
$c
Til garnisonens officerer og de militære
Embedsmænd i Oppasserpenge 62
Secretairen og Bogholderen
20
Capitani Hansen for neger(e) til bageriet
66.67
Samme for ditto ved hospitalet
30
Samme for extra ditto ved hospitalet
20
Capt. V. Strandgaard for 1 ditto ved fortet
10
Capt. Magens for 1 ditto ved Cassernen
10
Folie 156
218.67
203
Appendix C: Statistical overview of numbers of Royal Slaves 1892 –
1849
St. Thomas and St. Jan
204
St. Croix
205