No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina
Author(s): Maxine Molyneux
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 13, No. 1, Latin America's Nineteenth-Century
History (Winter, 1986), pp. 119-145
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633723 .
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No God, No Boss, No Husband
AnarchistFeminismin
Argentina
Nineteenth-Century
by
Maxine Molyneux*
This article examinesanarchistfeminism,a tendencywithinthe
a studyof
inArgentina,
through
Anarchist
movement
nineteenth-century
thecontent
andsocialcontextofthenewspaperLa Vozde la Mujer.There
are twomainreasonsforexaminingthisphenomenon.The firstis one
familiarto feminist
historians-thatof makingvisible what,in Sheila
The hisRowbotham'sphrase(1974), has been "hiddenfromhistory."
inArgentina
norhas it
hasneverbeenwritten;
toryofanarchist-feminism
movement
withintheAnarchist
beenacknowledged
as a distinct
tendency
The majorhistorians
ofAror theLatinAmericanwomen'smovements.
gentineAnarchism-MaxNettlau,Diego Abad de Santillan,and Iaacov
Oved-do littlemorethannotetheexistenceofLa Voz,leavingitscontent
unexplored.
unanalyzedand itssignificance
A second reason concernsthe politicalimplicationsof such phedebate,especiallyintheThirdWorldcontext.La
nomenawithinfeminist
bywomenforwomen,andtheeditors
Vozde la Mujerwasa paperwritten
claimedthatitwas thefirstofitskindin LatinAmerica.Althoughthey
in beingan inweremistaken
aboutthis,'La Vozcouldclaimoriginality
currentwithinthecontidependentexpressionof an explicitlyfeminist
nent'slabor movement.As one of thefirstrecordedinstancesin Latin
andworkingideaswitha revolutionary
Americaofthefusionoffeminist
itdiffersfromthefeminism
foundelsewherein Latin
class orientation,
whichcenteredon
Americaduringtheinitialphasesofindustrialization,
ofEssex. This is a condensedver*MaxineMolyneuxteachessociologyattheUniversity
in Argentina.She wouldliketo
sionofan unpublishedmonographon anarchistfeminism
thankBarbaraTaylor,MikeDavis, PaulThompson,JuliaCasterton,andFredHallidayfor
theircommentson themanuscript,Iaacov Oved foralertingher to theexistenceof the
ofSocial Historyin Amsterdam
fortheirassistance
material,thelibrariansat theInstitute
ofEssex forhelpingto
withthearchivalmaterial,andtheFullerBequestat theUniversity
sponsortheresearch.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 48, Vol. 13 No. 1, Winter1986 119-145
? 1986Latin AmericanPerspectives
119
120
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
theirspecific
educatedmiddle-classwomenand to someextentreflected
is all too
concerns.In theLatinAmericancontext,in whichfeminism
phenomeoftendismissedby radicalsas a "bourgeois"or "reformist"
of
non,theexampleofLa Vozconstitutes
a challengetothisessentializing
themovement.
cannotbe theexclusive
Althoughempiricalinvestigation
offeminism,
a conterrainfordebateaboutthenatureand effectiveness
siderationofthefactscan inform
thatdebate.
THE CONTEXT
Anarchistfeminism
emergedin Buenos Aires in the 1890s withina
Argentinaamong
contextshaped by threefactorsthatdistinguished
nineteenth-century
LatinAmericanstates:rapideconomicgrowth,the
influxoflargenumbersofEuropeanimmigrants,
andtheformation
ofan
activeand radicallabormovement.
During the second half of the nineteenth
centurythe Argentine
economywas undergoing
a spectacularexpansion.In theperiodbetween
1860 and 1914, real GDP growthrateswereamongthehighestin the
world,givingArgentina
a lead overtherestofLatinAmericathatitwas
to retainuntilthe1960s. The basis ofthisexpansionwas theexploitation
ofthefertile
whichproduced
pampas, therollingplainsoftheinterior,
cheap wheatand meatfortheEuropeanmarkets.As demandforthese
productsgrewandArgentina's
productive
capacityincreased,thearea of
land undercultivation
rose from200,000 acres in 1862 to 60 millionin
1914 (Ferns,1960).
The growthoftheeconomyincreasedthedemandforlabor,and this
was satisfiedthroughimmigration
on a vastscale. Fromthe 1870s on,
specialbureausweresetup inItaly,Spain,France,and Germanytolure
to Argentinawiththe promiseof cheap land, fares,and
immigrants
loans. The responsein thedepressedareas of Europe was overwhelmachievedwas unequaledanyinglypositive,and therateofimmigration
where on the subcontinent.
Overall, between 1857 and 1941, when
and
all butceased, over6,500,000 migratedto Argentina,
immigration
of thesenearly3,500,000 stayed.By 1914 Argentinawas thecountry
to indigenouspopulationin the
withthe highestratio of immigrants
world.2From 1857 to 1895, Argentinahad received2,117,570 for20% of
eigners,1,484,164ofwhomhadstayed.In 1895theyrepresented
and 52% ofthepopulationof
Argentina'snearly4,000,000 inhabitants
BuenosAires,thecapitalcity(Solberg,1970).
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
121
The largestethnicgroupcomprisedItalians,who in 1895 accounted
for52 % ofthetotalnumberofimmigrants.
Spaniardsmadeup thesecond largestgroupingwith23.2 % ofthetotal,and Frenchaccountedfor
9.6 %. Smallerpercentages
ofGermans,British,Austrians,
Uruguayans,
Arabs,Swiss, and East Europeansmadeup therest.It was amongthese
immigrant
communities
thatthe groupproducingLa Vozde la Mujer
arose and was active.Anarchismas a politicalideologywas originally
imported
byimmigrants
fromtheEuropeancountriesinwhichtheAnarchistmovement
was strong-Italy,Spain,and France.3Anarchist
groups
and publications,manyofthemfoundedbypoliticalrefugeesfromEurope,firstemergedinthe1860s andthe1870s.
Despite Anarchism'salien origins,therecan be littledoubtthatthe
materialconditionsencounteredby the immigrants
in Argentinaprovideditfertile
soil. On theirarrivalinBuenosAires,abouthalftheimmigrantsinitiallysoughttheirfortunes
on theland,whereastherestfound
workin theexpandingporteconomyand in otherurbancenterssuchas
Rosarioand La Plata. Theybecamedaylaborersand artisans,domestic
servants,and public employeesengaged in the state-funded
building
projects.Whereassome had capitalto investin businessesand in real
estate,themajorityweremembersof theruralor urbanworkingclass
whohadcometoArgentina
toescapethehardships
oftheirowncountries
and maketheirfortunes.
Few immigrants
managedto achievethesocial mobilitytheyaspired
to. Most remainedworkers;an estimated70% of theimmigrants
were
in thecityof Buenos Aires,and of theworkingclass as a
concentrated
The frustrated
wholeabout60 % wereforeign-born.
desireforsomeimin theirmeanswas probablya majorcause ofimmigrant
disprovement
content(Rock, 1975). For manyof these workers,conditionswere
dismal. In Buenos Aires, wherethepopulationdoubledbetween1869
and 1887 and againbetween1887 and 1904, housingwas scarceand of
or tenements,
where
poor quality.Manyworkerslived in conventillos,
a
12
x
12-foot
of
five
the averageimmigrant
family
personsshared
room(Solberg,1970). Althoughwageswerenotlow bythestandardsof
erodedbydevaluaotherLatinAmericancountries,theywereconstantly
werefrequently
cheatedindealswiththeirbosses,andemtion.Workers
ployment
conditionswereharsh,a ten-hour
day,six-dayweek schedule
beingthenorm(Marotta,1960).
werecompoundedbypoliticalconditions
These materialdifficulties
to lessentheimmigrants'
distancefromand dissatisfacthatdid nothing
was a constitionwithArgentine
reality.AlthoughintheoryArgentina's
in whichpopularsovereignty
tutionalgovernment
prevailed,in practice
122
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
relations,and informal
thereexisteda systemofbloc votes,clientelistic
allianceswithlocal caudillos(bosses). This deniedreal politicalrepreor immiresidents,whethernative-born
sentationto mostArgentinian
grant. As the immigrantsbecame more vocal and working-class
theveryeconomic
appearedtothreaten
militancy
increased,immigrants
prosperity
theyhad helpedengender.In orderto increasecontrolover
made it almostimpossibleforimmigrants
to bethem,thegovernment
children
were
their
considered
Argentine
come naturalized,although
notsurprising
thatin 1895, ofa
citizensbyrightofbirth.It is therefore
715
had becomecitiin
Buenos
of
Aires,only
total 345,493 foreigners
zens (Bourde,1974).
enfranchisement
to
enabledthegovernment
This policyof restricted
fortwodecades. The
postponesomeoftheconsequencesofimmigration
immigrant
populationwas keptin a precarioussituationeconomically
and politically.The doubledisqualification
(electoraland national)that
allowedminimalpoliticalexpressionof itsaspirationsencouragedit to
form.Immigrant
findexpressionin a combativeand oftenrevolutionary
was evidentin thestrikesofthelate 1880sand reacheda crediscontent
wished
scendointhegeneralstrikeof1902. Buttheforcethegovernment
to containwas one itwas forcedto continuecreating.
formedan integralpartof the nascent
The immigrant
communities
role in shapingits
workingclass in Argentinaand playeda prominent
fromEuropea
ofitsstruggles.Theybrought
ideologiesandthecharacter
organipoliticalculturethatarosefromtheirexperienceofworking-class
thedebatesoveranarchism,sozationsand formsofaction,transposing
totheshopfloors,tenements,
and
organization
cialism,andtrade-union
caf6sofBuenosAires,Rosario,and La Plata. The firststrike,in 1878,
was organizedby the printers'union, established20 yearsbeforeby
organizaBy the 1880s formsof working-class
Spanishcooperativists.
tionand resistancewerewidespread,andthisgrowthwas acceleratedby
the onset of a severe recession,knownas the Baring Crisis, which
grippedArgentinafrom1889 to 1891. The economiccollapse precipioftheembryonic
tateda governmental
crisis,an uprisingbysupporters
Radicalparty,and thefirstextensivewaveofstrikeaction,bytheend of
whichtherewerefewbranchesofemployment
thathad escaped theeffectsofworkers'discontent.
In theclimateof growingworking-class
in the 1880s and
militancy
groupswere activeproducingpamphletsand pa1890s, revolutionary
and
pers,organizingmass meetings,puttingon theaterperformances,
in strikesand demonstrations.
Untiltheemergenceofthe
participating
forceattheturnofthecentury,
Socialistpartyas a significant
muchofthis
was undertaken
manyofthem,likeEttoreMattei
byAnarchists,
activity
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
123
andEnricoMalatesta,exilesfromEurope.Theyenjoyedsignificant
supportwithintheworkingclass and controlledseveralpowerfulunions,
amongthemthebakers(organizedbyMattei)and thebricklayers.
In the
1880sand 1890s thereweresometimesas manyas 20 Anarchistpapers
beingpublishedat anyone time,in French,Spanish,and Italian;occasionallyarticlesin each languageappearedin thesamenewspaper.
Anarchism
inArgentina
reacheditspeakinthefirsttwodecadesofthe
twentieth
century,
andtheearlierhistory
ofthismovement
can be seenas
a slow and ofteninterrupted
advancetowardthisclimax. La Vozde la
oftentative
andcontinuous
Mujerappearedafterhalfa century
Anarchist
activityand as one ofthefirstexpressionsofwhatwas tobe Argentina's
Anarchistheyday.
The ebbandflowofAnarchism
anditspreferred
formsoforganization
andstruggle
followeda pattern
similartothatinEurope,andbythe1890s
itwas,as elsewhere,largelyundertheinfluenceoftheanarchist
communismpropagatedby PeterKropotkinand Elysee Reclus in Europe and
EmmaGoldmanandAlexanderBerkmannintheUnitedStates.Thiswas
thetendency
to whichLa Vozde la Mujerbelonged.Anarchistcommunismwas a fusionofsocialistand anarchistideas. It was dedicatedtothe
violentoverthrow
oftheexistingsocietyand thecreationofa new,just,
andegalitariansocial orderorganizedon theprincipleof"fromeach accordingto ability,toeach accordingto need." Internationally,
themovementwas dividedoverwhetherthe revolutionwas to occur througha
orthrough
popularuprising
a massstrike.Therewerealso disagreements
overthedegreeto whichtheAnarchistmovement
shoulditselfbe organizedand overtheappropriateness
ofemployingindividualactsof violence againstthe stateforpropagandapurposes. Both socialism and
anarchismfocusedon theworkingclass butalso expressedsomesympathyfortheprincipleof women'semancipation.By the 1880s therehad
emergedwithintheEuropeanAnarchist
movement
a distinctive
feminist
current,representedby writerssuch as "Soledad Gustavo" (Teresa
Maiie) and Teresa Claramunt,just as withinthe movementin North
Americathese ideas were developedby Voltairinede Cleyre,Emma
Goldman,and others.Some of thesewriterswere alreadybeingpublishedin Argentinain the 1880s,and in theAnarchistpresscritiquesof
thefamilyappearedtogether
witheditorialssupporting
"feminism,"
by
thena termin currentusage. The mainimpulseforanarchistfeminism
came fromSpanishactivists,butItalianexileslikeMalatestaand Pietro
Gorigavesupportto feminist
ideas intheirjournalsandarticles.
In the1880s and 1890s oneofthemainformsofAnarchist
was
activity
theediting,printing,
and distribution
ofnewspapers,leaflets,and pamphlets.Indeed,therewas apparently
as muchAnarchistliterature
circu-
124
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
as therewas inthe
latinginBuenosAiresbythelastyearsofthecentury
Anarchiststronghold
of Barcelona(Solberg, 1970). In theearlyyears,
fromEurope,
forthesepaperswas imported
muchoftheeditorialcontent
local
reflected
an increasingly
butas experiencewas gainedthecontents
involvement.
Verylittleis knownabout how these publishingventureswere fiavailableit seems thatsome of the
nanced,but fromthe information
fundscame in theformof small donationsraisedat meetingsand leclow; accordingtotheaccountslisted
tures.Printing
costswererelatively
2,000 copiesofa newsthecostofprinting
atthebackofthepublications,
paperwas intheregionof45 pesos in 1897-a littleovertwicetheweekly
listsshowthatindividualdonationswere norwage. The subscription
mallyabout20 centavesandthreeor fourgroups,someintheprovinces,
regularly
sentsumsofup to5 pesos each. Donorswereusuallyidentified
byfalsenames,evocativenomsde guerres(suchas "FirmintheBreach,"
ortrades;thelatter,
"Less Asking,MoreTaking,""A Bomb-Thrower"),
waiters,andbus
streetsweepers,prostitutes,
whichincludeshoemakers,
drivers,together
withthesmallsumsdonated,are someindicationofthe
class natureof thereadership.4Pamphletsand newspaperswere often
withwhichthesepapersappeared
givenaway.Because oftheirregularity
of theregular
and theprecariousnessof theirexistence,theinstitution
was noteffected.
subscription
La Vozde la Mujer was typicalof the smaller,semiclandestine
and
tendencythatadvoephemeralnewspapersof theanarchist-communist
cated"propagandabydeed." Althoughaddressedtotheworkingclass, it
appearedto have feworganiclinksto it, and its militantantireformist
in the
stance furtherweakenedits capacityforpoliticalintervention
musthavearousedsome response
strugglesoftheday.Yetitsfeminism
amongwomenworkersinthecitiesofBuenosAires,La Plata,andRosario, forit lasteda yearand printedbetween1,000 and 2,000 copies of
each issue-a respectablenumberforan Anarchist
paperofitstime.
It wasamongthewomenworkersoftheurbancentersthatLa Vozde la
Mujerarose and campaignedforsupport.The editorsweredrawnfrom
with
thelargeSpanishandItaliancommunities
themselves
andidentified
of
thewomenof theworkingclass. Therewas certainlya constituency
womenin nineteenth-century
and many
urbanworking-class
Argentina,
of thesewomenwere immigrants.
The 1895 census reportsthatthere
were 368,560 immigrant
women (just over half the numberof men
themajorityof thenative-born
population),
thoughwomenconstituted
of
37 % ofwhomwereinBuenosAires.We do notknowwhatpercentage
womenwerethemajorityofthe
thistotalwereworkers,butimmigrant
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
125
economicallyactivepopulationofBuenosAiresand madeup 40% ofthe
56.9% oftheseam21,571domesticservants,66.1% ofthedressmakers,
of
of
and
23%
the
teachers,
34% ofthenurses.
stresses,16.9% thecooks,
halfofthe66,068
womenconstituted
approximately
Overall,immigrant
in
womenregistered
as employedin thecapitaland wereconcentrated
domestic service, the sewing and textile industries,and cooking
(Segundocenso, 1898).
The littleinformation
availableon women'swagesand workinghours
low pay,and long
showsthattheysufferedsystematicdiscrimination,
hours.The averageworkingdayforthedomesticservantsofBuenosAireswas over12 hoursin themid-1890s,despitea strikebydomesticservantsoverthedenialofrestperiodsin 1888. A seconddomesticservants'
strikeis reported
fromthe1890s,thistimeinprotestofemployers'practiceofissuingservantsconductbooksin whichjudgmentsofthemwere
anda
recorded;possessionofsucha bookwas requiredforemployment,
negativejudgmentmade italmostimpossibleto findanotherjob. It apworkedan 81/2-hour
day,below
pearsthatwomenin thetextileindustry
theaverage.As ifto accountforthis,femaleworkersin thesetradesreand seamstressesreceivedwageslowerthantheaverage:dressmakers
ceivedbetween$0.50 and $1.00 perdaywhentheaveragewageformen
workerswas between$1.50 and $2.50. The wagesofdomesticservants
maywellhavebeenevenlower(Marotta,1960).
in employment
due to limited
was notprimarily
This discrimination
forgirlsand women.In Argentinathesexual
educationalopportunities
in educationwas verysmallcomparedwiththatofmanydeveldisparity
opingcountries,and theliteracyratewas similarto thatin manyEuropean countriesat thetime. In 1895 49% of all men and 41.5% of all
womenwereliterate.In BuenosAirestherateswere6 % and 10% higher,
respectively.
Genderinequalitywas evenless markedin educationalesIt was withpridethattheeditorsof the 1895 census retablishments.
amongthenationsoftheworld
portedthatArgentinawas distinguished
forthefactthattherewas no significant
discrimination
againstwomenas
thequalitative
differfaras access toeducationwas concerned.Whatever
encesconcealedbehindthenumericalequality,therecan be nodoubtthat
therewas less discrimination
againstwomenin educationthanin most
countriesoftheworldat thetime.The 1895 censusreports298 boysper
1,000 at school comparedwith294 girlsper 1,000 (Segundo censo,
1898).
This relatively
coupledwithequal opportuhighrateofparticipation
nitiesforgirlsin educationmeansthattheradicalpresshad a potential
readership
thatwas notconfinedtotheupperclasses. La Vozde la Mujer
126
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
couldalso counton theexistenceoffairlylargenumbersofwomenwith
literacyand at least some educationamongthe workersto whomthey
women,however,
addressedtheirpropaganda.The poorerimmigrant
womenweregenerallyattached
wereoftenuneducated.Theseimmigrant
as wivesor mothersto theirhusbandsand families,yetmanyof them
musthavesuffered
theusual problemsassociatedwithupheavaland adjustmentto an aliencultureevenifalleviatedsomewhatbythecontinuities in languageand religiousvalues. For women,migration,whether
anda cause ofchangesinthe
internal
or international,
was bothan effect
in
their
in
the
wider
society.As thesocioeconomic
familyand
position
structure
oftheOld Worlddecomposed,relationsin thefamilywereredefinedand, amongsome groups,liberalized.Yet it wouldappearthat
womenremainedtrappedwithintheirown communal
mostimmigrant
and prejuculturesin sexual and familymattersand thatthetraditions
dicesofsouthern
Europecontinuedtoexertan influence.Despitethetumultuousconditions
ofthecapitalinthisperiod,womenwerekeptwithin
traditional
social and economicrolesand forcedto workunderthedisstructures
elsewherein theindustrializing
world.
criminatory
prevailing
La Vozde la Mujertherefore
and
arose in thecontextof decomposition
roledivisions.
recomposition
ofthetraditional
ofLa Vozde la Mujeras an Anarchist
paperlayin
The distinctiveness
of women'soppression.It called upon
its recognition
of thespecificity
womento mobilizeagainsttheirsubordination
bothas womenand as
workers.Itsfirsteditorialwas a passionaterejectionofwomen'slot:
Greetings!
Compaiieros
ycompaiieras!
the
tearsandso muchmisery;fed
so many
upwith
So:fedupas wearewith
askneverending
(dearthough
they
are);fedupwith
drudgery
ofchildren
or vile
forourinfamous
exploiters
ingandbegging;
ofbeinga plaything
and
wehavedecidedtoraiseourvoicesintheconcert
ofsociety
husbands,
inthebanquet
ourbitofpleasure
oflife.
demand,
yes,demand
The appearanceofthisissue receiveda mixedresponsefromtherestof
theAnarchist
topraise.El
movement,
rangingfromsilenceand hostility
Oprimido,editedby an amiable Englishmancalled Dr. Creaghe,5exwarmwelcomein itsissueofNovember1895:
tendeda particularly
theredflag
itthisname,a groupofmilitant
women
haveunfurled
Bygiving
andintend
topublisha magazine
forpropaganda
amongthose
ofanarchy
Wegreetthevaliant
whoaretheircomrades
bothinworkandinmisery.
initiators
andatthesametimewecallonall ourcomrades
ofthisproject,
tosupport
them.
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
127
to femiA substantial
sectionoftheAnarchistpresswas sympathetic
nistissuesat thistime.The mid-I 890s in Argentinasaw increasingcovtomarriage,
towomen'sequalityandinparticular
erageofissuesrelating
ofwomenbymen.Some paprostitution,
andthedomination
thefamily,
persevenpublishedspecial seriesofpamphletsdevotedto "the woman
paperfoundedby
question."La QuestioneSociale, theItalian-language
a seriesofpam1883,
published
in
Malatestawhenhe cametoArgentina
including
of
women's
issues,"
to
an
analysis
phlets"especiallydedicated
writings
by"Soledad Gustavo"on womenand educationand on thesufwomen.These twopamphletswerewell
feringsofpoorand proletarian
thelatterclaiminga printrunof
enoughreceivedto meritrepublishing,
4,000. The Scienceand ProgressPress,a ventureofDr. Creaghelinked
toLa QuestioneSociale, also producednumerouspamphletson women,
includingthetextsof a seriesof lecturesgivenby "Dr. Arana" in the
based on
provinceof SantaFe. These includedan 87-pagedissertation
theworkof Morgancalled Womanand theFamily,publishedin 1897,
anda shorterworkentitledSlaveryAncientand Modernthatincludedin
of marriage.These pamits examplesof thelattertypethe institution
threetimes
phletswerefirstprintedin editionsof500 butwerereprinted
inthe
beforetheendofthecentury,
indicating
someconsiderableinterest
subject.Ruvira(1971) notesthatthefirstall-womangroupsthatemerged
in 1895 were adherentsof La QuestioneSociale and thatit was these
groupsthatproduced"the real militants"-"PepitaGherra,"Virginia
Bolten,Teresa Marchisio,IrmaCiminaghi,andAna Lopez.
The journal Germinal,whichfirstappeared in 1897, was, like El
concernedwiththe"womanquestion";itcarried
Oprimido,particularly
severalarticlesunderthe generalheadingof "Feminism,"and it deand just characterof feminism"
fended"the extremelyrevolutionary
againstthechargethatitwas merelya creationof "elegantlittleladies."
pressappearsto
Much ifnotall ofthefeminist
materialin theAnarchist
to verifybeis
have been written
this
impossible
by women,although
cause theuse ofpseudonyms
was commonpractice.La Vozde la Mujer
parenjoyedcordialrelationswithat least some of itscontemporaries,
tenticularlythosebelongingto themoreextremepropaganda-by-deed
dencysuchas El PerseguidoandLa Vozde Ravachol.Italso hadrelations
withtheSpanishpapersEl Esclavo,La Vozdel Rebelde,andEl Corsario,
withtheNew YorkpaperEl Despertar,and withtheUruguayanpaper
Derechoa la Vida.
inprinciplewithintheAnarforfeminism
Yetthisapparentsympathy
oppositionin practice.The first
chistrankswas matchedby substantial
issueofLa Vozde la Mujerseemsto havearousedconsiderablehostility,
128
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
because in thefollowingissue theeditorsattackedtheantifeminist
attitudes prevalentamong men in the movementin no uncertainterms.
(Since thereappearto be no tracesof thisoppositionin therestof the
Anarchist
pressoftheperiod,itis probablethatthesecriticisms
hadbeen
expressedorally.)
When
wewomen,
unworthy
andignorant
as weare,tooktheinitiative
and
published
La Vozdela Mujer,weshouldhaveknown,
Ohmodern
rogues,
howyouwouldrespond
with
toourinitiayouroldmechanistic
philosophy
tive.Youshouldhaverealized
andthat
thatwestupid
women
haveinitiative
is theproduct
ofthought.
Youknow-wealsothink. . Thefirstnumber
of La Voz de la Mujerappearedand of course,all hellbrokeloose:
"Emancipate
women?For what?""Emancipate
women?Noton your
nelly!" . . . "Letouremancipation
comefirst,andthen,whenwemen
"
areemancipated
andfree,
weshallseeaboutyours.
The editorsconcludethatwomencan hardlyrelyuponmento takethe
initiativein demandingequalityforwomen,giventhiskindof hostile
attitude.6
The sameissueofthepapercontainsa secondarticleon thequestion,
entitled"To theCorrupters
oftheIdeal." In itmenarewarned,"You had
betterunderstand
onceandforall thatourmissionis notreducibletoraisingyourchildrenandwashingyourclothesandthatwe also havea rightto
emancipateourselvesand to be freefromall kindsoftutelage,whether
economicor marital."We can, however,
assumethatthepolemicdid not
subside,because theeditorialin thethirdissue is addressed"To Our
Enemies"and statesthatdespite"theveritabletempest[which]has brobeen rekenoverLa Vozde la Mujer," theeditors,who haveapparently
ferred
toas "savagesoftongueandpen,"are still"firminthebreach."A
slightretreatis, however,indicatedin theirconcernto emphasizethat
theywere attackingnot male Anarchistcomradesin generalbut only
those"falseAnarchists"whofailedtodefend"one ofAnarchism'smost
ofwomen."
beautifulideals-the emancipation
The editors'outragewas justifiedin thatAnarchismadvocatedfreedom and equalityforall humankind.Womenas an oppressedgroup
couldrightly
demandsupportfromfellowAnarchists
intheirstruggle
for
emancipation.ButalthoughAnarchism'sprincipleshad attracted
many
free-thinking
womento itsranksand themovement
certainly
tookfeminismseriously,
therewas a certainambivalenceovertheprecisestatusof
thestruggle
forwomen'semancipation
perse. Womenwerewelcomedas
in "the cause ofAnarchy,"
militants
as El Oprimido had putit,butthey
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
129
dewere givensomewhatless encouragement
to struggleforfeminist
mandsand noneat all to formautonomousfeminist
groups.Anarchist
and therewas
doctrinewas itselfsomewhatambivalent
aboutfeminism,
remarkably
littletheoretical
debateaboutthesubject.AlthoughBakunin
Allianceof Social Dehad includedin theprogramofhis International
mocracytheexplicitaim ofabolishingsexualinequalityalongwithclass
inequality,
theAnarchistrecordon women'srightswas an unevenone.
forequal
The FrenchProudhonists
hadopposedthedemandsoffeminists
women'snaturalplace tobe inthebosom
payandequal workandthought
ofthefamily(Rowbotham,1974). The chiefinspiration
oftheanarchistcommunismof the 1880s and 1890s, Kropotkin,encouragedwomen's
He saw the
butdisapprovedoffeminism.
activismwithinthemovement
oftheworkingclass forliberationas primary;women'sspecific
struggle
to theachievement
ofthisgoal.
interests
weretobe subordinated
In Argentina,
as Anarchists
begantotakeup someofthepracticaldeone of their
mandsof theworkingclass towardtheend of thecentury,
most vigorouscampaignswas for protectivelegislationfor women.
Whenforthefirsttimeequal payforwomenwas raisedas a demandand
WorknumberoflaborunionsintheArgentine
supported
bya significant
ers' Federationin 1901, PietroGori, a renownedAnarchistpropagandist,movedthat"womenshouldbe prohibitedfromworkingin those
areaswhichcouldbe dangeroustomaternity
andwhichcouldundermine
altotheirmorals;andchildrenunder15 shouldbe stoppedfromworking
gether."The concernwithwomen'smoralityand thejuxtapositionof
7 The comwomenandchildreninthispaternalistic
formulation
is telling.
mitteevotedunanimously
to "organizewomenworkersinorderthatthey
mightraise theirmoral, economic,and social conditions"(Marotta,
1960).
itis notdifficult
were
Despitetheselimitations,
to see whyfeminists
attracted
to Anarchism.Its keytenetsstressedthestruggleagainstauand anarchistfeminism
focuseditsenergieson thepowerexerthority,
cised overwomenin marriageand thefamily,seekingtheirfreedomto
haverelationships
The Anarchistemphasison
outsidetheseinstitutions.
oppressionandonpowerrelations,albeitlargelyuntheorized,
openedup
a space withinwhichwomencouldbe seensimultaneously
as thevictims
of societyand as thevictimsof male authority.
As La Vozde la Mujer
expresseditinNo. 4, "We hateauthority
because we aspiretobe human
beingsand not machinesdirectedby the will of 'another,'be thisauthority,
religion,or anyothername."One ofLa Voz'ssupporters
elaboratedon this"any othername" whenshe signedherself"No God, No
Boss, No Husband."
130
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
ThusAnarchism,morethansocialismwithitsemphasison economic
was able to accommodatesome aspectsof feminism,
but
exploitation,
feminist
ideas did notmeetwithwide acceptancein themselveseither
withinorwithout
theAnarchist
movement.
ThistensionbetweentheAnarchistmovement
as a wholeandthefeminists
withinitis reflected
inthe
trajectory
ofLa Voz.
As faras we know,La Vozde la Mujerwas publishedonlyninetimes,
thefirstissue appearingon January8, 1896, and thelastalmostexactly
one yearlateron New Year'sDay. It maywellhavebeenrevivedata later
date.The standardsourcesontheAnarchist
movement
ofthisperioddate
itsexistenceto 1896-1897andtellus virtually
nothing
aboutit. The editorialsrefertothreechangesofeditorship,
butno namesare mentioned.
However,in an issue ofa periodicalcalled Caras y Caretaspublishedin
1901,mentionis madeofthe"twobeautiful
womenwhoeditLa Vozde la
Mujer."Anunnamedactressis also alludedtoas oneofthecollaborators.
A seriesof photographs
accompanying
thearticleshowsthreewomen
namedas editorsofLa Voz-Teresa Marchisio,Maria Calvia, and Virno further
giniaBolten.8 Unfortunately,
lightis castonthesewomen,and
we are leftwiththeintriguing
possibilitythatLa Vozde la Mujer was
revivedafteritsclosurein 1897 and was againbeingpublishedin 1901.
Whetherthiswas thesame paperwiththesame editorsis impossibleto
say.
It is also reportedthatanotherversionof thepaper and bearingits
name was publishedin the provincialtown of Rosario by Virginia
Bolten.9She was said to be a "greatorator"and indefatigable
organizer
and is theonlywomanknownto havebeen deportedin 1902 underthe
thepowerto expel immiResidenceLaw, whichgave the government
Italso appearsthatyetanotherLa
grantsactiveinpoliticalorganizations.
Vozde la Mujerwas publishedin Montevideo(Diego Abad de Santillan,
and because thiswas whereVirginiaBolten
personalcommunication),
was exileditis reasonableto supposethatshe mayhavebeen involvedin
thisUruguayan
version.
establishing
Like manyotherAnarchist
papersoftheperiod,La Vozappearedsporadically,bearingon itscoverthewordsSale cuandopuede ("Appears
WhenIt Can"); at firstthiswas aboutonce everythreeweeks,and then
thetimebetweenissues lengthened
to six weeksto twomonths.It was
in
fourpages ofcopy.Numformat
and
contained
published newspaper
fourclaimeda printrunof 1,000, numbersfive,seven,
bersone through
and eight2,000, and numbernine1,500.10As was normalfortheseAnand a listof
archistpapers,it was financedby voluntary
subscription,
subscriberswas printedat theback of each issue. An indicationof the
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
131
temperofitsreadership
can be gainedfromthefollowing
donors'names:
"WomenAvengersGroup,""One Who Wantsto Fill a Cannonwiththe
Heads of the Bourgeois," "Long Live Dynamite,""Long Live Free
Love," "A Feminist,""A Female Serpentto Devour the Bourgeois,"
"Full ofBeer,""A Man FriendlytoWomen."
ina numberofdifferent
The paper'scontents
werepresented
ways;the
inlengthfromonetotwocolumnstoa
mainformwas thearticle,varying
pageanda half.Each issueusuallycontainedan editorial,a poem,"I and
a moraltaleabout"martyrs"ofbourgeoissociety(thepoor,theworkers,
theprostitutes)
or theiradversaries(judges,priests,thepolice). In addiand articlesfromtheEuropeanmovement
werereprotion,translations
ducedas theywereelsewherein theAnarchistpressofthetime,among
themthe writingsof "Soledad Gustavo,"LaurentineSauvrey,Teresa
Claramunt,A. Maria Mozzoni, and Maria Martinez.The editorsofLa
Vozde la Mujeractivelysoughtthecooperationofprominent
womenAnarchistsand, accordingto a notein numberfive,wroteto Emma Goldman and Louise Michel in particular.The back page of the paper
containeda sectionentitledRoundTable in whichsmallitemsof news
werediscussed.It was heretoo thattheSofromEuropeand Argentina
cialistpartyofArgentina
was regularly
beratedforitsreformist
politicsvis-a-vistheworking-class
movement,
notthewomanquestion-andthat
to womenwerereported.We hear,forinstance,of
topicalissuesrelating
thespiritedintervention
ofa youngwomanAnarchist
ina workers'meetingon behalfofwomen'semancipation.
Most ofthesignedarticlesborethenamesofwomen,and mostwere
written
in Spanish,withonlyoccasionalitemsin Italian.Althoughthe
paperacceptedarticlesin eitherlanguage,thenamesoftheeditors,colindicatedthepaper'saffiliations
withSpanlaborators,and contributors
12 Thisis not
ishAnarchismandwiththeSpanishimmigrant
community.
fromSpainthatanarchistfeminism
came
as itwas primarily
surprising,
to Argentina.Even thefeminist
materialin theItalianpresswas written
largelybySpanishauthors.
La Vozde la Mujerdescribeditselfas "dedicatedto theadvancement
ofCommunist
Anarchism."Because itspoliticswereofthemilitant
Anarchistvarietythatdefendedactsofviolence,itwas publishedsemiclanIt was addressedtoa working-class
and itseditors
destinely.
readership,
wrotefrequently
andpassionatelyaboutthemiseryandpoverty
endured
to belong.The moodof
bywomenofthisclass, to whichtheypurported
thepaperwasoneoffieryoptimism,
inthefollowing
as exemplified
verse
froma poementitled"A Toast,"byJosefaM. R. Martinez:"Greetings,
dear brothersand sisters,to the fight/
companeras!Anarchy/Hurrah,
132
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
Strongof arm,sereneof heart."In commonwiththerestof theAnarchistmovement,
theeditorsweremilitantly
of
opposedto theauthority
hostileto the police and
religionand the stateand uncompromisingly
otherrepresentatives
of thelaw. Theytendedto offerrobustadvice to
on howtohandlepoliceharassment,
strikers
urgingthemto "knockoffa
few"in ordertoteachthepolicea lesson.
La Voz,however,
is thatofthemulThe centralthemerunning
through
tiplenatureof women'soppression.The stormin theAnarchistmovementthatgreetedthepaper'sappearanceseemsto havebeen caused by
feminism
ofthefirsteditorial,whichtookthedistinctive
themilitant
and,
andsocialists,hereticalpositionthatwomenwerethemost
foranarchists
exploitedsectionofsociety.A latereditorialasserted,"Webelievethatin
present-day
societynothingand nobodyhas a morewretchedsituation
thanunfortunate
women."Women,theysaid, weredoublyoppressedbybourgeoissocietyand bymen.
The specificallyfeminist
development
of Anarchisttheorylay in its
attackon marriageanduponmalepoweroverwomen.Anarchist
communismhadtakenoverfromEngelsthecritiqueofbourgeoismarriageas a
meansofsafeguarding
capitalistproperty
transmission.
It also reiterated
hisviewthatthefamilywasthesiteofwomen'ssubordination.
The writers inLa Vozde la Mujer,likeanarchistfeminists
elsewhere,wenton to
developa conceptofoppressionthatfocusedon genderoppression.Marriagewas notjusta bourgeoisinstitution;
italso restricted
women'sfreedom, includingtheirsexual freedom.La Voz attackedthe "conjugal
onanism"ofmarriageas a centralcause, alongwithclass oppression,of
miseryand despair.Marriagesenteredintowithoutlove, fidelity
maintainedthrough
fearratherthandesire,oppressionofwomenbymenthey
hated-all wereseenas symptomatic
ofthecoercionimpliedbythemarriagecontract.People werenotfreeto do as theypleased, evenless so
becauseuntil1897divorcewas illegalinArgentina.
Itwas thisalienation
oftheindividual'swillthattheanarchist
feminists
deploredandsoughtto
remedy,initiallythroughfree love and then, and more thoroughly,
social revolution.
through
La Vozde la Mujerwasa keensupporter
offreelove.Thiswas an issue
thathad been takenup byboththeNorthAmericanand SpanishAnarchistmovements
by the 1890s and remainedan Anarchistideal in decades afterward.
to marriagewere
Advocacyof freelove and hostility
sharedbyotheranarchistandlibertarian
groupsin LatinAmerica,some
ofwhichwentfarther
thanLa Vozin bothelaborating
theideas and puttingthemintopractice.Literatureon thebenefitsof multiplerelationin themovement
in Argentina,
as was information
shipswas circulating
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
133
andpropagandaon thefree-love
communesthathad comeintoexistence
in someLatinAmericancountries.
amongtheimmigrant
13
communities
La Vozde la Mujeroffered
itsreadersfewpracticalguidelinesforliving
outtheirideal, and it is notclear whatsocial arrangements
wereenvisaged forthosewhopracticedfreeloveor fortheirprobableoffspring.
Whattheeditorshad in mindappearsto havebeena liberalvariantof
theirideal consistingin "two comsequentialheterosexualmonogamy,
radesfreelyunited."In a contextinwhichcontraception
was atbestminimallyavailable,theeditorshadlittletosayaboutchildren,andwhatthey
a varietyof views. There is onlyone reference
did say represented
to
ofwhichthewriterexpressedapprovalon thegrounds
familylimitation,
thattoo manychildrenincreasedthepovertyofthepoor (a positionthat
wastogaingroundinSpainattheturnofthecentury).Thereis noexplicit
discussionofabortion,andthefewreferences
toitrevealtheambivalence
oftheeditors.Abortionis mentionedas something
nunsand bourgeois
womendo andis seenas evidenceoftheirhypocrisy.
Weareleftuncertain
whethertheact itselfis to be deploredor onlythepeopleperforming
it.
Attitudes
towardchildrenrangefrommaudlinsentimentality
toangrydeofthemother'slot. The editorsadoptedtheconventional
Annunciation
archistpositionon illegitimacy,
deploringit as an irrationalsocial
prejudiceand expressingsympathy
foritsvictims.In general,and espeaboutwithgreat
ciallyinthelaterissuesofLa Voz,childrenwerewritten
feelingfortheirsufferings,
and considerablestresswas laid on theemotionalbondbetweenmotherandchild.In an articleon thehorrorsofwar
thefocuswasuponthemother'sfearoflosinghersonincombat.Mothers
wereheldup as themainrepositories
ofparentalaffectivity.
The editors'
hostility
tothefamilyandtomarriage,then,was tempered
byrespectfor
at least some conventions.The factthattheyat no pointproposedthe
moreobviousformsofalleviationoftheproblemofchildcare, through
nurseriesor collectiveorganization,
is significant.
Childcare musthave
a problemfora readershipof womenworkers,and theabrepresented
sence of anydiscussionon themattersuggeststhattraditional
attitudes
towardmotherhood
thanthemoreradicalofthe
mayhavebeen stronger
editorswouldhavewished.
Thereis a silence,too, on theentirequestionofdomesticwork.Althoughtheeditorsattackedtheoppressionof womenand theirentrapmentin thehomeand in drudgery,
theyneverproposedeitherthatmen
shouldsharethislaborinthehouseholdor thatitshouldbe moreequally
It maywellbe thattheywereprevented
administered.
bytheirparticular
variantof Anarchistideologyfromproposingany solutionthatwould
haveinvolvedthestateor privatecapital(withnurseries,forexample)or
134
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
thatcould havebeen considereda purelyreformist
measure.Nonetheless, thefactthattheydid notargue foran equal distribution
of labor
withinthehomeorcommunalresponsibility
indicatesthattheycouldnot
breakwithprevailing
notionsoftheplace ofwomenwithinthetraditional
divisionoflabor.
La Voz'spositionon freelove, althoughmorecautiousthanthatof
someofitscontemporaries,
didamounttoa rejectionofmen'straditional
overwomenand controlof theirsexuality.In the contextof
authority
SouthernEuropeanmachismo,in whichvirginity,
and thedoufidelity,
werethecommoncurrency
ble standard
ofmaleprivilege,suchdemands
forfemaleautonomy
werecertaintoarousea hostileresponse.An itemin
number7 ofLa Vozde la Mujershowsthattheeditors'ideal offreeunion
and dissolution,withwomentakingtheinitiative,
was farfromacceptable to men,evenwithintheAnarchistmovement
itself.The articledeploredtheactionofthemaleAnarchistactivistF. Denanbride,who had
shothisloverfivetimesas shewas attempting
toleavehim.(The woman,
a collaboratorofLa Vozde la Mujercalled AnitaLagouardette,
had miraculouslysurvived.)The paper'streatment
ofthisepisode illustrates
a
flawin itsanarchistfeminist
reasoning.The editorssaw freelove as the
solutionto the problemof male-femalerelations;whenmarriage,the
cause ofmiseryanddespair,was abolished,thehomewouldbecome "a
paradiseofdelights."Men and womenwouldbe freeto enterintorelationshipswithwhomevertheychose and dissolvethemat will, without
thecorrosiveeffects
oflaw,state,or custom.This viewignoredboththe
complexand internalized
ofwomenand themodesofopsubordination
pressionand senseofsuperiority
internalized
bymen.
Freeunioncouldonlyhavebeenan adequatesolutioniftheinterests
of
bothpartiesinvolvedhadbeenidenticalorifthepartywhosewisheswere
contradicted
had had no feelings.In anysituationin whichpartnersto a
conflictdiffered
in strength,
theweakerwouldobviouslylose, and in a
worldin whichpeople were socialized along lines of male/female
inequality,thestronger,
themale, wouldbe able to use slogansof "freedom" to imposehiswillon hisfemalecompanion-eitherbyleavingher
whenshedidnotwanttobe leftorbyforcing
hertoremain.Moreover,in
a worldin whichwomenhad fewalternatives
to dependenceon men
throughmarriage,thebid forindependenceprobablyseemednotonly
romantic
butalso a morerealisticpossibility
formen;henceitthreatened
ratherthanliberatedtheleastadvantagedwomen.
For all its radicalism,thefree-lovesloganwas stilltemperedby the
ofitsday,and thiswas especiallytrueofitsimplications
conventions
for
sexual practice.The demand for free love had to do with personal
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
135
autonomy.
Althoughit involveda greatermeasureofsexualfreedom,it
did notmean sexual libertarianism.
The cautionthatcharacterized
the
editors'free-love
advocacycanbe atleastpartlyexplainedbytheambivalencetheyexpressedaboutsexuality.Theirwritings
on thesubject,like
thosefoundin Spain at thetime,reveala combination
ofvulgarity,
radicalism, and shockedprudery.Marriagewas attackedbecause it corruptedthose involvedand led to degeneratesexual practices. In a
particularly
floridpassage,itwas denouncedas harboring"coital fraud
withall itsattendant
andaberrations,"
"disgusting
diseases,anditsthousandsand thousandsofloathesomeand repugnant
practiceswhichconvertthemarriagebed intoa troughofdisgusting
obscenities-andfrom
" "Degenerate"sex,includingmasturbation,
theretoadultery!
was associatedwiththeenemy,especiallypriestsand thebourgeoisie,who were
beratedas homosexualsandpederasts.The limitsoftheeditors'radicalismare clear; theywerenotadvocatingsexualpermissiveness
and were
notevensurethattheylikedsexverymuch.Theirfree-love
sloganssignifieda desireforfreedomfromcertainlegal andpersonalconstraints,
but
sexualitywas tobe confinedtotherealmofnormative
practice.
This reflects
theculturalcontextfromwhichthesewomenemerged.
They saw the main problemin termsof freeingthemselvesfromthe
powerofmenandquestionedtheprivilegesthatmenenjoyedat women's
expense.Moreover,giventheexistingmoralclimateandthepowerrelationsbetweenmenandwomen,thelatterfrequently
foundthemselves
the
victimsofsexualexploitation
forwhichtheypaid thesocial costinterms
of damagedreputation
and illegitimate
children.It is therefore
notsurprisingthatsexual exploitation
is a recurrent
themeof anarchistfeminism:sex was a threatto women.La Vozde la Mujercombinesvarious
anarchist
suchas hatredoftheChurchandofclass exploitation,
elements,
witha specificallyfeminist
ofwomen.
critiqueofthesexualexploitation
A powerfulillustration
of this,addressedin quiteexplicitlanguage,is
contained
in number3, inwhichtheChurchis attacked
withall thevenom
ofSpanishAnarchismforthehypocrisy
ofitsfunctionaries
in relationto
accountof
sexuality."Luisa Violeta"givesan allegedlyautobiographical
an incidentbetweena priestand herselfin a confessional.The priestrebukesherfornotattending
mass. She explainsthathermotherhas been
ill andshehas hadtocareforher,butthepriestwillhavenoneofit: "Disgracefulgirl, don't you know thatit is the soul firstand then the
for
body. . . ?" In thecourseoftheconfessionLuisa asks forgiveness
a subjectthatprovokesa keeninterest
on theotherside of
masturbating,
thegrille.The priestwantsto knowexactlywhatpartsof herbodyshe
touchesand whethershe performstheseacts alone; thenhe asks her
136
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
thatitwas
whethershe was taughttodo thisbysomeoneelse. She retorts
noneotherthanthepriesthimself.At thispoint,he invitesherintohis
cubicleand triesto rapeher.
theme,
of thepriesthoodwas a recurrent
Insistenceon theprofanity
together
witha moregeneralattackon thehopelessnessoflookingtoreliGiven
social revolution.
gionfora salvationthatcan onlycome through
thattheprevailingview of womenwas conditionedby expectationsof
thiskindofcritiquemusthavebeen
theirpiety,and chastity,
religiosity,
scandalousat thetime.
particularly
as theeditotheChrucheclipsedevensuchsororalsympathy
Hostility
fortheircloisteredsisters,
torsofLa Vozde la Mujermighthavemustered
just as muchthevictimsofthe
thenuns.These womenwereoriginally
as weretheprostitutes
towhom,inone article,they
lack ofopportunities
criticizednotso muchfor
werelikened.In number4 nunswerebitterly
ofreligiousvaluesas fortheirhytheirideologicalroleas thepurveyors
sexuality("parasitesofsociety,whoafter
pocrisyanddeceitconcerning
satisfying
yourcarnalappetiteswithyoursaintlymen-the priests-cast
thefruits
ofyourentrailsin thestreetsor burythemin yourconventgarthisarticleappearsto havearousedcriticism
dens"). Not surprisingly,
fromreadersofLa Vozde la Mujerthatprompteda replyin number5.
The authorinsistedthatthestorywas trueand in herdefensecitednewspaperreportsofa younggirlbeingrapedbya priestand thedisposalof
babiesbynuns.
unwanted
ofwomen
thedoublestandard,andthesexualexploitation
Hypocrisy,
forprostitutes.
Prostisympathy
formedthebasis oftheeditors'feminist
doubly
tuteswere "fallenwomen,"innocentswho had been corrupted,
betrayedon thebasis of theirsex and theirclass. An articleby "Pepita
oftheideal-typical
prostiGherra"innumber4 containsthisdescription
tute:"Yes, I know,poor child,thepriestwas yourloverand themonk
was sacked,yourmotheris ill, and
boughtyouforfourcoins.Yourfather
agoniesof hunger. . ." In
yourlittlebrothersand sistersare suffering
Romantictradition,
theprostitute
keepingwiththe nineteenth-century
ofsociety":as thecreationofsocial corrupwas considered"themartyr
conceptionofsociety.
tion,sheoccupieda centralplace in theAnarchist
was forcedon womenthrough
poverty,
The editorsheldthatprostitution
forearningtheirlivmen'srapacity,
and thelack ofrealisticalternatives
ofmarbythedoublestandardandtheinstitution
ingandwas reinforced
and
relationships
riage,whichtrappedpeople in emptyand unfulfilling
drovementolook fortheirpleasureselsewhere.
BuenosAireswas alreadyintheprocess
In thelatenineteenth
century,
ofbecomingtheLatinAmericanvice capital.Althoughfewerthan700
in the 1895 census,thiswas a considerable
wereregistered
prostitutes
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
137
understatement
ifothercontemporary
accountsare tobe believed.It apoftheprostitutes
inArgenpearsfromthefiguresthata largepercentage
tinawereimmigrants,
withreportsofa whiteslave
and thisis consistent
tradeatthistime(Rock, 1975). Number8 ofLa Vozde la Mujercarriesa
long discussionof a pamphlet,apparentlywrittenby womenwho had
in this
been shippedto Buenos Airesby a "well-knownentrepreneur"
in women.La Voz
trade,callingforpolice intervention
to stopthetraffic
de la Mujersupportedthewomenin mobilizingagainstthepracticebut
to ask thepolice to intervene.
considereditfutileandincorrect
in
5 and7 areassociatedwitha shift
with
numbers
Changes editorship
inpoliticalemphasis-a gradualretreat
fromthemilitant
feminism
ofthe
firstfewissuesinfavorofmoreorthodox
Anarchist
concerns.Wheninits
positionagainstthe
earlyissues La Vozvigorouslydefendeda feminist
ofmenin themovement,
criticisms
itwas carefulto pointoutthatitwas
not againstmen but againstthose who opposed the idea of women's
explicitallusionsto
emancipation.
Afternumber3 therewereno further
editorecalcitrant
men,andthismaybearsomerelationtothesignificant
rialchangethattookplace withnumber5. Thisissueappearedina different, larger format,apparentlypart of a campaign to increase the
readership.This was necessarybecause therewas "stillgreatprejudice
againstwomenand againstthegreatheadwaymade bywomen'spropafeatured,
ganda."The articlesof" PepitaGherra"werenowprominently
and morearticlestendedto be on generalAnarchistthemesratherthan
specificallywomen'squestions.The toneof thewritingwas less mililess analytical,and less criticalofmenthanbefore.Antantlyfeminist,
othersignificant
indexoftheeditors'increasingdefensiveness
was their
denial thatthe paper was in the hands of the "GrupitoAmor Libre"
thatfromthisissueon, therewasno
(Free-LoveSect),anditis interesting
more discussionof freelove. However,the slogan "Long Live Free
Love" continuedto be includedalong with "Social Revolution"and
calls thatendededitorials.
"Long Live Anarchy"in theprogrammatic
ofthe
therewas no explicitcriticism
Despitethechangein editorship,
their
previouseditorialline of thepaper,and thenew editorsaffirmed
tofollow"thepathoftheold editors,thatis, tofightceaselessly
intention
againstbourgeoissociety:we shall fightwithoutcompromiseagainst
thoseprejudicesand preoccupations
inculcatedin us duringour childhood bystupidmenand fanaticalwomen,and byotherswho place their
pensat thedisposalofscoundrels."Withtheseventhissuethereappears
editorialchange.Accordingto a smallannounceto havebeena further
thenewspaper;as in
menton thelastpage,a newgroupwas nowrunning
theearliercase, no reasonsweregivenforthechangeand no criticisms
madeofpreviouspolicy.The onlyindicationofa changeoflineis given
138
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
ofthepaper;itwas nowbeingwritten,
bythecontents
apparently,
almost
entirely
by "Pepita Gherra,"and theselast threeissues wereevenless
issues thantheprevioustwo. Theyare characconcernedwithfeminist
terizedby a concernwithgeneralAnarchistthemessuch as antipatriotism
and anticlericalism.
The appearanceof an appeal forhelp in number9 indicatesthatthe
paperhad entereda crisis.The printrunforthisnumberdroppedfrom
2,000 to 1,500 and the issue was dominatedby a disquisitionon the
Warreportedly
Spanish-Cuban
printedinLa Vozforlackoffundstopublish it as a pamphlet.The appeal forsupportthatreviewedthepaper's
readsas follows:
development
TO OUR READERS
A yearhaspassed sincethefirst
numberofLa Voz de la Mujerappeared.It
has beena yearofstruggles,
ofsacrifices,ofcruelchoices,ofexpectations
andfailureswhichhaveonlybeenalleviatedtosomeextent
bytherewards
ofstruggle.
Two editorialgroupshave undertaken
theworkofproducingthispaper,
and theyhavebothplaced all theirlimitedknowledge
and theirenergiesat
the disposal of the cause whichtheydefend:Anarchy.Throughout
this
year,thelifeofthispaper has beenprecariousand uncertain,so muchso
thatwe mustconfessand emphasizethatcomradeswho like ourpropaganda workmust(1) helpus a bitmoreefficiently,
because otherwiseour
willbe uselessand we shall have to stopbringing
out La Voz de la
efforts
Mujer and that (2) this will mean the end of the ONLY paper in the
Americasandperhapsinthewholeworldwhichis propagatingourideals
aboutwomenand isparticularly
forwomen.
Companieros
y companieras:
we mustrepeatthatwe are notlackingin enthusiasmand will,butour resourcesare veryfew.Therefore,
ifwe cannot
go on, we shall retreatuntilwe can returnonce again to thebreachand
shall alwaysbe ready,whenthehourofcombatsoundsfromtheclockof
humanconsciousness,to runforwardand eitherwinor dieforAnarchy;
for thiscause we shall giveall our intellectualand bodilyenergies,and
ourfinalbreath.
The Editors of
La Vozdela Mujer
Notes
(1) Therefore
we say: giventhestateof ignorancein whichwomenare
of
kept,we believethatourjournalisticrole is to breakopen thegrounzd
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
139
womens minds;anotherpaper,orthisone sometimeinthefuture,willsow
and cultivatetheseeds. Thisis whyourpropagandaworkis as itis; every
paper has its owvnr-ole.
we mayhave tohanditoverto otherwomencomrades
(2) Alternatively,
whoare morecapable or havemoreresources.
Despitethisappeal, however,itappearsthatwithnumber9 La Vozde la
Mujerceased toexit.
It readilyacfacedbysucha paperwereformidable.
The difficulties
support,and therewerea
knowledgeditsfailureto generatesufficient
ofreasonsforthis,bothpracticalandpolitical.Amongthepractivariety
underclandescal difficulties
canbe listedall theproblemsofpublishing
conditions.La Vozused a varietyof different
tineor semiclandestine
men,
pressesand probablyreliedon the collaborationof sympathetic
whomayinturnhaveforcedtheeditorstomoderatetheirmoreunacceptmainlyby
able views.Thereareindications
thatthepaperwasdistributed
maleactivistsandthatthesemenwerenotverydiligentinensuringthatit
was circulatedor thatthefundsit raisedwerepaid to theeditors.This
raisesthemorecomplexpoliticalreasonsforLa Vozde la Mujer's decline: If it was circulatedmostlyby men, thentherewere eitherfew
or
Argentina
womentowhomAnarchism
appealedinnineteenth-century
totheprojectofLa Voz.
fewsympathetic
Thereare twoseparatebutrelatedissueshere:Anarchismand femiamongimnism.Anarchism
clearlyenjoyedfairlywidespreadsympathy
centuries,but
andearlytwentieth
migrant
workersin thelatenineteenth
comsupportforit was graduallyerodedby changesin theimmigrant
espemunitiesthemselves.It was initiallypopularamongimmigrants,
cially the least advantaged,because its unanchoredcosmopolitanism,
wereexpresoppositionto all formsof authority
idealism,and militant
Europeanlaborforce
siveofthefrustrations
ofa displacedruralsouthern
facedwiththerealitiesofurbanpovertyin an alien land. Disappointed
milifueledtheseimmigrants'
hopes and politicaldisenfranchisement
Those
from
their
host
and
country.
fostered
their
disengagement
tancy
who stayed,whetherthroughchoice or circumstance,had to survive
marriedArwithinArgentinesociety.Abouthalfofthemale migrants
gentinewomenand establisheda less attenuatedrelationshipto their
Meanwhile,bothmale and femaleArgentineworkers
adoptedcountry.
tothestruggle
as wellas someimmigrants
were,bythe1890s, committed
forpracticalreforms
to amelioratetheconditionof theworkingclass.
andgavethem
Some oftheAnarchist
groupsenteredintothesestruggles
a militant
edge. Thesegroupsremained,at leastuntilthefirstdecadesof
140
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
thetwentieth
century,
seriousrivalsofthemoreavowedlyreformist
Socialistparty.
The revolutionist
currentsof Anarchism,such as La Voz,remained
aloof;whereassomesectorsoftheworkingclass, bothnationaland immigrant,weredemandingan eight-hour
day,higherwages, and better
conditions,manyAnarchistsderidedsuch strugglesand called instead
fordirectactionagainstthestateanditsinstitutions.
The Anarchist
press
ofLa Vozde la Mujer'sdispositionwas particularly
disengagedfromthe
strugglesofitsday.The papers'contentsscarcelymentionstrikesor repression,working-class
demandsor action.Instead,themainconcern
was withideologicalstruggle.
La Vozde la Mujer's militant
stanceagainstwhatitsaw as reformism
probablymarginalized
itfromthewomenworkersitsoughtto influence.
Its semiclandestine
naturemadeorganization
and publicmeetingsdifficult.The paperappearedinfrequently
and circulatedmainlyamongthe
radicalmembersofthevariousimmigrant
communities.
Thus,byfarthe
greatestproportion
of thematerialprintedin La Vozde la Mujer could
havebeen writtenin almostany Spanish-speaking
countryat anytime
between1870 and 1930; ironically,
thesectionofthepaperthatgivesthe
atthistimeis thesubscription
mostvividindicationsoflifein Argentina
references
totrades,livingconditions,
list,withitsfleeting
regionsofthe
and leisureactivities.Overall,itslinkswiththerealitiesofimcountry,
wereextremely
attenuated.
women'slivesin Argentina
migrant
reEven in the 1890s, thesplitsthathad developedin themovement
flectedthedirectioneventswere taking.The moremilitantvariantsof
suchas La VozandtheVoiceofRavachol(named
anarchist
communism,
soon lost out to thosetendenciesthatweremore
fora bomb-thrower),
responsiveto theworkingclass and embraceditsstruggles.The Anarcharacterized
chistmovement
was henceforth
by a growingsupportfor
a questionoftoolittleand
ideas. Thiswas, however,
anarcho-syndicalist
too late,and Anarchism,evenin itsmoresyndicalist
form,was withina
fewdecadesa spentforce.The Socialistparty,foundedin 1894,commitandlaborreform,
hadbythesecond
tedas itwas toelectoralparticipation
theAnarchists,
overtaken
and bothwere
decade ofthetwentieth
century
eclipsedbytheliberalpopulismoftheRadicalparty.
within
La Vozde la Mujerwas therefore
alreadya minority
tendency
movement
as a wholewhereasAnarchismwas beingchaltheAnarchist
whowereplanningto
lengedtoadapttoboththeneedsoftheimmigrants
and thoseoftheindigenousworkingclass. ButLa Voz
stayin Argentina
lostthecontesttwiceover.Not onlydid itspoliticsmarginalizeit from
theworkingclass, butalso itgainedinsufficient
supportfromwomen.
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
141
concernedto attracta wide
In one sense,La Vozwas notparticularly
readership.Anarchistfeminism
soughtto developsmallgroupsofdedicatedactivistsratherthana mass movement.Its politicswereavowedly
reservedexclusivelyforworking-class
and
sectarianand itssympathies
poorwomen.Therewas littleorno cooperationwithotherradicalgroups
thatsharedLa Voz'sconcernfortheworkingclass. The Socialistparty
was reviledin muchthesametermsas thebourgeoisie,itspaperLa Vanon accountofitsreguardiabeingdescribedbyone writer,
presumably
filth."Althoughthewomenworkers
formism,
as "socialistic-bourgeois
had manya cause forgrievance,
to whomtheyaddressedtheirwritings
to militant
theeditors'commitment
Anarchismmadeitvirtually
impossibleforthemtoinvolvethemselvesin anydiscussionofthepracticalissues theyfaced.
Therewastherefore
a tendency
toavoidformulating
anyprecisestrategies forchangeand action,evenwhencertainmorepracticaldemands
can be seen as emerging.Apartfromtheabolitionofmarriage,theeditorscalledforan endtounequaland restricted
opportunities
forwomen,
discrimination
againstwomenat work,domesticslavery,
unequalaccess
to education,and men'suncontrolled
sexualdemandsuponwomen.But
theseissues are merelysignaled,withlittleor no detaileddiscussion.
Giventheexpressedconcernforwomenworkers,thereare surprisingly
in Arfewreferences
to theemployment
and workconditionsprevailing
gentinaat thetime.La Vozwas opposedto strikesforbetterwagesand
onbehalfofwomenworkerswastopoint
conditions.Itsonlyintervention
ofboycotting
outtolaundressesthefutility
thewashhousesin an attempt
tobringdownthepriceofadmission;insteaditadvisedthemtosmashthe
machinery.
Even whenconsiderablespace was allottedto a theme,as in
thecase offreelove,theeditorsoffered
theirreadersfewpracticalguidelinesforrealizingtheirideal.
From the turnof the centuryon, a different
variantof feminism
emergedthatdid takeup such issues, thatof the Socialistparty.Such
womenas Cecilia Grierson,Alicia Moreau de Justo,and JuanaRouco
Buela launchedthestruggleforequal rights,bettereducationalopportunities,and reform
ofthecivil code, and in so doingtheyradicallyrede14 UnlikeLa
finedthepolitics,strategy,
and terrainof feminist
struggle.
Vozandthoseofitspersuasion,theArgentine
Socialistparty,influenced
bythegradualistvisionofEdouardBernstein,was committed
to a programof demandsformulated
principallyin termsof concessionsthat
couldbe wonfromthestate.
AlthoughtheSocialistprogramwas directedat achievingmoretangible resultsthantheAnarchism's,itlackedthefieryfeminist
radicalism
142
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
More important,
thathadbeenso mucha partofAnarchism'smilitancy.
fromcapitalism
toderivewomen'soppressionprimarily
intheirtendency
practicesof thestate,the
or to see it as mediatedbythediscriminatory
had done,a radicalcritique
Socialistsdid notdevelop,as theAnarchists
in general.Nor did sexumachismo,and authoritarianism
ofthefamily,
discourse.The
place withinSocialistfeminist
alityoccupyanyimportant
notions
werereplacedbymoretraditional
free-love
slogansofAnarchism
withall its connotationsof
of women's"natural" moral superiority,
(Little,1978). The insightsof
hearth,home,and virtuousmotherhood
had to waithalfa centurytobe giventheoretical
feminists
theAnarchist
practice.
substanceand evenlongerto formthebasis ofa distinctive
Anarchisthistoryindicatesthattherewas
This vignetteof Argentine
greaterdiversityof feministdiscoursein Latin Americathanis commonlysupposed. It also underlinesthepointthatthe individualswho
social positionsand
enterit fromdifferent
makeup a social movement
intertherefore
havespecificneedsas well as, on occasion, conflicting
cause,
in
a
common
'5
united
men
Anarchists,
though
ests. Womenand
positionsinthesexualandsocial divisions
enteredpoliticsfromdifferent
oflabor,positionsthatshapedboththeirexperienceand, in thecase of
women,theirspecificdemands.The tensionbetweenmen'sandwomen's
withuniversalgoals was clearlyexperineeds in a politicalmovement
encedbytheeditorsofLa Vozde la Mujeras ithas beenbytheirsuccessorsin different
epochsand nationalcontexts.
appeal. AlYet forall this,La Vozfailedto universalizeitsfeminist
urbancenamongthewomenofArgentina's
thoughithad itssupporters
ofanysize. This was not,however,
ters,itcouldnotsustaina readership
because itstargetsweremisconceivedor because it had "imported"an
as muchin
visionfromEurope.Womensuffered
alienandinappropriate
thedoublestanas in Spainor Italyfromsexualexploitation,
Argentina
thatexpressedboththeinequality
dard,and oppressivefamilysituations
and thepowerrelationsbetweenthesexes. The problemwas ratherthat
itsmessagewas expressedin termstoo outrageousforthemainstream.
atthe
was a moresecularsocietythanmanyofitscounterparts
Argentina
wouldhavebeen
time,butmostwomen,whethernativeor immigrant,
scandalizedbyattackson theChurchand familyand bytheexplicitdiscussionofsexuality.'6To manywomen,thefamilywas a siteofoppression, but it was also a locus of relativesecurityin a rapidlychanging
The abolitionofmarriagewithworldinwhichtheyhadfewalternatives.
in
wouldhaveleftwomeneven
their
other
radical
position
out
changes
notgreaterfreedombutpossibleloss offinanmoreexposed,threatening
La Voz,thougha spirited
cial helpandstatusintheeyesofthecommunity.
Molyneux / ANARCHIST FEMINISM IN ARGENTINA
143
beintervention
intoan important
terrain,had limitedappeal, primarily
cause itlackeda deeperconcernfortheneedsandbeliefsofthewomenit
soughtto influence.
NULTES
1. OJornaldas Senhoras,forexample,appearedinBrazilin 1852andwas dedicated
and themoralemancipationofwomen"(Hahner,1978).
to the"social betterment
2. On theeve oftheFirstWorldWar,30% of theArgentinepopulationwereimmigrantsin contrastto 14% oftheU.S. populationin 1910 (Solberg,1970).
3. There were, of course, indigenousanarchistcurrentsin Argentina-formsof
spontaneouspopularresistance-butthesewereunableto achievea stableorganizational
expression.One ofthese,knownas Gauchesqueculture,becamea centralthemeforAnarand poetsfromthe 1890s on (see Franco, 1973, and Yunque, 1941).
chistplaywrights
4. Unfortunately,
thereare too fewlistingsto forman accuratepicture.Oved (1978)
as elsewhere,Anarchistsupportwas amongunskilledand semiarguesthatinArgentina,
skilledworkers.
5. Mentionedin theliterary
journal Caras y Caretas, 1901. Accordingto Abad de
Santillan(1930), Creaghewas "much beloved" of theArgentineAnarchistmovement.
in Sheffield
BeforeleavingBritain,itseems,he hadbeenactiveintheworkers'movement
Anarchist.
and had broughtouta papertherecalled TheSheffield
and womenAnar6. This ambivalencein themovement'sattitudetowardfeminism
chists'successesand failuresis discussedin thecontextofSpain up untiltheCivil Warby
Kaplan(1971) andJunco(1976).
7. Fromthe 1900s on, thestatutesof some of theworkers'groupsin whichAnarchismwas strongcontaindemandsforequal payforwomenand fortheabolitionofmarriage. The latterdemandappeared in the Anarchists'proposalsforthe statutesof the
Federaci6nObrera Argentina,Argentina'sfirstworkers'federation,but was dropped
fromthe finallist of demands,probablyon accountof Socialist opposition(Marotta,
1960).
8. Accordingto Caras y Caretas, Maria Calvia also foundeda groupcalled "Los
Proletarios."
9. Quesada (1979) reportsthatone oftheeditorsturnedup in Rosariobetween1900
and 1903. He writesthatthevisitorsto thenewlybuiltCasa del Pueblo includedPietro
Gori "and manyothersused to gatherthere:the Marchisiowoman,who togetherwith
VirginiaBoltenfounded'La Voz Ue la Mujer,'thelatterpublicationcalled theRosarian
Michel due to theardorof itsoratory."(Fromothersourcesit wouldappearmorelikely
thatitwas Bolten,notLa Voz,who was dubbed"the RosarianMichel.")
10. Number six is unavailable. The firstfour issues measured26 cm. X 36 cm.,
ones wereslightlylargerand variedin size, suggestingtheuse of
whereastheremaining
different
presses.
11. Some ofthesepoemswerewritten
tobe readat meetings.NumbereightofLa Voz
carresa 207-linepoemby"PepitaGherra"thatwas, accordingtotheeditors,tobe readat
theSpanishWorkers'Unionmeeting.
144
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
12. See Junco(1976) fora discussionofthefamily,
freelove,andfeminism
inSpanish
Anarchism.
13. The SantaCecilia Colonyin Brazilis thebestknownofthese.El Oprimidowas at
thecenterofa debateon thisquestion,havingapparently
sponsoredthepublicationofthe
pamphletAnEpisode ofLove in theSocialistColony"Cecilia," whichadvocatedmultiple
relationships,
abolitionofthefamily,
and communalcare ofchildren.Ruvira(1971) says
thattheseArgentine
Anarchists
did havetheirfreeunionsand thattheirchildrenappearin
thecivilregisterwithnamessuchas Anarquia,Acracia,and evenLibreProductor.
14. In 1900 Cecilia GriersonfoundedtheNationalWomen'sCouncil, and fiveyears
latera feminist
centerwas foundedinwhichthecoremembersoftheArgentine
suffragette
groupscame together.
15. For a theoreticaldiscussionof thisquestionof "interests"and feminism,see
Molyneux(1984).
16. Two Englishwritersoftheperiod,ofChurchofEnglandpersuasion,lamentthat
by 1891 37 % ofall marriagesin BuenosAireswerecivilceremonies,followingthelegalizationofsecularmarriagein 1887 (Mulhalland Mulhall, 1892).
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1930
El movimiento
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1974
Urbanisationet immigration
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Ferns,H. S.
intheNineteenth
Britainand Argentina
1960
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Franco,Jean
T7he
ModernCultureofLatinAmerica:Societyand theArtist.London: Pall
1967
Mall Press.
Since Independence.London:ErnestBenn.
1973
SpanishAmericanLiterature
Hahner,J.
"The nineteenth-century
feminist
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Junco,Alvarez
1976
Ideologia polfticadel anarquismno
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Kaplan,Temma
1971
"Spanish Anarchismand women'sliberation."Journalof Contemporary
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Little,CynthiaJeffress
1978
"Education,philanthropy,
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CT: GreenwoodPress.
Marotta,Sebastian
1960
El movimiento
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Molyneux,Maxine
1985
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1978
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Argentine
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