Chapter 20
South Africa
1
CHAPTER OUTLINE
20 South
Africa Reconciliation
ƒ2 AChapter
Journey
Toward
ƒ The Next President
ƒ Thinking about South Africa
ƒ The Apartheid State
ƒ The New South Africa
ƒ Feedback
ƒ Conclusion: South Africa in Peril or a Role Model?
CHAPTER 20
South Africa
THE BASICS
A JOURNEY TOWARD
RECONCILIATION
South Africa
Size
1,219,912 sq. km (almost twice
the size of Texas)
Population
43.7 million
Percentage of
population under 15
25
HIV/AIDS infection
21.5%
GDP per capita
$9,800
Currency
7.05 Rand = $1
Ethnic groups
black 79%; white 9.6%;
colored 8.9%; Indian/Asian
2.5%
Languages
11 official, including English,
Afrikaans, and 9 African
languages
Religion
80% Christian, 1.5% Muslim,
15.1% None or indigenous
religions, 3.7% Other
Capital
Pretoria (administrative), Cape
Town (legislative),
Bloemfontein (Judicial)
President
Thabo Mbeki (1999-2009)
There have been many momentous steps in South
Africa’s journey toward democracy and reconciliation
between blacks and whites. One of them began on 25
August 1993 with an event that seemed likely to be only
a tragic footnote in the history of the last days of
apartheid.
Amy Biehl was a twenty-five-year-old Fulbright scholar
who had come to South Africa to help prepare for the
first multiracial elections, which eventually were held in
April 1994. As an undergraduate at Stanford University,
Biehl had become fascinated with South Africa and the
accomplishments of Nelson Mandela, first during his
long imprisonment and then as the leader of the main
group in the transition toward racial equality. Therefore,
she moved to South Africa to do what she could.
Biehl had spent that fateful day with black friends helping
organize a voter registration campaign. She was driving
the friends back to their home in Guguletu township on
the outskirts of Cape Town. A gang of black teenage
boys from the Pan-African Congress were chanting “one
settler, one bullet” and forced her to stop her car. Four of
them dragged Biehl from the car, beat her, and then
stabbed her to death.
Despite its deserved reputation for reconciliation, South
Africa was a very violent place between the time of
Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and his
inauguration as president in 1994. Thousands were
Chapter 20
South Africa
3
Most remarkably, the Biehls learned that two of the men
responsible for Amy’s death wanted to meet with them.
The other two—who had been primarily responsible for
the murder itself—had committed other crimes and
disappeared. These two, however, had taken advantage
of the amnesty program and had put their personal
At the time, her death caused a brief stir in the media,
priorities in order. Then, in what can only be called the
but only because Biehl was a white American and a
supporter of racial equality in the new South Africa. Her ultimate gesture of reconciliation, the Biehls decided to
murderers were duly arrested, convicted, and sentenced use foundation funds to help pay for their training and
hired them afterward. Their logic was the same as that
to eighteen years in prison.
for all the foundation’s work—if they can help South
It was only three years later that the Biehl story became Africans escape poverty and the legacy of apartheid,
and then help improve conditions in their country, it is
worth including here. As was their right, the four young
men who killed her applied for amnesty to the Truth and worth the money.
Reconciliation Commission. We will explore the
commission in detail later on. Here, it is enough to know There are no other Amy Biehls in Comparative Politics.
This is because there could not have been a politically
that the commission had the power to grant amnesty to
significant young woman like her in any of the other
people who committed political crimes under apartheid,
countries it covers. In none of them did the horrors and
publicly acknowledged their actions, and apologized
the hopes of political life attract young idealists like her
genuinely for them.
to make long-term commitments of their time. In none of
them was there the kind of social and political chaos that
There were over twenty-two thousand applications for
made the all-but-random killings of young people—black
amnesty, and these four young men did not seem like
and white—a part of everyday life.
good candidates to get it. But then Amy’s parents
stepped in.
In other words, Amy was drawn to South Africa for the
Peter and Linda Biehl had done a lot of soul searching in same reasons it should be included in courses on
the three years since their daughter’s murder. Along with comparative politics. In her day, South Africa had just
taken the first steps from having one of the most brutal,
the grief that accompanies the loss of a child came the
realization that her work and her cause were all the more repressive, and racist regimes in history toward being a
country that ranks among the world’s leaders in
important because of her death.
reconciling people with its negative history.
So, in keeping with the South African commitment to
reconciliation, they decided to continue their daughter’s
THE NEXT PRESIDENT
work in the only way they could. First, they appeared
before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in
support of her murderers’ request for amnesty. Second, This is also the only chapter in Comparative Politics to
they met with the mother of one of the young men.
begin with two introductory sections.
In 2009, President Thabo Mbeki will end his second and
After that emotional trip to South Africa, they devoted
final term as president after succeeding the legendary
their lives to the newly formed Amy Biehl Foundation in
Nelson Mandela in 1999.
the United States and the Amy Biehl Foundation Trust in
South Africa (www.amybiehl.org). The Biehls contributed Although his pedigree as a leader of the anti-apartheid
quite a bit of their own money and raised more than $2.5 opposition is impeccable, he is controversial in at least
million (including $1.9 million from the U.S. Agency for
two ways.
International Development) to fund the kinds of projects
Amy believed in throughout the Cape Town region.
First, he has criticized those who doubted South Africa’s
Among other things, the foundation has helped finance a commitment to countering HIV/AIDS and addressing its
group of small bakeries, training programs for troubled
root causes. As the Basic Table shows, at least one in
teenagers, and a series of after-school programs for
five South Africans is infected. But since few people can
children. In keeping with Amy’s love for competitive
afford treatments that are standard in Europe or the
sports, it has also opened a driving range in a poor area United States, having HIV/AIDS is all but a death
of Cape Town; the foundation’s website asks for
sentence. President Mbeki publicly doubted the best
donations of golf clubs and balls because poor blacks
international analyses of why people became infected
don’t have their own.
and what should be done about it. International opinion
killed in violence that ranged from the explicitly political
to the explicitly criminal. Biehl’s murder lay somewhere
in the middle, because it was carried out by highly
politicized teenagers but was completely unprovoked.
4
Chapter 20
South Africa
is divided, but few analysts think Mbeki reached the right higher percentage of the nation’s wealth.
conclusions about the pandemic and its causes.
To be counted as white under apartheid, a person had to
Second, by 2006 Mbeki found himself in dispute with his have no “blood” from any other ethnic group. This does
not mean that the white community is homogeneous. In
likely successor. There was then and there is now little
doubt that the African National Congress (ANC) will win fact, it has three main subdivisions. A majority of whites
are Afrikaners—descendents of the original Dutch
the 2009 election. It has hovered around two-thirds of
colonists plus settlers from Germany and France who
the vote since the transition from apartheid nearly 15
were assimilated into Afrikaner culture. About two- fifths
years ago. They came to the fore when Jacob Zuma,
of the white population either is of English origin or was
the deputy president and presumptive successor to
Mbeki, was accused of a series of crimes including rape assimilated into the English culture after moving to South
Africa. Finally, there is a small Jewish population, most
and corruption. Zuma had to resign his governmental
of which is part of English culture. It is worth noting,
position. But after he was acquitted of all charges, he
however, that Jews played a major role in the
became the president of the ANC, which both placed
antiapartheid struggle, especially as members of the
him at odds with Mbeki and gave him the perfect
South African Communist Party (SACP).
platform to launch his presidential campaign. Zuma will
all but certainly win the presidency because of the ANC’s
Blacks make up three-quarters of the population. They,
overwhelming popularity. But it will do so as a divided
party. There is no way to predict what will happen for the too, are a diverse group, as can be seen in the fact that
there are nine official African languages in addition to
ANC or the country as of this writing.
English and Afrikaans. The black share of the population
will continue to grow for the foreseeable future for the
THINKING ABOUT SOUTH AFRICA
simple reason that its birth rate far outpaces that of
whites. Thus, current projections suggest that blacks will
The Basics
make up about 87 percent and whites only 6 percent of
One of the best books about race and politics in the
the population in 2035.
United States is Andrew Hacker’s Two Nations: Black
and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal. His title is even
The blacks do not share the affluence of the whites. In
more fitting for South Africa.
urban areas, most live in ramshackle huts or decrepit
Historically, no country had done more to separate the
races. Although apartheid was the country’s official
policy only from the late 1940s until the early 1990s,
Europeans systematically discriminated against other
groups from the time they first established permanent
settlements in the region during the seventeenth century.
The society they created over the next 340 years was
one that separated the races, created inequality, and
bred more hostility than most Americans can even
dream of.
TABLE 20.1: Race and Personal Income in South
Africa, 1988
PERCENTAGE PERCENTAGE
OF THE
OF DISPOSABLE
RACE
POPULATION INCOME
Black
75.2
34
Coloured
8.6
9
Indian/Asian
2.6
4
White
13.6
54
Table 20.1 presents statistical data on the four major
racial groups in South Africa during the last years of
apartheid. Only about one in seven South Africans is
white. In 1988, however, they accounted for over half of
all income of South Africans and controlled a much
trailers. In the countryside, few of them have electricity,
running water, and any of the other basic amenities of
life that whites take for granted.
Almost 9 percent of South Africans are coloured. Some
are descendents of the Khoikhoi who lived in the area
around what is now Cape Town before the British
arrived. Others trace their roots to slaves who were
brought to South Africa from what is now Malaysia.
Most, however, owe their relatively light skins to forced
sexual relations between white men and black women.
South Africa also has a small but influential Asian or
“Indian” population (“Indian” in quotes because many of
their ancestors came from today’s Pakistan and
Bangladesh as well as India). They are known as
Indians because the subcontinent was not divided in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when most
of their ancestors were brought to South Africa as
indentured servants.
The country is also religiously diverse. Almost 80
percent of the population, including almost all of the
whites, are Christian. About 2 percent are Muslims and
Hindus. The rest practice a variety of traditional religions.
Chapter 20
Apartheid and Its Legacy
When Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as president of
South Africa, the country abandoned a regime that
denied basic civil and political rights to more than 80
percent of its population, in favor of one of the most
open and democratic governments in the world.
Although this new multiracial South Africa is the focus of
the chapter, understanding events since Mandela
became president requires us to spend at least as much
time examining apartheid, because its legacy is still the
most important force determining how politics is played
out in South Africa. To see this, consider the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission again. For much of 1997–98,
the commission heard testimony from both perpetrators
and victims of human rights abuse under apartheid. In
his introduction to its report, the commission’s chair,
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, proudly announced that
South Africans now knew as much as they could ever
know of what happened from 1960 until Mandela
became president. However, as Tutu also had to
acknowledge, being aware of what happened is one
thing, and healing the gaping wounds of apartheid will be
quite another.
South Africa
5
make the challenge facing Mandela’s successors any
easier.
Key Questions
In other words, we can—and will—explore the same
basic issues covered in the printed version of
Comparative Politics: the evolution of the state, political
culture, forms of political participation, the current state,
public policy, and feedback. And we will consider the
legacy of imperialism, economic development, and other
policy issues that are central to political life in any
underdeveloped country today.
However, we also have to ask five questions that are
unique to South Africa:
o How could such a small minority develop such
sweeping control over such a huge majority and
maintain it for so long?
o What impact did apartheid have on the people of
South Africa, majority and minority alike?
o What constellation of domestic and international
forces brought the regime down in the late 1980s
and early 1990s?
o What are the new regime’s prospects, either for
producing a viable multiracial democracy or for
redressing the huge inequities?
o In other words, can South Africa get beyond
The problems facing the country are daunting. Not only
Hacker’s two nations: black and white, separate,
does South Africa have to deal with pain in the hearts
hostile, and unequal?
and minds of so many of its people, blacks and whites
In addressing those questions, we will deviate a bit from
alike, but it has to rebuild an economy in which both
the structure used in most of the other chapters on
groups can prosper. And it has to do so in a country in
which most people are both impoverished and extremely individual countries. As with Russia, the other country in
this book that has recently undergone a regime change,
impatient and in which, as one consequence, the crime
rate is among the highest in the world. We should hardly we will actually cycle through the themes of comparative
politics twice by exploring the apartheid and multiracial
be surprised that blacks are lashing out at symbols of
states separately.
continued white power and privilege, but this does not
The Language of Race in South
Africa
During apartheid, the government codified South
African law so that it had explicit definitions for what
the Afrikaner elite saw as four racial groups:
o Whites—people of European origin with no trace
of “other blood” in their families
o Coloureds—a grab bag category, including
people of mixed racial origin but also
descendents of Malaysians and others brought
to South Africa as slaves, and of the Khoikhoi
and other lighter-skinned people who lived in
what is today’s Western Cape before the whites
arrived
o Asians or Indians—the descendents of people
who emigrated from what was colonial India
o Africans or blacks—everyone else whose family
roots are on the continent
THE APARTHEID STATE
South Africa was one of the few third-world countries in
which whites from the colonial powers dominated
political life after independence. What’s more, the South
African experience was complicated by the fact that it
had two different imperial powers, Great Britain and the
Netherlands.
Imperialism
That made South Africa’s experience with imperialism
different from that of the rest of Africa for two reasons.
First, it was colonized two centuries earlier than most of
the continent. Second, and more importantly for our
purposes, it had by far the largest white population on
the continent, one that was well established before the
European powers began their “scramble for Africa” late
in the nineteenth century. (See table 20.2.)
6
Chapter 20
South Africa
TABLE 20.2: Key Events in South African History
before Apartheid
YEAR
EVENT
1652
Dutch arrive
1806
British take over Cape Colony for good
1816–1828
African wars
1820
British settlers arrive
1835–40
Great Trek
1867
Diamond mining begins
1886
Gold mining begins
1899–1903
Boer War
1910
Union of South Africa formed
1912
ANC formed
1948
National Party elected
As was the case with most of Europe’s encounters in
Africa prior to the eighteenth century, the Dutch wanted
to create outposts to support their growing trade with
Asia. The outposts were needed to resupply ships during
their trips to and from their main base in Indonesia. The
area around what is now Cape Town provided an ideal
harbor and climate. It was also sparsely populated.
Therefore, the Dutch sent Jan van Riebeeck and a small
group of settlers to take over the area in 1652.
the two Transvaal provinces—Gauteng and the Orange
Free State—so they could reestablish their communities
on their own terms.
The regions the Afrikaners trekked into were more
densely populated by Africans who did not want to see
their lands taken over and who set at them in ways
reminiscent of Indian attacks on American wagon trains
that headed west a few decades later. The most
important of these occurred in 1838 at Blood River
(Bloemfontein), where a vastly outnumbered group of
voertrekkers circled their wagons, prayed to their God,
and somehow managed to defeat their Zulu foe. The
Battle of Blood River remains the most important
symbol of Afrikaner resistance and solidarity.
By 1840 the voertrekkers were well established in their
new homeland. Later in the decade, another community
was established by Boers who left Natal on the east
coast after it became a British colony as well.
Who is an African?
For the next 150 years, there weren’t all that many Dutch
colonists. A 1793 census, for instance, listed only 13,830
burghers, or free Dutch citizens, in the entire Cape
Colony. Nonetheless, they had spread out throughout
today’s Western Cape Province. In the process, they
had established themselves as farmers (boers) as well
as traders and so had doomed the pastoral civilization of
the Khoikhoi. And by that time, the Boers had been
there for many generations and saw themselves as
every bit as African as the descendents of British and
French migrants to North America identified themselves
as Americans or Canadians.
Whites in the United States, Canada, Australia, and
New Zealand have no trouble identifying themselves
as Americans, Canadians, Australians, and New
Zealanders, respectively. But they have a much
harder time understanding how whites in South
Africa can think of themselves as Africans.
The Boers (now more commonly called Afrikaners) might
have remained a relatively small group inhabiting a
limited part of current South Africa had the region not
been caught up in the conflicts sweeping Europe in the
late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In 1795
Britain seized the Cape Colony from the Dutch, though it
would be another eleven years before they took control
of it permanently. This ignited a century of on-again, offagain armed struggles between English and Dutch
forces. There were a series of Dutch uprisings early in
the nineteenth century, and tensions between the two
communities mounted when the British started sending
settlers in 1820.
On a more practical level, it can be extremely difficult
for those millions of South Africans—especially the
Afrikaners— to move “back” to “where they came
from” even if they wanted to.
Finally, in 1835, most of the Boers in the Cape Colony
area set off on the Great Trek. These so-called
voertrekkers loaded their families (and their slaves) into
wagons and headed northeastward toward what are now
However, many of those families have been in South
African longer than all but a handful of American or
Canadian families have inhabited North America.
Australia and New Zealand were colonized much
later.
This point is well understood by all but a handful of
militant pan-Africanists in South Africa today.
Tensions between the British and Dutch did not go
away, however. In 1867 and 1886, vast deposits of
diamonds and gold, respectively, were discovered in the
area around Johannesburg and Pretoria. Thousands of
English (and black) workers were transported to these
boomtowns. Finally, in 1895, the British governor of the
Cape Colony, Cecil Rhodes (founder of the De Beers
company and of the estate that funds Rhodes
scholarships), called on the English workers to rise up
Chapter 20
against the Dutch.
South Africa
7
first became involved in politics by defending the
interests of the Indian community. And one of the
Union’s first acts was a 1913 law that prohibited Africans
from buying land outside of “reserves,” or land set aside
for them—not terribly different from American Indian
reservations.
After four tense years, Paul Kruger, president of the
Boer Republic, declared war on the British in October
1899. Even though their forces were outnumbered by
more than five to one, the Afrikaners fought ferociously.
The British responded with brutality of their own, creating
That said, apartheid, per se, did not become official
the world’s first concentration camps in which at least
policy until after World War II. Before then, politics
twenty thousand civilians died.
revolved around the ever-deepening tensions between
Finally, the two sides agreed to a treaty in 1902, and the the English and the Afrikaners. To make a long and
Transvaal Province and the Orange Free State became complicated story short, Afrikaner resentment toward
British colonies in 1906 and 1907, respectively. In 1910 English economic and cultural domination grew. English
remained the official and dominant language, and
the Union of South Africa brought all the colonies
English speakers were much better off economically
together as a dominion, which meant that they had a
even though there were more Afrikaners. If anything, the
single administration dominated by whites.
Afrikaners’ status worsened—as, for instance, when the
Apologists for the South African regime pointed out that largely English mine owners decided to replace the
largely Afrikaner workforce with blacks.
it was democratic and presided over the most affluent
economy (by far) on the continent. What’s more, they
would argue, black Africans benefited because they, too, Afrikaners channeled their anger through two main
lived better than their counterparts elsewhere. (See table organizations. First was the National Party, which
became their primary electoral outlet. During the interwar
20.3.)
years, this party normally came in second behind the
TABLE 20.3: Key Events during the Apartheid Years more moderate South African Party and, later, the
United Party, which recruited support from both the
DATE
EVENT
Afrikaner and English communities. The other was the
1948
Election of National Party
smaller, secretive, and more militant Broederbond
1953
Adoption of Freedom Charter
(Band of Brothers). Membership in it was open only to
1960
Sharpeville Massacre
Protestant men and then only by invitation. Ostensibly, it
1964
Mandela and others jailed
existed to promote the Afrikaans language, Afrikaner
1966
Assassination of Verwoerd
culture, and Calvinist doctrine. In practice, it became a
1977
UN arms embargo
major source of leaders for the National Party and the
1983
UDF formed
apartheid state after 1949.
1984
New constitution
1986
Pass law abolished
1990
Mandela released, ban on organizations World War II was a major watershed for Afrikaners.
During the 1930s their racism had deepened to the point
lifted
that many supported Nazi Germany, and some Afrikaner
Such claims should not obscure a more important point: leaders were arrested during the war for doing so.
Because of that sentiment, South Africa did not institute
If South Africa in this era was a democracy, it was a
democracy for the few. Whites never made up more than a draft, and its volunteer army did not serve outside of
20 percent of the population, yet they controlled the state Africa. Nonetheless, the war deepened Afrikaners’
lock, stock, and barrel. They also were far better off than bitterness and brought their community closer together.
the rest of South Africa’s population. The data most
favorable to the regime showed that whites were at least The National Party won the 1948 election and came to
power with a clear majority for the first time under Prime
five times wealthier than blacks, and most indicators
Minister Daniel Malan. It then started passing the
revealed an even wider gap.
apartheid legislation we will consider shortly. It remained
in power until the shift to the multiracial democracy
Racial discrimination was a fact of life from the
headed by Mandela in 1994.
beginning. When the British granted the colonies
dominion status as the Union of South Africa, the whites
It is hard to overstate how brutal and repressive the
retained their existing policies toward Africans,
National Party’s regime was. At a time when most other
coloureds, and Asians. Only in the region around Cape
countries were providing more equality for their racial
Town in the southwest could a small number of
and ethnic minorities, South Africa went in the other
coloureds and an even smaller number of blacks vote.
Indeed, it was during these years that Mohandas Gandhi direction. It worsened conditions for the majority of its
8
Chapter 20
South Africa
people in every way imaginable—from where people
could live, to what they could study, to what jobs they
could hold. Needless to say, all nonwhites were
excluded from political life.
Political Culture and Participation: Democracy for
the Few
Under apartheid South Africa had two white subcultures.
Both shared an unquestioned assumption that whites
were superior to blacks and therefore should rule.
However, there were important differences between the
value systems of most Afrikaners and of most English
South Africans.
The majority culture was, first and foremost, Dutch.
However, it is not the same as the culture we find in the
Netherlands today, which is among the most liberal in
the world. Rather, Afrikaners tend to be provincial and, in
the minds of some, intolerant, largely because they were
cut off from the liberalizing trends that swept Europe
during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Day of the Covenant/Day of
Reconciliation
Since 1838, Afrikaners have celebrated 16
December as the Day of the Covenant. Because
they were able to kill thousands of Zulus and suffer
only a single casualty (a wounded hand) at the Battle
of Blood River, they were convinced that their victory
was a sign that they were God’s chosen people—
superior to the Africans and justified in establishing
apartheid.
In an equally symbolic move, in 1994 the new
government changed the name of the holiday to the
Day of Reconciliation. Four years later, a new
monument to honor the Zulus was unveiled next to
the one the Afrikaners had erected to honor their
heroes.
As a government spokesperson put it on 16
December 1994, it was time for South Africans to
stop glorifying the ways they had killed each other in
the past and to realize that they could settle their
disputes peacefully.
Their experiences in South Africa, in fact, made
generations of Afrikaners even more intolerant and
conservative. For two hundred years rural Afrikaners
eked out a marginal livelihood in a land without a real
legal system, which turned them into what in America
were lauded as “rugged individualists” who had to assert English, and not the Africans, who did not pose any sort
their superiority over the land and the people they
of threat from his perspective.
encountered.
It is hard to underestimate the impact of the Dutch
Reformed Church, which is still referred to as “the
National Party in prayer.” Between the wars Dutch
Reformed clergymen led the way in propounding the
belief that the Afrikaner volk needed first their own
church and then their own society to reach their
potential. This led them to join the more extreme
politicians and the Broederbond (membership in these
groups, of course, overlapped tremendously) to demand
But Afrikaners also always felt threatened and frequently power for Afrikaners.
believed that they were oppressed. The Great Trek
began because many Boers felt their culture was
As the years wore on, the object of their scorn began to
endangered by British rule. The British then treated them shift from the English to the Africans. The likes of Daniel
brutally during the Boer War. Finally, the British came to Malan argued the Afrikaners could be free to develop
own and run the mines and other industries, even in
their own society and culture only if they enforced a strict
Afrikaner-dominated areas.
and total separation of the races. And it was with this set
The most important of the rightward shifts in Afrikaner
culture occurred following the Battle of Blood River,
which strengthened their belief that they had won God’s
favor and were supposed to rule over the inferior
“descendents of Ham.” It also reinforced their belief that
their desire to live in rural and pious communities was
God’s will.
As implied previously, these rather diffuse values
crystallized into support for apartheid between the two
world wars when a group of Afrikaner intellectuals
combined political and theological values into an
ideology that, frankly, paralleled Nazism in important and
worrisome ways. Ironically, according to James Barry
Munnik Hertzog, who founded the National Party in 1914
and became its first prime minister a decade later,
Afrikaners had to purify themselves to defeat the
of views that the National Party and Malan came to
power in 1948 with a narrow majority of eight seats.
We do not know just how deeply these beliefs in
separate national development and black inferiority were
held at the grassroots level. But all the signs are that
they were popular indeed, especially among the poorest
and least-educated segments of the Afrikaner
population.
Chapter 20
South Africa
9
The minority English were somewhat more tolerant.
They were the commercial elite in the predominantly
Afrikaner regions of the Transvaal and Orange Free
State, and they ran the country politically as well. The
English settlers also arrived in South Africa later, when
liberal and democratic values had put down deeper roots
in their culture of origin. But make no mistake: With the
exception of a handful of Marxists (to be discussed
shortly) and some unusually progressive liberals, English
speakers supported at least a modified form of apartheid
for two reasons. First, most felt that the Africans were
not “ready” to govern themselves, an attitude frequently
found among British colonists around the world. Second,
and in the long run more importantly, they stood to lose
their economic power should the country move to
majority rule.
winning a majority of the overall vote. Thus, in 1961, it
won 105 of 156 seats despite earning only 46 percent of
the vote. It could do this because South Africa used the
same first-past-the-post electoral system as Britain does,
which can turn a small plurality in the vote into an
overwhelming parliamentary majority. The effects of the
system were magnified by the unusual demographics of
the South African electorate. First, it was small. Fewer
than 800,000 people voted in those 156 districts, or an
average of just over 5,000 in each (by contrast, a typical
U.S. House of Representatives district has about
500,000 voters). Second, because the English
population was concentrated in a few areas, there were
few truly competitive districts. Overall, seventy
candidates for the 156 seats won without any opposition
at all.
The journalist Allister Sparks summed up the situation
and the ties between the two white subcultures
succinctly and powerfully just as apartheid was
beginning to unravel:
There were opposition parties. The United Party earned
almost 300,000 votes and won forty-nine seats that
same year. It appealed primarily to moderate Afrikaners
and to the bulk of the English-speaking electorate. It was
also in a difficult position. Although it opposed the
harshness of apartheid, it did not favor getting rid of it
altogether. Indeed, like all the centrist parties over the
years, it simply did not offer a credible alternative to the
right on either apartheid or the other policies that
mattered to the electorate.
White South Africans are not evil, as much of
the world believes. But they are blinded by the
illusion they have created for themselves that
they live in a white country in Africa, that it
belongs to them by right and to no others. It is
this which makes South Africa’s race problem so
much more intractable. Prejudice is there, to be
sure. But that is only part of it. The other part is
a power struggle for control of a country,
between a racial minority long imbued with the
belief that its divinely ordained national
existence depends on retaining control of the
nation- state and a disinherited majority
demanding restitution of its rights, which would
make that impossible.1
Parties and Elections
In the mid-1960s, Leonard Thompson described the
South African party system as having a right and a
center but not a left.2 From 1909 on, electoral life had
pitted an ethnocentric Afrikaner party against one or
more competitors that tried to find a middle ground and
that appealed to English voters as well.
The election of 1948 brought the right wing to power. It
then won every election until 1994, when all Africans,
Asians, and coloureds could vote for the first time.
The National Party held on to power despite often not
1
Allister Sparks, The Mind of South Africa (Boston:
Ballantine Books, 1990), xvii, 31.
2
Leonard Thompson, The Republic of South Africa (Boston:
Little Brown, 1966).
The real, but powerless, opposition came from the
Liberal and Progressive parties, which, together, won
almost 15 percent of the vote. However, because of the
electoral system, they elected only two MPs. And most
of the time they could count on getting only one—the
Progressives’ Helen Suzman, who was a lonely voice
arguing against apartheid from “within the system” for
many years.
The Rest of the Country
It is difficult to talk about public opinion and political
participation for the vast majority of the South African
population. They were legally denied the right to
participate, which meant that their opinions effectively
did not count.
Most Africans acted accordingly and did not even try to
take part in political life. There was, however, a small,
mostly middle-class opposition that tried to find a niche
between participation in an electoral process that was
shut off to them and outright revolution.
Two such groups bear at least a brief mention here,
though we will return to them both in discussing why
apartheid collapsed.
One was the South African Communist Party (SACP),
which had first organized among whites in the mines and
10
Chapter 20
South Africa
factories during the interwar period. And because white
manual laborers’ jobs were being taken over by Africans,
the party was initially not all that supportive of racial
equality. By the 1940s, however, a combination of shifts
in the world communist movement and its own new,
mostly Jewish leadership led it to oppose apartheid. Not
surprisingly, it was banned by the new government in
1950 and had a limited impact while operating
underground after that.
The African National Congress (ANC) was the most
important of the largely African-based organizations.
Formed in 1912, it initially endorsed the nonviolent
resistance of the Indian Congress on which it was
patterned. But with the emergence of its Youth League
(whose members included Nelson Mandela) in the
1950s, it adopted the more militant Freedom Charter
(1955) and opened its Defiance Campaign against
apartheid. Although the ANC was officially a legal
organization, the regime constantly harassed it, among
other things trying to stop the meeting at which the
Freedom Charter was adopted. The government proved
willing to do whatever was necessary to put down later
efforts like the Defiance Campaign.
In short, as the 1950s drew to an end, many of its
younger leaders were coming to doubt the efficacy of
nonviolence. The last straw came with the Sharpeville
Massacre on 21 March 1960, when government troops
fired on marchers in a peaceful rally called by another
organization, killing at least sixty-seven. In its aftermath,
all the leading ANC and other groups’ leaders were
arrested.
Over the next year, the ANC reluctantly decided to add
violence to its tactics and formed Umkhonto we Sizwe
(Spear of the Nation) to wage a guerrilla struggle. It, too,
was quickly thwarted, and the regime used the pretext of
violence to ban the ANC and arrest most of its leaders.
Some, like Mandela, would spend the next twenty-five
years in prison.
constitution from 1910 to 1984. In 1984 it adopted a new
constitution for a Second Republic that was designed to,
paradoxically, solidify Afrikaner control but give the
appearance of more democracy.
It was a large and powerful state. By 1980 it employed
over 30 percent of the white workforce. More
importantly, as we will see in this section and the next, it
was responsible for everything from the state’s security
to its economic development.
Parliamentary Institutions
Not only was South Africa only a democracy for whites, it
was also one that became less democratic over the
course of the National Party’s forty-six years in power in
two ways. First, as discussed in this section, the
executive gained power at the expense of the legislature
and other bodies that provide opportunities for
democratic accountability. Second, as we will see in the
next one, the regime established an ever more powerful
system of repression to keep its opponents at bay.
Prior to 1984 power was vested in a bicameral, all-white
parliament. As in Britain, its majority party or parties
formed a governing coalition and named the cabinet and
prime minister, which remained in power as long as they
retained the support of that majority. Some minor
changes were made when South Africa quit the British
Commonwealth in 1961 and adopted its own
constitution. But these were mostly cosmetic, such as
replacing the powerless governor general, who
supposedly represented the British Crown as head of
state, with an almost equally powerless president. (See
table 20.4.)
TABLE 20.4: Prime Ministers and Presidents of
South Africa since 1948
PRIME MINISTER/
STARTED
PRESIDENT
TERM
Daniel Malan
1948
Johannes Strjdom
1954
Hendrik Verwoerd
1958
B. J. Vorster
1966
P. W. Botha
1978
F. W. de Klerk
1989
Nelson Mandela
1994
Thabo Mbeki
1999
The events that occurred between Sharpeville in 1960
and the imprisonment of Mandela and his colleagues in
1964 mark the end of the period in which there were at
least some ways for Africans and their allies to
participate politically. By 1964 these had been
completely shut off, so we can defer further discussion of
their involvement until the section on the new South
By the late 1970s, however, the pressures on the state
Africa.
from outside the parliament were growing, and Prime
Ministers B. J. Vorster and P. W. Botha took steps to
strengthen executive authority. Botha, for instance,
The State
Like India, South Africa “inherited” traditional
abolished the partially elected Senate and replaced it
parliamentary institutions from its British colonial
with a State Council appointed by the prime minister.
masters. These bodies and practices were laid out in the
Union of South Africa Act, which the country used as its In 1983 the parliament adopted a new constitution that
Chapter 20
radically restructured parliamentary institutions. The
traditional British-style dual executive was abandoned in
favor of a single state president, who was chosen by an
electoral college. The president’s term was the same as
the parliament’s, but the president no longer was
responsible to it. That is, the parliament could no longer
oust a prime minister through a vote of no confidence.
South Africa
11
few ways members of parliament could hold it
accountable, assuming, of course, they were interested
in doing so.
Ironically, as with the KGB in the Soviet Union in the late
1970s, the securocrats were not even the most
reactionary members of the South African elite. In fact,
many realized that they could not continue to control
Africans by force alone and urged some reforms, such
As a sop to international public opinion, the new
as allowing blacks to form unions, as long as they were
parliament had three houses—one each for whites,
not political. But few people realized that those reformist
coloureds, and Asians. However, all real power was
ideas existed at the time, because the visible policy at
lodged in the whites-only executive and its house of
work was a stepped-up repression that made any
parliament. In fact, most coloureds and Asians
recognized that these institutions were shams, boycotted lingering thoughts that this was a democratic regime
seem absurd.
the elections, and never participated in them.
In practice, the presidency grew in importance for the
same reasons it did in France after 1958 or Russia after
1991. The president was the one politician with a
national mandate, which gave him more exposure and
de facto power than earlier prime ministers. Further, it
allowed Botha and, later, F. W. de Klerk to transfer more
and more power to the State Security Council, to which
we now turn.
Apartheid in Action
In its first years in power, the National Party passed a
number of laws that formalized what had been only
partially laid out in the statute books prior to then. As
would be the case throughout its time in office, the party
often justified its actions in other terms, most notably its
anticommunism. Nonetheless, the party’s primary
motivation was to complete and formalize the separation
of the races that had already been common practice for
generations. The most important of the laws were:
Repressive Apparatus
o the Population Registration Act (1950), which
It would be a mistake to think of the South African state
defined all people as members of one of the four
as a whites-only version of a Western democracy.
racial groups;
Especially from the mid-1970s on, it survived in large
o the Group Areas Act (1950), which regulated the
part because it developed a massive, ruthless, and
sale of property across racial lines; other acts
effective police state led by civil servants who came to
passed from 1936 through the mid-1950s gradually
be known as securocrats.
took away the rights of blacks to live in “white” areas
and authorized their (forcible) resettlement;
In the 1970s South Africans, who saw themselves as a
o the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages (1949) and
regional superpower, suffered two setbacks. First, the
Immorality (1950) acts, which banned sexual
political scandals that cost Richard Nixon the U.S.
relations across racial lines;
presidency in 1974 also cost South Africa support from
o the Suppression of Communism Act (1950), which
the world leader who had become its most loyal ally.
outlawed the SACP and allowed the state to ban
Second, revolutions in Angola and Mozambique threw
individuals from political life; it and subsequent acts
out the Portuguese colonial rulers, installed radical
were later used as justification for repressing the
governments near South Africa’s borders, and gave the
ANC as well;
ANC bases much closer to the country from which to
o the Bantu Authorities Act (1951), which removed
operate.
anti-regime “chiefs” and replaced them with
government-appointed ones in “tribal” areas;
In response, the parliament passed the 1982 Internal
o the Native Laws Amendment Act (1953), which
Security Act, which created the National Security
allowed only blacks who had been born there to
Management System headed by the State Security
legally live in urban areas;
Council. This was a powerful body, consisting of the top
cabinet ministers and the heads of the many police and o the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953),
which provided legal justification for separate,
military security units. It defined security in the broadest
segregated facilities;
possible terms—as anything that might threaten the
o the Extension of University Education Act (1959),
regime in the short or long term.
which prohibited Africans from attending the three
In the eyes of most observers, the council
major universities that had previously enrolled some
overshadowed the cabinet as the main decision-making
black students (so much for extending education);
body. And because it was extraconstitutional, there were
12
o
Chapter 20
South Africa
the Bantu Homeland Constitution Act (1971), which
allowed for the creation of nominally independent
black homelands.
better public relations for the regime abroad.
The doctrine of separate development remained the
cornerstone of government racial policy until the last
The state also rigidly enforced the pass laws, which days of apartheid. The language became less racist, and
under the last two presidents, P. W. Botha and F. W. de
required blacks outside of the homelands to carry
what amounted to internal passports indicating their Klerk, a few of the least important racial laws were
eliminated, though without undermining the basics of
legal status regarding residence in white areas.
Employers used the laws to enforce labor discipline, apartheid at all. More importantly, the arrogance of the
whites remained, something Verwoerd had expressed
because any worker who was fired would have his
or her passbook changed and would lose the right to well in describing why they had to control the
bantustans:
visit, let alone live in, an urban area. Each year an
average of one hundred thousand Africans were
arrested and either jailed or sent back to the
There is nothing strange about the fact that here
homelands for pass law violations. Sometimes the
in South Africa the guardian in his attempts to
state used the laws to ban known opponents and
uplift the Bantu groups who have been entrusted
troublemakers. Passbook checks and arrests were
to his care must in various ways exercise
random and arbitrary, and thus instilled a sense of
supervision over them during the initial stage.3
fear and uncertainty in the black community.
Import Substitution from the Right
After 1958 the authorities stopped using overtly
Left-wing scholars now argue that apartheid was not
racist rhetoric, claiming they were working for the
simply a racist policy. In addition, they claim, it
separate development of each community. Although dramatically altered the distribution of wealth and power
this language often seemed more benign to
in South African capitalism. As we will see, once
outsiders, the state’s policies and actions were just
apartheid began hitting South African whites in their
as brutal as they had been in the first years of
proverbial pocketbooks, support for it plummeted rapidly.
apartheid.
Here, it is more important to note that apartheid also
The underlying thinking was that, if the races were to contributed to the development of a modern economy
develop separately, they should live separately, or at and, with it, improved living conditions for the Afrikaners.
least as separately as the economy allowed. Thus,
When the National Party came to power, most Afrikaners
areas of rural South Africa were set aside as
had been left behind by the industrial development that
homelands for the Africans and supposedly granted had primarily benefited the English. Most Afrikaners
a degree of self-government. In practice, these
were poor and poorly educated. Many were actually
areas, once pejoratively known as bantustans,
worse off than they had been previously because of the
occupied the 13 percent of the land that the whites
declining role of farming and the use of cheaper African
themselves did not want, that could not economically labor in the mines and factories.
support their residents, and that had governments
that were puppets of National Party authorities.
For Afrikaners, political power brought economic power.
And, although they were anything but left wing, first by
In urban areas, the government introduced a policy
choice and then out of necessity, they pursued policies
of forced relocation in 1954 when it flattened the
much like the import substitution that was used in
Johannesburg suburb of Sophiatown where
many third world countries, especially those with left-ofDesmond Tutu had been raised. Its sixty thousand
center governments. In fact, the South African industrial
residents were forced into a new slum that would
revolution began when World War II cut off access to
later be known as Soweto (short for South Western imported industrial goods its middle class wanted.
Townships). By the end of the 1980s, some three
million people had been uprooted.
After the war, the National Party government decided to
continue the practice of import substitution and to
This shift toward a language of separate development
support the development of South African–based
became the key to apartheid once Hendrik Verwoerd
industries, especially those owned and/or operated by
(1901–66) was elected prime minister in 1958. His
Afrikaners.
notion that the real purpose of apartheid was not just to
separate the races but to thereby allow each to develop By the 1970s the nation had no choice but to develop its
according to its own desires and using its own resources
3
assuaged a good bit of Afrikaner guilt and provided
Cited in Sparks, The Mind of South Africa, 213.
Chapter 20
own economy. As we will see, the international
community gradually distanced itself from South Africa.
Although sanctions and the corporate withdrawals were
never complete, South African businesses and
consumers increasingly had to provide for their own
needs.
Thus, for very different reasons, but in ways very similar
to those of governments using classical forms of import
substitutions, the National Party relied on a highly
interventionist state. First and foremost, it used its
control over the Bantu Administration Boards to keep
the costs of black labor down and thus encourage
foreign investment. Second, it actively encouraged an
Afrikaner (but not English) capitalist class by, for
instance, shifting its accounts to Afrikaner-owned banks
and awarding Afrikaner-owned firms the contracts to
rewrite schoolbooks. The government also used
taxation and other levers to encourage joint ventures
between traditionally English-dominated firms and
Afrikaner ones. Overall, the state’s role in investment
grew to a high of 37 percent in 1992.
The government erected high tariffs and other barriers
to imports, and plowed the profits from the sale of gold,
diamonds, and other exports into industrial
development. Thus, it set up parastals (state-controlled
companies) such as ISCOR (steel), ESKOM
(electricity), and SASOL (other forms of energy).
South Africa
13
F. W. DE KLERK
Early in his career, no one would have predicted that
F. W. de Klerk would lead the National Party toward
ending apartheid. His family had been involved in
National Party politics from the days of Paul Kruger in
the 1910s. His uncle was a leading architect of
apartheid, and his father was a senator.
De Klerk earned a law degree in 1958 and was slated
to begin a career as professor of law in 1972 when
he was first elected to political office. In 1978 he took
up his first ministerial post. In 1986 he became leader
of the National Party in parliament. In that position,
he was part of the group that convinced P. W. Botha
to step down as president. De Klerk succeeded him
and almost immediately gave his famous speech
ending the ban on the ANC and announcing Nelson
Mandela’s release from prison.
For their efforts in the transition, de Klerk and
Mandela were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in
1993. De Klerk resigned as deputy president in 1996,
took the National Party into opposition, and then
retired from active political life
(www.nobel.se/peace/laureates/1993/klerk-bio.html).
The strategy worked. The growth rate was quite high into
the 1970s. Foreign investment flowed into the country as
major industrial firms from Europe, North America, and
Japan all established subsidiaries (though the Japanese
had to be declared honorary whites in order to do
business in South Africa). Perhaps most important of all
politically, the Afrikaners prospered. No longer were they
among the poorest and least-educated white populations
in the world. Instead, they enjoyed lifestyles not terribly
different from those of most Europeans or Englishspeaking South Africans.
The economic changes led to an intriguing contradiction
that left-wing analysts, again, are convinced contributed
heavily to the end of apartheid. As industrialization
progressed and more and more Afrikaners attained
middle-class status, they had no choice but to employ
African workers, even though the apartheid laws banned
Africans from living in the urban areas where the
factories were located. The Afrikaners thus tacitly
allowed a system of temporary migration of black
workers, which, as we will see, only served to indirectly
heighten opposition to the regime.
At this point, two problems emerged, both of which will
be at the heart of the next section. First, black trade
unions were formed, which, at least in some industries,
drove the price of labor up and, hence, reduced the
attractiveness of doing business in South Africa.
Second, as a result of a worldwide antiapartheid
movement, foreign investment declined, and some firms
pulled out altogether. Neither change dealt the economy
a crushing blow, but it stagnated in the early 1980s and
suffered a limited, but real, decline in the second half of
the decade.
THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA
On 2 February 1990 President F. W. de Klerk opened
the new session of the National Assembly with a political
bombshell:
The prohibition of the African National Congress,
the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African
Communist Party and a number of subsidiary
organizations is being rescinded. The
14
Chapter 20
South Africa
government has taken a firm decision to
release Mr. Nelson Mandela unconditionally.4
DESMOND TUTU
Apartheid always had its opponents. Some, like the
predominantly English-speaking liberals, tried to reduce
discrimination by working inside the system. But most
others had no choice but to act as revolutionaries of
one form or another. Because they had no vote and no
civil rights, there were no “inside-the-system” options
open to them.
Desmond Tutu grew up in a middle-class (by black
standards) family. His father was a teacher, and that
was the younger Tutu’s first career as well. He came
to the ministry relatively late, having been ordained
an Anglican priest in 1960 at the age of twenty-nine.
Much of his first fifteen years in the ministry was
spent either teaching or engaging in further study.
Neither group of opponents had much of an impact
through the mid-1980s. Indeed, most observers
assumed that the apartheid state was firmly in place. It
did not seem to be quite as strong as the Soviet Union,
but few people expected either to disappear. Indeed,
most people were surprised by de Klerk’s speech,
precisely because the regime did not seem to be in
jeopardy.
He rose through the ranks of the church hierarchy
quite quickly, having been named bishop of Lesotho
in 1977 and secretary general of the South African
Council of Churches in 1980. Nine years later he
became Anglican archbishop for all of South Africa
after winning the 1984 Nobel Peace Prize. Tutu was
widely respected at home and abroad for his moral
courage and for his compassion toward his
adversaries.
In retrospect, it was probably just a matter of time
before apartheid collapsed. Although repression could
keep the state in place and make it look invincible, the
National Party government was fighting a losing battle.
If nothing else, the numbers were stacked against it. In
the 1960s more blacks were born than there were
whites of any age. Once some cracks in white and
Afrikaner unity appeared, apartheid collapsed
remarkably quickly, though not in the same ways that
communism did in Eastern Europe.
In 1996 he retired from his position in the church in
order to chair the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. Tutu spent much of his time building the
case against apartheid abroad and was a scholar in
residence at the Carter Center at Emory University in
Atlanta in the months after presenting Mandela with
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission report
(www.nobel.se/peace/laureates/1984/ tutu-bio.html).
The Hurting Stalemate
It is not wholly accurate to say that the opposition
overthrew the old regime. Rather, the two sides reached
what students of international conflict resolution call a
hurting stalemate, in which each side comes to twin
conclusions. It cannot win, and the costs of continuing
the struggle outweigh any conceivable benefits. A
hurting stalemate does not necessarily lead to
successful negotiations, as the struggles between the
Israelis and the Palestinians illustrate.
It is safe to say that such a stalemate had been reached
in South Africa long before negotiations began in earnest
in 1989. The moment was seized, however, because
remarkable leaders, most notably Mandela and de Klerk,
took the political risk of gradually bringing the African
National Congress (ANC) and the National Party
together.
4
Cited in Patti Waldmeier, Anatomy of a Miracle (New York:
Penguin Books, 1997), 142.
As Mandela himself put it,
It was clear to me that a military victory was a
distant if not impossible dream. It simply did not
make sense for both sides to lose thousands if
not millions of lives in a conflict that was
unnecessary. It was time to talk.5
The Sources of Resistance
Resistance to apartheid came from five main sources,
each of which gained strength in the 1980s.
In the long run, the liberals were the least important.
Nonetheless, there were some crusading moderates,
like the journalist David Wood, who broke the story
about Steve Biko’s execution (discussed more later),
who occasionally dented apartheid’s armor. In all
likelihood, they had the greatest impact internationally as
people of good faith who demonstrated to opinion
leaders in Britain and the United States that apartheid
was unacceptable and that there was a nonrevolutionary
5
Cited in Waldmeier, Anatomy of a Miracle. 94.
Chapter 20
South Africa
15
alternative to it.
Second were the churches. As in the American South
during segregation, one of the few jobs an educated
black could aspire to was the clergy. And because the
Anglican (Episcopalian in the United States) and some
of the Calvinist churches were part of worldwide
denominations, their African ministers gained a degree
of international exposure denied other blacks.
Two names stand out here. The coloured, Dutchreformed Alan Boeszak was a major force attacking the
immorality of apartheid until his own involvement in an
affair forced him to resign from the clergy and destroyed
his political credibility. More important to this day is
Desmond Tutu, who was named Anglican archbishop for
South Africa in 1989 and who won the 1984 Nobel
Peace Prize. The very naming of a black to head the
Anglican Church was a political act. In addition, Tutu is a
remarkably charismatic man who would have been seen
as one of the world’s great leaders if he were not part of
the same movement as Mandela. Even more than
Boeszak, Tutu could appeal not only to Africans inside
the country but to liberals at home and abroad.
Third was the loosely organized and largely
spontaneous Black Consciousness movement, which
probably did the most to build opposition in the African
community in South Africa itself. It burst on the scene in
1978, largely as the inspiration of Steve Biko (1952–77).
Biko had dropped out of medical school in the late 1960s
to form the Black Consciousness movement, which
sought to inspire a sense of identity, pride, and power
among young Africans. He was part of a generation of
students educated at segregated universities who were
unwilling to put up with apartheid and who sought to
organize among younger, less-educated people in the
townships. His supporters claim that he was largely
responsible for the uprising that swept Soweto in 1976.
The next year, he was arrested, tortured, and killed,
which gave the opposition yet another martyr and more
first-hand evidence of the state’s repression and
corruption. It also marked the first time that many
average Africans came both to doubt the possibility of a
gradual, liberal solution and to realize that they could
have an impact, albeit from outside the system.
To see the impact the likes of Biko had, consider the
following passage from Mark Mathabane’s
autobiography. In it he describes a conversation with his
mother about his first real awareness of the pass
system, which came a few weeks after his father had
been arrested because his book wasn’t in order.
Why does he get arrested so much? Because his pass is
not in order.
Why doesn’t he get it fixed? He can’t.
Why? You’re too young to know.
What’s a pass, Mama? It’s an important book that we
black people must have in order always, and carry with
us at all times.
I don’t have a pass.
You’ll get one when you turn sixteen.
Will they take me away, too, Mama? Like they do Papa?
Hush. You’re asking too many questions for your own
good.6
Prior to the mid-1970s, a boy like Mathabane would
probably have accepted his family’s predicament as an
unavoidable fact of life. For the young urban blacks of
his day, however, obeying the pass laws—along with
being forced to learn Afrikaans, enduring wretched living
conditions, and the like—were no long acceptable, and
they lashed out whenever and however they could.
Black Consciousness lost in the short run, because the
state was able to put the movement down and resist its
demands. It did, however, have a dual impact that would
make a difference a decade or so later. First, it
demonstrated that opposition was widespread, if poorly
organized. Second, it left the ANC as the only
organization with legitimacy and a mass base for the
opposition to build on.
In retrospect, the most important groups were the ANC
and the organizations affiliated with it. As we saw earlier,
the ANC abandoned its total commitment to nonviolence
after it was banned in the aftermath of the Sharpeville
Massacre. From then on, it officially waged a guerrilla
war against the apartheid state. In fact, the ANC was not
much of a fighting force. However, the combination of its
underground organization at home, the appeals made by
its leaders in exile, and the example set by Mandela and
others who were imprisoned for as long as a quartercentury went a long way toward strengthening opposition
to apartheid at home and abroad.
Although it was an illegal organization, the ANC was
strong enough to have a significant impact in South
6
When will Papa be back? I don’t know. He may be gone
for a long, long time.
Mark Mathabane, Kaffir Boy: The True Story of a Black
Youth’s Coming of Age in Apartheid South Africa (New York:
Plume, 1986), 36.
16
Chapter 20
South Africa
Africa by the 1980s, largely because it was able to
operate through two other, legal organizations. In 1983 it
helped form the United Democratic Front (UDF), a
coalition that eventually numbered nearly six hundred
organizations and that tried to build a quasi-legal
opposition. Although the UDF was not able to coordinate
and control everything at the grassroots level, the fact
that it was dominated by the ANC increased support for
the banned and exiled party. Less visible but probably
even more important were the legal trade unions,
especially the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (COSATU), which is still affiliated with the ANC
and which effectively organized industrial workers after
multiracial unions were legalized in 1985.
Finally, the apartheid state faced growing pressure from
abroad from both governments and political activists. As
soon as the National Party took office, the international
antiapartheid movement was launched under the
leadership of an English clergyman, Father Trevor
Huddleston, who had worked in South Africa for many
years. In the 1970s and 1980s, South Africa faced a
barrage of criticism that led to a series of actions, the
impact of which has never fully been measured.
For instance, many American universities divested
themselves of stock in companies that did business in
South Africa and that did not oppose apartheid. This led
to the creation of a set of principles by the late
Reverend Leon Sullivan that many companies
voluntarily adopted and that gave rise to the broader
investor responsibility movement that still exists today.
Similarly, most international athletic authorities imposed
boycotts on this sports-crazy country. Indeed, there are
some pundits who (half-seriously) argue that the
inability to see their beloved Springboks play rugby or
cricket did the most to convince the Afrikaners to
abandon apartheid.
Party that led many of its leaders to question their own
commitment to revolution. In particular, its chair, Joe
Slovo, made a remarkable turnaround and became one
of the ANC’s most avid advocates of negotiation in the
early 1990s and of reconciliation with the whites during
the first years of the Mandela presidency before Slovo’s
untimely death in 1995.
CONFLICT
In South Africa
From all the discussion of protest and repression in
this chapter so far, it is tempting to conclude that
South Africa saw a lot of political conflict both during
and after apartheid. This is actually not the case.
In fact, the state was powerful enough to keep the lid
on most protests until the Soweto uprising in 1976.
Even the ANC admits that its attempts to wage a
guerrilla war were largely unsuccessful. There was
much more protest between the mid-1970s and early
1990s than in other periods in South African history,
but less than was found in many other third world
countries, especially as far as violent action pitting
the state against its opponents was concerned.
The same is true today, though for different reasons.
Groups on both the far left and far right, which are
opposed to the ANC and multiracial democracy, have
little popular support. Instead, unlike in most other
third world countries, there is a broad-based
consensus that the new regime should be
supported—at least for now.
It’s important to note that the resistance was not wholly
driven by the ANC’s or the Black Consciousness
movement’s goals, and it used tactics those of us who
live in more open societies would hardly find normal and
acceptable. In fact, there was a great deal of random
violence, including “necklacings” (immobilizing people by
putting large tires around them, dousing them in
gasoline, and burning them alive) of young Africans
thought to be traitors to the cause. ANC factions—
including Winnie Madikizela-Mandela’s (Nelson
By the same token, the end of the cold war put
Mandela’s former wife) “football club”—engaged in these
significant pressure on the ANC. The Soviet Union had
and other such activities, many of which were little more
provided it with much of its funding and some of its
military training. When this source of support dried up, it than an opportunity to take vengeance on personal rivals
put the ANC (and other organizations like the Palestinian or members of other ethnic groups. Nonetheless, on
balance, there was surprisingly little violence from the
Liberation Organization) in a financial bind. Further, the
regime’s opponents, and it is not clear how great a role it
events of the late 1980s and early 1990s were a
crushing emotional blow to the South African Communist
Although the United Nations imposed an arms embargo
in 1977, governments were slower to jump on the
antiapartheid bandwagon. A number of countries did
impose economic sanctions. However, both the United
States under Ronald Reagan and Great Britain under
Margaret Thatcher were by no means among the world’s
leaders.
Chapter 20
South Africa
17
played in forcing the regime to its knees.
arrested.
The Way It Happened
The crackdown following the Sharpeville Massacre took
a heavy toll on the resistance. The ANC, in particular,
was in tough shape. Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, and
most of its other key leaders were in prison on the
infamous Robben Island. Oliver Tambo, Joe Slovo, and
the other leaders who had managed to escape ran the
armed struggle from bases in exile. The armed uprising
began with an act of sabotage in December 1961 during
the annual commemoration of the Battle of Blood River.
The ANC put sharp limits on Umkhonto we Sizwe, ruling
out, for instance, attacks on white civilians. The uprising
also was not very effective, because virtually every
fighter sent into the country was caught or killed within
forty-eight hours.
The critical turning point on this front came with the
uprising in Soweto, which began on 16 June 1976. High
school students were protesting a new rule that made
Afrikaans the language of instruction in black schools.
The police fired on the crowd, killing (by official figures,
which are certainly underestimates) twenty-three people.
More protests broke out around the country in which
(again, by official figures) nearly six hundred more died.
(See table 20.5.)
The 1970s, however, saw a marked increase in antisystem activity. In part inspired by the U.S. civil rights
and black power movements, Steve Biko and his
generation organized first university student unions and
then the broader Black Consciousness movement. Biko
argued that blacks had to organize themselves, starting
with, as he put it, “the realization that the most potent
weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the
oppressed.”
In so doing, they set off cycle after cycle of protests and
crackdowns that continued until apartheid collapsed. At
each stage through the 1980s, the government was able
to defeat the protesters in the short run. In the longer
term, however, the repression and the obvious justice of
calls for multiracial democracy served only to deepen
opposition at home and abroad.
Surprisingly in retrospect, the government initially
allowed groups affiliated with the Black Consciousness
movement to organize openly and legally. Although Biko
himself was banned in 1973, there were large, public
protests, such as the one in 1974 in support of
neighboring Mozambique, which had just thrown out its
Portuguese colonial rulers. As usual, the leaders were
TABLE 20.5: Key Events during and after the
Transition to Democracy
DATE
EVENT
1985
Initial discussions between ANC and
government
1989
De Klerk replaces Botha
1990
Mandela released; ANC ban lifted
1992
Whites-only referendum endorses
negotiations
1994
First elections; Mandela president
1996
Growth, Employment, and Rehabilitation
Act
1998
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
report
1999
Mbeki president
At this point, the movement grew in two directions, both
of which worked to the ANC’s advantage. First, many of
the protesters fled the country to join the ANC and the
armed struggle. Second, a decade-long “battle for the
townships” began in which blacks stopped paying rent
for public housing, attending school, and patronizing
white businesses in what came to be known as the
“ungovernability campaign.” As noted earlier, in 1983
many of the protesters formed the UDF, which came to
be dominated by ANC activists. The state continued to
counterattack, detaining forty thousand people and
killing four thousand more from 1979 on.
18
Chapter 20
South Africa
GLOBALIZATION
In South Africa
WE GENERALLY THINK of globalization in terms of
how the spread of global markets and cultures has
reinforced the parallel trend toward liberalization.
As we will see in the section on public policy, these
forces are at work in the new South Africa as well.
However, it makes more sense to stress how global
opposition to apartheid helped bring down the regime
in the early 1990s.
No one knows how to measure the impact of
sanctions and embargoes. Similarly, no one in the
National Party elite has been willing to say how much
international pressure contributed to the party’s
decision to capitulate. Nonetheless, as Archbishop
Tutu pointedly asked, if sanctions weren’t having a
major impact, why did the elite oppose them so
vociferously? In short, international pressure had a
much more significant effect on the National Party
government than it has had on the Baath regime in
Iraq. This may say less about the sanctions (which
are far more severe and more fully enforced in the
Iraqi case) than it does about the two regimes. Here,
we will see that the Afrikaners were not willing to
jeopardize their economic and cultural gains to retain
apartheid and minority rule. As we saw in Chapter 14,
however, Saddam Hussein and his colleagues were
willing to risk everything to continue ruling in their
own unique and repressive style.
Meanwhile, pressure from abroad continued to mount.
The United Nations suspended South Africa’s
membership in the General Assembly in 1974, imposed
a global arms embargo in 1977, and declared apartheid
a crime against humanity in 1984. Demands for
corporate disinvestment and sanctions imposed by
individual European and American governments
continued to grow. By the early 1980s more than two
hundred American corporations had pulled out of the
country. Although many critics of apartheid complained
that corporations and governments did not do enough
soon enough, Chase Manhattan Bank led other banks in
refusing to extend South Africa $24 billion in short-term
loans in 1985. The next year, the U.S. government
passed the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, which,
among other things, outlawed further U.S. investment in
South Africa. The EU and most individual European
countries followed suit.
Meanwhile, the international reputation of Mandela and
the ANC continued to grow. The regime and its
apologists abroad tried to portray the ANC as
communists and terrorists, but few people took those
claims as seriously as the human rights violations of the
government itself. Further, the ANC, Tutu, and others
were able to convince more and more people that their
cause was just, that violence was the only option open
to them, and that they were only attacking the South
African state, not the white population as a whole.
In a bind, the government responded with political
carrots and sticks. The 1983–84 constitutional changes
were designed (but failed) to undercut some of the
ANC’s support, as were later reforms that ended the
pass laws and other “petty apartheid” policies.
The reforms failed to resonate. Some 77 percent of the
eligible coloureds and 80 percent of the Asians, for
example, boycotted the elections in which members of
“their” houses of parliament were elected. Yet more
protests broke out.
However, the infamous Bureau of State Security also
stepped up the repression, arresting about twenty-five
thousand blacks and killing another two thousand in the
late 1980s alone. It also declared a series of states of
emergency as the security situation continued to
deteriorate. If anything, the National Party government
grew more intolerant and repressive as it became clear
that the reform efforts were not having the intended
effect.
Negotiations
Though no one outside of the leadership of the ANC
and the government knew it at the time, secret
negotiations began in 1985. While Mandela was
recuperating from minor surgery, he began meeting with
the attorney general. The next year, he was allowed to
meet with the former Nigerian president Olusegun
Obasanjo, who was heading a visiting delegation from
the British Commonwealth of Nations.
Gradually, ties between Mandela and his jailers
improved. One day he was taken for a drive by a warder,
who went into a store to buy Mandela a soda and left the
keys in the ignition. Mandela did not even try to escape.
His relationship with the men assigned to guard him
became so close that their chief, James Gregory,
actually voted for the ANC in 1994 and was an invited
guest at the inauguration.
Meanwhile, the ANC and interlocutors for the
government began holding informal “track two” meetings
outside the country. Little formal progress was made, but
the participants on both sides got to know each other
Chapter 20
South Africa
19
and saw that they actually had a lot in common
personally, if not politically.
Afrikaners to retain their culture and, even more
importantly, their dignity.
Things had progressed enough by 1989 to put two
important items on the agenda. First, Mandela insisted
on a meeting with President Botha. Second, Botha
considered releasing Mandela, though he refused to do
so unless the ANC renounced violence. The meeting did
occur, but it accomplished nothing, and Botha and
Mandela refused to budge on the conditions surrounding
the release of the world’s most famous prisoner.
Thus, in a series of forty-seven meetings in which he
normally spoke Afrikaans, Mandela kept stressing the
need to share power and the fact that blacks and whites
had one thing in common—they were all Africans.
Meanwhile, in 1986 the government had moved Mandela
off of Robben Island and into a small, comfortable home
both to make negotiations easier and to send Mandela a
signal that he was being taken seriously. Mandela so
appreciated his time there that he had a replica of the
house built in his hometown, which was his first
retirement home.
As is so often the case in political life, a historical
accident made a huge difference. In January 1989 the
increasingly intransigent Botha suffered a stroke. Later
in the year, his party convinced him to step down, and
he was replaced by F. W. de Klerk.
De Klerk (1936–) was not a liberal who wanted to give
up Afrikaner power. His uncle had been prime minister,
and his father was one of the architects of apartheid in
the 1950s. De Klerk, himself, rose through the National
Party ranks, usually by taking positions on its right wing.
He came to power ready to make reforms that would
dilute apartheid. He was not, however, prepared to give
up Afrikaner control of the state.
Nonetheless, as early as 1986, a number of Afrikaner
clergymen began meeting with ANC leaders at their
bases in Angola. The head of the Broederbond
circulated a document that called for a negotiated
settlement (but not one person/one vote) as the only
approach that could ensure the survival of Afrikaner
culture. Officials, including some in the security services,
then began secret, informal, and unusually unauthorized
discussions with the ANC, often brokered by leaders of
the biggest South African business (the Anglo-American
Corporation) and nongovernmental organizations such
as the Ford Foundation. Some of the most important
meetings took place under the supervision of the
Consolidated Goldfields Company at its Mells Park
country home in England, where, ironically, the ANC’s
Thabo Mbeki and his white interlocutor ended their work
by watching Mandela’s release from prison on television.
Although the details are still not completely known, this
wing of the securocrats apparently convinced de Klerk
that a negotiated settlement with some sort of power
sharing was the only way out. Indeed, one of the most
important of them, Niel Barnard, conducted many of the
secret talks with Mandela and played the leading role in
convincing de Klerk.
Meanwhile, Mandela and the ANC had reached similar
conclusions. In particular, they realized that there could
not be a resolution unless they found a way for the
Finally, an agreement was reached that led to de Klerk’s
shocking speech to the National Assembly in 1990.
Mandela was released on 11 February. Later that day,
he spoke to a crowd estimated at over one hundred
thousand, many of whom had never even seen a picture
of a man who had not been mentioned in the South
African media since his imprisonment twenty-seven
years earlier.
Formal negotiations began soon afterward but did not go
well. The ANC and the government were poles apart,
and, at first, Mandela and de Klerk did not get along well
personally.
Gradually, things began to improve. The Afrikaners even
discovered that they liked the communist Joe Slovo, who
seemed more like a grandfather than a guerrilla.
Sometimes they found common ground on important
political issues, and other times on seemingly more
mundane matters, such as everyone’s desire to see
South African sports teams again competing on the
international level.
In the end, it took three years for the Conference on a
Democratic South Africa (CODESA) to reach an
agreement. In between, there were walkouts, continued
repression, and an upsurge of violence, including Amy
Biehl’s murder. As popular as Mandela and the ANC
were, they faced opposition from Mangosuthu Buthelezi
and his Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) (discussed
shortly).
At long last, the parties agreed to an interim constitution
in 1993. It called for elections in which, for the first time,
all South African adults could vote. While thereby
assuring an ANC victory, it also contained provisions
that guaranteed cabinet posts to all parties that won at
least 20 percent of the vote.
As we will see in more detail shortly, the ANC won those
elections in a landslide. To no one’s surprise, Mandela
20
Chapter 20
South Africa
was chosen president, and de Klerk served as his first
deputy president.
In 1996 a permanent constitution was adopted that did
not retain the minority representation clauses. At that
point, the National Party left the coalition and de Klerk
retired.
Critics are quick to point to South Africa’s difficulties
since Mandela came to power. Crime and violence are
both at an all-time high, and economic growth has been
slow. There is evidence as well that the ANC would like
to enhance its power, perhaps at the cost of the
popularity and rights of its opponents.
South Africa also faces tremendous burdens growing out
of three and a half centuries of white rule. As any
American who has seriously thought about the legacy of
slavery has to acknowledge, the kind of discrimination
and abuse suffered by Africans in their own country left
emotional scars that cannot be healed with “mere”
majority rule. And the scars aren’t just psychological.
Whites earn, on average, twelve times more than blacks.
Overall unemployment has averaged well over 30
percent, but, using the commonly used research
methodology, it tops 40 percent among blacks. The
richest 10 percent of the population earns over a third of
the country’s income and controls a much higher
percentage of its wealth. It is, of course, overwhelmingly
white.
This should not keep us from seeing one of the most
remarkable aspects of the transition. Knowing that it
could not risk alienating the white population, the new
government decided to take the country in an unusual
direction. Rather than seeking vengeance and the spoils
of majority rule, it sought reconciliation, nation building,
and consensus.
The ANC did benefit from the fact that apartheid and its
associated policies had left the country well off by
African standards. It had the twenty-seventh largest
population in the world and, by conventional accounting
methods, was also the twenty-seventh richest country. It
was far more industrialized than any other African
country. Manufacturing accounted for a quarter of its
GNP. South Africa also sat atop tremendous mineral
resources, including 40 percent of the world’s known
gold and more than half of its diamonds, manganese,
and chromium.
In short, on balance, South Africa’s track record since
1994 has been almost as remarkable as the negotiations
that liberated Mandela from prison and brought him to
power. The new regime has broad-based support and
has even integrated many whites from the old regime
(including the security service) into the new bureaucracy.
The principle of one person/one vote is more securely
established than anywhere else in Africa or, for that
matter, most of the rest of the less developed world.
South Africa also had no trouble making the transition
from Mandela to his successor as president, Thabo
Mbeki. Even though Mbeki lacks Mandela’s charisma
and has made a number of controversial statements—
most notably, claiming that HIV does not cause AIDS—
his government continues to function smoothly and enjoy
massive popular support. But, as noted in the
introduction, the transition to the third president may not
be as smooth.
Political Culture
Two key lessons stand out from the research done on
democratic political culture. First, a tolerant culture with a
strong civil society helps sustain democracy. Second,
political cultures change slowly.
What South Africa shows us is that while the first
conclusion may be correct, the second need not be. The
dramatic shifts in barely more than a decade of
democracy show that the core values of most people in
a country can indeed change very quickly and that a
government can help make that happen.
There have been no systematic studies of South African
political culture. However, the available impressionistic
evidence plus a few recent polls by various
organizations suggest that the new government is doing
what it can to create a participant and tolerant culture as
quickly as possible. Overall support for the national
government has hovered between 64 and 70 percent
between 2005 and 2007, a figure that compares
favorable with any major country. But South Africans are
also realists; in early 2008, almost a third of them
thought that the country would experience more strife
during the upcoming year.
South Africa does not seem to suffer from one of the
cultural problems that exists in many other third world
countries—a lack of a national identity. Indeed, one of
the reasons it was so hard to find the common ground
that allowed the various communities to do away with
apartheid was that each saw itself as patriotic South
Africans. Unfortunately, each had a very different
conception of what that meant.
The new government has gone out of its way to be as
inclusive as possible. The constitution, for example,
guarantees people the right to an education in their own
language. More importantly, the post-apartheid
government allowed Afrikaner civil servants and even
most security officers to keep their jobs until they retire
Chapter 20
South Africa
21
The one systematic poll conducted by Africa Barometer
for the Institute for Democracy in South Africa echoes
many of these anecdotes and also provides us with
The government has also tried to promote a sense of
some concerns for the future. The survey reveals a
inclusiveness through symbolic measures that may
country in which blacks and whites live, think, and vote
prove no less reassuring. Thus, in 1995, Mandela
resisted efforts on the part of many ANC activists to ban differently. But it also reveals a society in which all
groups are more optimistic than one might otherwise
rugby, a sport played almost exclusively by Afrikaners
expect. Whites are a bit more supportive of core civil
and seen as a bastion of their culture and a symbol of
liberties including free speech and a free press, but a
their racism. Instead of acceding to their demands,
majority of both communities support both. Both groups
Mandela went to the 1995 World Cup final match
cited civil liberties and freedoms as the most important
wearing a copy of the uniform shirt of captain François
Pienaar and warmly greeted the Afrikaner when handing characteristic of democracy in their opinion. Majorities in
both groups endorsed multiparty democracy and
him the winners’ trophy. Since then, various sports
rejected anything like military rule, although the support
authorities have made major progress in integrating
was slightly higher among whites than blacks. Only 12
national teams, bringing blacks into the rugby squad
percent of whites (but, oddly, 11 percent of blacks)
(and firing the coach when he resisted doing so) and
wanted to go back to the apartheid regime. Perhaps
whites into the previously almost all-black soccer team.
Afrikaners I know speak with delight about taking blacks most telling of all, 73 percent of blacks and 63 percent of
whites were convinced that South Africa would remain a
they have met to rugby games and of their own
democracy.
newfound love for soccer once those visits were
reciprocated. One of the consequences of all this was
FIFA’s awarding of the 2010 World Cup to South Africa, To be sure, race and ethnicity remain deeply divisive
the first time the global sports extravaganza will be held issues in South Africa and will be for decades to come.
This is easiest to see in the crime and violence that has
in Africa.
wracked the country since the transition to democracy.
Violent crime has always been a serious problem in the
It isn’t just the government. Even prior to 1990, foreign
townships, where the murder rate is probably ten times
governments and private foundations had donated
hundreds of millions of dollars to fund nongovernmental that in the United States.
organizations trying to end apartheid and build bridges
More important for our purposes was the violence
between the communities. Typical of these is the
National Business Initiative (NBI). The NBI was founded centered on the “hostels,” where men separated from
by Theuns Eloff, a Dutch Reformed Church minister who their families because of apartheid laws lived in the
had grown disillusioned with apartheid in the 1980s and townships. Clashes between supporters of the ANC and
the IFP resulted in the deaths of well over ten thousand
began meeting secretly with ANC officials outside the
people in the first half of the 1990s. This violence reflects
country. When, following Mandela’s release, the
the frustrations of a generation that seems destined to
negotiations bogged down and township violence
live its life in poverty as much as the ideological
escalated, Eloff and his colleagues realized they had to
develop ways of finding common ground for people from differences that have long separated the two
movements.
all racial and ethnic groups. Eloff argued that only if
people could find ways to cooperate with rather than
On balance, however, no country has made as serious
shoot at each other would South Africa make it through
an attempt to bring former adversaries together in
the transition. No one has done research on how much
of an impact organizations like NBI have had. Certainly, cooperative and constructive ways. There is no better
evidence of this than the fact that South Africans have
none of them were big enough to move the country
been called on to help calm ethnic tensions in such
toward a consensus on their own. However, it is also
faraway places as the Democratic Republic of the Congo
clear that each helped create a larger “space” in which
blacks and whites can interact with each other peacefully and Northern Ireland, not to mention its neighbor
and comfortably. Intriguingly, in 2001, this man who was Zimbabwe, which was in the midst of a dreadful crisis as
these lines were written.
once rejected by his own parishioners was named
president of Potcherstroom University for Christian
Higher Education, the most prestigious Dutch Reformed If nothing else, South Africa has been able to avoid the
civil wars—almost all of which were rooted in issues of
seminary. Three years later, he guided it in a merger
with North-West University where he currently serves as religion, ethnicity, and/or race—that have engulfed much
of the third world. If anything, South Africa had a “worse”
vice-chancellor, which is the equivalent of an American
university president.
historical track record than most of those countries. Yet,
somehow, it has managed to avoid the carnage that has
or resign voluntarily.
22
Chapter 20
South Africa
devastated countries like Rwanda, where the majority
Hutu systematically slaughtered at least 10 percent of
the country’s population, including virtually all the
minority Tutsi, in a three-month period in 1994.
Although Mandela and his colleagues get much of the
credit, it is important not to understate the role played by
the National Party and the white community in general.
Affluent whites could have opposed the regime or taken
their money and fled. Instead, almost all of them have
chosen to stay and to give the new regime at least their
grudging support. There are fringe elements in the
Afrikaner population that want to restore apartheid and,
failing that, to get an independent homeland for
themselves. However, such groups have minimal
influence, and unless the bottom falls out of the
economy or the crime and violence escalate out of
control, the regime seems likely to keep that support.
Table 20.6: Elections in the New South Africa: Major
Parties Only
PARTY
1994
1999
2004
ANC
62.6
66.4
69.7
Inkhata
10.5
8.6
7.0
NNP
20.4
6.9
1.7
Democratic
—
—
12.4
Alliance
The ANC
The ANC (www.anc.org.za) did not begin as a “normal”
political party. Like its Indian namesake, its original
purpose was to end an unjust system of government.
Again like the Indian Congress, it was denied the right to
pursue that goal at the ballot box.
As we saw in Chapter 12, India’s Congress began
contesting elections in the 1930s and gained valuable
experience running local governments prior to
independence. However, unlike the Indian Congress, the
Political Participation
The key to the “input” side of South African politics lies in ANC never had that opportunity until literally days before
the way people participate. During the new state’s first
it came to power.
fourteen years, the emphasis was on the electoral
process even though it had held only three national
The ANC, by contrast, operated underground and in
elections at the time of this writing. The fourth will occur exile until 1990. In less than four years, it turned itself
in 2009.
from a party of armed resistance into one that could run
the new South Africa’s government. In the process, it
In most democracies, political parties contest elections in changed itself dramatically.
large part on the basis of their positions on the “big
issues” confronting the country. This was true of South
Two of those changes stand out.
Africa as well a decade ago when the National Party
faced white opposition from its left and right that
First, it truly became an electorally driven party. This is
criticized it for its position on apartheid. This was even
not as remarkable as it might seem at first glance.
more the case for the extraparliamentary opposition for
Though officially banned, the ANC built substantial mass
which ending apartheid was the key goal.
support during the 1980s largely through its work in the
trade unions and the United Democratic Front (UDF).
In the early 2000s the big ideological issues are gone.
And, of course, the years of struggle and the symbol of
With the exception of some truly minor parties, everyone resistance provided by Mandela and his fellow prisoners
accepts the fact that South Africa is a multiracial
were a tremendous asset.
democracy with a mixed, but basically capitalist,
economy.
Second, the party radically altered its ideology. The ANC
committed itself to socialism in the 1950s and forged a
Instead, though few admit it publicly, the real debate is
long-term alliance with the Communist Party, which
over the role of the ANC. For the moment, at least, the
remains a part of the ANC to this day. Although it took
ANC is the world’s most dominant party in an open
great pains to deny government charges that it was itself
political system. It won 63 percent of the vote in 1994, 66 communist, the ANC never stepped back from its basic,
percent five years later, and almost 70 percent of the
and radical, commitment to a more egalitarian society—
vote in 2004, which is one of the most successful track
until coming to power, that is.
records of any party in the democratic world. (See table
20.6.)
In 1994 the ANC put economic change at the heart of its
campaign, though it should be pointed out that it won for
the other reasons mentioned. Since then, however,
given the limited funds available and its commitment not
to overturn white privilege, the ANC has made an
economic U-turn, as we will see in more detail.
Chapter 20
The ANC also entered the democratic era with some
very powerful assets. First and foremost, it was the only
party with a track record as a multiracial organization. It
also boasted Mandela, Slovo, and other leaders whose
names, at least, had been known to South Africans for
more than a generation. And because of its
underground organization and role in the UDF and the
unions, it had a large, if not always disciplined,
organization.
The ANC turned those assets into a landslide victory in
1994, winning almost 63 percent of the vote and 252 of
the 400 seats under South Africa’s version of
proportional representation. Despite the economic
difficulties the country encountered during the decade
and the fact that Mandela retired, the ANC actually
increased its support slightly in 1999. And it did so
again in 2004 when it surpassed the two-thirds of the
vote (and seats) needed to amend the Constitution,
something it has not chosen to do other than to
marginally change the borders of seven of the nine
provinces.
The ANC has its problems. The unions, communists,
and others on the left are not happy with its acceptance
of capitalism. Mbeki has managed to alienate many
members of the burgeoning black elite in the private
sector. At the same time, however, there are no signs
that dissidents are considering splitting off from the
ANC, because that would consign them to the political
margins. That holds for Zuma. Why should he? After
all, he is president of the ANC and will almost certainly
be elected to replace Mbeki.
The one concern facing the ANC is what it will do after
Mbeki steps downs. Many critics argue that the ANC
government bases its support on its track record for
defeating apartheid, rather than its accomplishments in
office. At some point after fifteen years in power, such
claims may affect public opinion.
More importantly, Mbeki’s heir apparent, former Vice
President Jacob Zuma has the tarnished reputation
mentioned at the beginning of the chapter. He will also
be 67 at the time of the election. Because of the poverty
he was born into, he has little or no formal education.
Although he was a significant member of the ANC from
the late 1950s onward, he does not have the stature of
either Mandela or Mbeki, whose father was one of the
ANC leaders of Mandela’s generation.
South Africa
23
NELSON MANDELA
Nelson Mandela was born in 1918. His father was a
chief in the Thembu tribe, but he died when Mandela
was quite young, which meant Mandela was raised
by even higher-status relatives.
He studied at the all-black Fort Hare University but
was expelled in 1940 for participating in
demonstrations. He finished his B.A. by
correspondence and earned a law degree in 1942.
He was one of the first blacks to practice law in
South Africa.
He also joined the ANC and in 1944 helped form its
Youth League, which moved the organization
leftward. In 1952 he was elected one of its four
deputy presidents.
Mandela was first arrested for treason in 1956 but
was acquitted five years later. In 1964 he would not
be as lucky. Sentenced to life in prison for treason,
he spent twenty-seven years in custody, the first
eighteen on the infamous Robben Island.
During the negotiations with the apartheid
government and later as president, Mandela
succeeded in creating a democratic South Africa. He
was able to combine what can only be described as
remarkable personal charm with a powerful
commitment to equality and an unbending
negotiating style to become arguably the most
respected world leader of his generation
(www.nobel.se/peace/ laureates/1993/mandelabio.html).
in South Africa for decades to come.
The Inkatha Freedom Party
Among blacks, the most serious opposition to the ANC
comes from the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP)
(www.ifp.org.za). It was formed by Chief Mangosuthu
Buthelezi (1928–) in KwaZulu, one of the tribal
homelands created by the apartheid government.
Although the ANC leadership wanted to boycott all those
organizations, Mandela and Oliver Tambo had been
close to Buthelezi during their student days and
understood that he was highly popular in that part of the
country. They therefore approved the creation of the
party.
In short, Zuma may prove to be a transitional leader
serving until the next generation of activists is ready to
hold top offices. Still, there seems to be little chance that
the ANC will be displaced as the dominant political party In retrospect, it was not a very wise decision, because
24
Chapter 20
South Africa
the IFP and Buthelezi have been thorns in the ANC’s
side ever since. In the 1980s, Buthelezi began informally
cooperating with the authorities (it is now known that the
IFP was partially funded by the security services) and
was seen by conservatives abroad as a moderate
alternative to the ANC.
itself as more pragmatic and responsible than the
government, and it proposed to implement change more
gradually. Ironically for the party that created the strong
state economically as well as politically, the NNP
claimed to want less government involvement in the
economy and in people’s lives.
Buthelezi also has a monstrous ego and resents not
having been a major player in the negotiations that led to
the 1994 transition. Indeed, he frequently walked out of
the discussions and only agreed to have the IFP
participate in the 1994 elections at the eleventh hour.
Nonetheless, because of the power-sharing provisions
for the first government, Buthelezi became minister for
home affairs, a post he held until 2004.
Its new leader, Marthinus van Schalkwyk, reacted to its
1999 electoral debacle in ways no one could have
imagined a decade earlier. He merged the NNP with the
ANC. Not surprisingly, some party stalwarts refused to
go along with the merger, but the rump party only won
1.7 percent of the vote in 2004. It decided to disband the
following spring, and all of its members of parliament
joined the ANC, a remarkable fact for a party whose
parent organizations created apartheid in the first place.
Far more important than any positions the IFP takes is
the fact that it is a regional and increasingly ethnically
defined party. It wins next to no support outside of the
state of KwaZulu Natal other than in Zulu enclaves in
Johannesburg and other metropolitan areas. And
although it originally won some white and Asian support
in the state (there are very few coloureds in the eastern
half of the country), its electorate now seems almost
exclusively Zulu and amounts to only about 5 percent of
the total black vote.
On balance, the IFP has mostly been a disruptive force.
Its supporters were largely responsible for the political
violence that afflicted the country during the first half of
the 1990s. And its support has steadily declined from
almost 11 percent in 1994 to less than half that total a
decade later.
The White-Based Opposition
At first, the main opposition to the ANC came, not
surprisingly, from the National Party, which probably
changed more than any other group in South Africa and
perished in the process. To the surprise of many, it did
not become the party of white resistance and did fairly
well at first in the coloured community. Still, as table 20.6
shows, it won barely 20 percent of the vote in 1994, did
not even reach half that total in 1999, and disappeared
from the scene in the most recent election.
The New National Party (NNP) was indeed in many
ways a new party. In 1996 de Klerk resigned both from
the government and from his position as head of the
National Party so that the party could move smoothly
into opposition. It has also had to endure the defection of
its heir apparent, Roelf Meyer, who formed a new party
that tried to counter the National Party’s inability to
attract African voters but who later left active political life.
After those setbacks, the NNP worked hard to redefine
itself as a multiracial alternative to the ANC. It presented
In the middle of the first decade of the twenty-first
century, the leading and predominantly white opposition
to the ANC comes from a new coalition/party, the
Democratic Alliance. It has multiple roots, including
both white progressives who opposed apartheid and
dissident members of the NNP who left the party when it
merged with the ANC.
It is hard to tell exactly where the alliance stands on
most substantive issues (www.dp.org.za) other than its
firm support for human rights and democratic principles.
More important than its stance on social and economic
problems is the fact that it is fast becoming the party
whites are most likely to support. Its leadership is
biracial. But if it is going to become a viable opposition to
the ANC, it must find a way for its electorate to become
more like its leadership. Its current leader, Helen Zille,
was chosen in 2007, the year after she was elected
mayor of Cape Town where she has received rave
reviews.
The bottom line for this section is that the ANC is likely
to remain in firm control for the foreseeable future. It may
not be doing everything right, but the opposition has yet
to show any real signs of offering a credible alternative
that could even dream of ousting the ANC.
The New State
As we saw in the section on the negotiations, the ANC
won its most important demand—a democracy based on
the votes of all South Africans. It did make concessions
that granted minority representation in the cabinet for the
first few years. Otherwise, the basic constitutional
provisions are quite similar to those in other
democracies (www.polity.org.za/govdocs/constitution/
saconst.html).
Chapter 20
Rights and Freedoms
In part because it is new and in part because of South
Africa’s troubled history, the constitution enumerates
more rights and guarantees than most. For instance,
people are guaranteed the right to an education in their
own language, and women have the right to an abortion.
Overall, people’s rights (including whites) are most
securely guaranteed than at any point in South African
history. The only even vaguely controversial limits are a
ban on hate speech and the ANC’s acceptance of
employers’ right to lock out workers.
South Africa
25
Klerk and Mbeki). Those provisions for minority
representation disappeared when the permanent
constitution went into effect in early 1997 and the
National Party resigned from the government. There is
also now only a single deputy president.
The Rest of the State
The nine provinces were also granted considerable
autonomy, especially over education and cultural affairs.
More important in the long run, perhaps, is the fact that
the ANC won control in only seven of them in the 1994
elections (losing KwaZulu Natal to the IFP and the
Western Cape to the National Party), which means that
President and Parliament
credible opposition to the ANC could be built on the
The constitution calls for a traditional parliamentary
system in which the executive is responsible to the lower provincial level. However, by 2004, the ANC had won
control of those two states making the creation of a
house of a bicameral parliament
(www.parliament.gov.za). Thus, the key to South African regionally based opposition as difficult as a national one.
politics is the 400-member National Assembly. Its
For the first time, South Africa also has an independent
members are elected under a complicated system of
judiciary. Judges at all levels are appointed by the
proportional representation in which a party must get
nonpartisan Judicial Services Bureau. Like many
slightly over 2 percent of the vote either nationally or in
countries, South Africa’s judiciary has two wings. The
one of the nine provinces to gain seats. In 2004, only
Appellate Division of the Supreme Court deals with
three parties passed that threshold nationally. Nine
appeals of nonconstitutional matters, which are referred
others won at least 2 percent of the vote in at least one
to the Constitutional Court. It has ten judges. Six are
province and thus qualified, but these parties won only
appointed by the president on the basis of
forty-three seats in total and are not a factor in the
recommendations by the Judicial Services Bureau; the
National Assembly’s daily proceedings.
other four come from the Supreme Court and are chosen
by the president and the chief justice. It is too early to tell
The National Assembly elects the president, who is
how effective the courts will be, but they certainly are
really the equivalent of the prime minister in most
more independent than their apartheid-era
parliamentary systems. In other words, the president
appoints the rest of the cabinet and, more importantly, is predecessors. To cite but one prominent example, the
courts forced the government to revise the draft 1996
subject to votes of confidence that can remove him or
her from office. Given the size of the ANC’s majority, it is constitution to, among other things, make it harder to
all but unimaginable that any president will lose a vote of amend when civil liberties were at stake.
confidence for years to come.
The most surprising, and perhaps most encouraging,
trend for the long term is the ANC’s decision not to purge
The National Assembly must pass all legislation, and it
the bureaucracy. It would have been understandable if
initiates all bills dealing with money. It can also amend
the constitution with a two-thirds vote. Although the ANC the new government had gotten rid of everyone who
surpassed the two-thirds threshold in 2004, it has shown helped make and implement apartheid public policy.
no sign of wanting to change the constitution to create a Instead, reflecting their desire for reconciliation, the ANC
de facto one-party state as many critics feared, although decided to retain most incumbent civil servants. Critics
have accused the ANC of filling new state positions with
it has passed 12 minor changes since 1994.
their own members. In fact, one cannot help but be
The National Council of Provinces is indirectly elected by struck by the other side of the coin—the number of
the nine provincial legislatures. It has ninety members
Afrikaners who remain in positions of responsibility. This
(ten from each province) who also serve five-year terms. is true even in such sensitive areas as law enforcement
Like most upper houses, it has limited budgetary powers and education, where only people who committed the
and no control over the executive. Its primary
worst offenses have been fired.
responsibilities revolve around the protection of minority
cultural interests. The president chooses up to twentyToward a One-Party State?
seven members of a cabinet and a deputy president.
Critics are also worried that South Africa will turn into a
Under the interim constitution, all parties that won at
single-party state, much like other nations in Africa. This
least 20 percent of the vote had to be included in the
is especially true of those analysts who stress the ANC’s
cabinet, which had two deputy presidents (initially de
own authoritarian elements, not to mention its links with
26
Chapter 20
South Africa
the Communist Party.
There is also widespread concern about the party’s
organization and its impact on the day-to-day functioning
of the government. Although we cannot provide precise
details, there is rampant corruption in most government
agencies, including education, where standards have
fallen since 1994. Also, many blacks who occupy
middle-level and even high-level positions are seen as
grossly incompetent, lacking the skills and intellectual
background needed to do their jobs effectively. It could
not be otherwise in a country that denied blacks more
than the most rudimentary education until a decade ago.
However, there are equally compelling reasons to
believe that the ANC will not abuse its power. Indeed,
virtually everything in its record since the negotiations
began in the late 1980s suggests that it is an unusual
political movement, one that is truly committed to
democracy and reconciliation. For example, it willingly
agreed to proportional representation that would grant
smaller parties a voice in the National Assembly even
though the old first-past-the-post system would have
given it a much larger number of seats. Similarly, it
allowed the IFP to take power in KwaZulu Natal in 1994
and 1999 even though there was considerable evidence
that Buthelezi’s party won only through fraud and
intimidation.
THABO MBEKI
Thabo Mbeki became the second president of
democratic South Africa following the 1999 election
(www.info.gov.za/leaders/president/index.htm).
Mbeki was born in 1942. His father was an active
communist who was arrested with and spent time in
prison with Mandela. The younger Mbeki escaped
from South Africa in 1962 and moved to the United
Kingdom. The ANC paid for him to study economics
at the University of Sussex. As a young man, he was
quite leftist, having studied at the Lenin School in
Moscow and served on the SACP politburo.
In office, he has been more authoritarian than
Mandela was and has spoken less about the need
for reconciliation. However, he has not wavered from
the ANC’s decision to sustain its democracy and
move toward a more open economy.
He has not been without his critics, most recently for
his failure to pressure President Robert Mugabe of
neighboring Zimbabwe to either step down or
respect the results of the 2008 election there.
Public Policy
Mandela’s government came to power amid great
expectations, but it also had to contend with even
greater pressures. It faced a tremendous psychological
challenge in bringing together a society that had been
divided and riddled with hatred for so long. Materially, it
had to deal with the massive economic gap between
blacks and whites at a time when the economy had been
shrinking for at least a decade, largely as a result of
international sanctions and disinvestment.
Therefore, it makes sense to focus here on the two
policy areas in which the new government has done the
most to meet these challenges. As should be clear from
the discussion so far in this chapter, we should not
expect the government to have been able to meet either
of them fully in fourteen years. Nonetheless, it has taken
some important first steps.
Truth and Reconciliation
As we have already seen, the new government did not
seek revenge on the whites. Instead, it has taken its
rhetorical commitment to a multiracial South Africa
seriously.
Central to these efforts was the work of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. More than fifteen other new
regimes around the world have set up truth
commissions to ferret out human rights abuses in the
past and, if possible, to hold the guilty accountable.
These commissions are part of a broader movement for
restorative justice that is causing quite a stir in legal
circles (www .restorativejustice.org). Traditionally, new
states have sought to punish the perpetrators of crimes
against the people by seeking retribution and even
vengeance. By contrast, in restorative justice, , the
emphasis is on literally restoring the situation of the
victims before the crime occurred to the degree that this
is possible. Even more importantly, there is a different
overarching goal that has rarely been found in legal
thinking until recently— to begin recovering from the
social damage that the crimes inflicted so that the
community can achieve internal peace.
South Africa sought to go farther than most of these
bodies. To be sure, the commission did all it could to
document the crimes against humanity that occurred
between the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, when
massive human rights abuses began, and the transition
to democracy thirty-four years later. However, it was a
truth and reconciliation commission whose more
important goal was to use the truth about apartheid as
an important first step in healing the wounds it created
Chapter 20
South Africa
27
in South African society.
Created in June 1995, the commission was chaired by
Archbishop Tutu, unquestionably the most powerful
moral voice in the country after Mandela, and someone
who had long been pleading for reconciliation across
racial lines (www.info.gov.za/leaders/president/
index.htm). Its mandate allowed the Commission to
grant amnesty to people whose crimes were political in
nature, who confessed fully and publicly to the
commission, and who expressed remorse for their
actions. The assumption underlying its work, then, was
that learning the truth and beginning to build bridges
across communal lines was far more valuable than
prosecuting wrongdoers.
Most notable here was the testimony of the president’s
former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, who had long
been a controversial figure within the ANC. On the one
hand, she had stood by her husband during his years in
prison and had served as a powerful symbol and
organizer for the ANC within South Africa. On the other
hand, she and her entourage were implicated in much of
the violence in the townships and were accused of
murdering opponents.
In September 1998, she appeared before the
commission to answer charges that she was involved in
eighteen human rights abuses, including eight murders.
Although she refused to testify about the specifics of the
charges, she acknowledged her involvement and guilt,
and like many others who appeared before the
In the three years between its formation and the
publication of its report in late 1998, the commission held commission, expressed remorse for her actions. The
commission, however, still found that the Mandela
hearings around the country in which victims and
perpetrators alike told their stories, much like the Biehls United Football Club that she headed was a “pure
vigilante unit.”
did. The results were mind numbing, because many
people were hearing systematic accounts of the
When the report was handed over to President Mandela
atrocities of apartheid for the first time. They also
witnessed the remarkable spectacle of many people who on 28 October 1998, it was already controversial. At
Mbeki’s urging, the ANC had gone to court to try to block
committed the crimes confessing to them in public
its publication because of the judgments in it about the
before the world’s television cameras.
resistance, which also includes the IFP and the PanAfrican Congress.
When all was said and done, the country probably
learned as much as it could have—and could have
wanted to—about what happened. Although the security The report and its primary author were adamant.
services destroyed thousands of documents in the early Although the overwhelming majority of the crimes were
committed by the white authorities, and the ANC and the
1990s, the public still saw abundant evidence of a
rest of the resistance occupied the moral high ground,
culture in which the authorities thought it was perfectly
acceptable to torture and kill its opponents. After wading the insurgents used “unjust means” toward “just ends”
on numerous occasions. As Tutu himself put it,
through the evidence of 20,000 witnesses (much of
“Atrocities were committed on all sides. I have struggled
which is published in the 3,500-page report), the
against a tyranny. I did not do that in order to substitute
commission minced no words about apartheid, which it
another. That is who I am.”
concluded was a crime against humanity.
The country learned that the cabinet and, almost
certainly, F. W. de Klerk knew of a shadowy “third force”
of vigilantes who terrorized blacks on the orders of the
security services. P. W. Botha, in particular, was singled
out for having fostered a climate in which torture and
executions were tolerated, if not encouraged. For his
part, Botha refused to appear before the commission
and currently faces contempt charges, though few
believe that the former president, now in his nineties, will
actually go to jail.
The commission not only tried to uncover the old
regime’s sins, but also conducted hearings into the
ANC’s excesses. Among other things, it was judged to
have summarily executed suspected state infiltrators and
killed more civilians than security officers in the
underground struggle waged by its military wing.
By the time the report was released, the committee on
amnesties had dealt with most of the applications before
it. To the surprise of many, as of January 2001, it had
granted amnesty to only 849 of the 7,112 people who
applied. It rejected over 5,000 applicants because the
actions were not linked to a justifiable and clear political
cause. Individuals who were not granted amnesty are
subject to criminal prosecution, though as of this writing
all the evidence suggests that there will not be many.
The commission’s primary task was to establish the truth
and then use it as a starting point toward reconciliation.
As Tutu saw it, that first step was a hard one, because it
required bringing the horrors of South Africa’s past into
the open, but it was also a necessary one. Again in his
words from the report,
28
Chapter 20
South Africa
Reconciliation is not about being cosy; it is not about
pretending that things were other than they were.
Reconciliation based on falsehood, on not facing up to
reality, is not reconciliation at all.
We believe we have provided enough of the truth about
our past for there to be a consensus about it. We should
accept that truth has emerged even though it has
initially alienated people from one another. The truth
can be, and often is, divisive.
However, it is only on the basis of truth that true
reconciliation can take place. True reconciliation is not
easy; it is not cheap.7
Finally—and most importantly for the long run— the
commission made a series of recommendations for the
far longer “healing” process of reconciliation. The
president should call a national summit on
reconciliation. Funds should be made available to help
compensate victims. As the report also acknowledged,
this will take a long time, noting that it took decades to
begin closing the wounds left by the Boer War among
white South Africans.
The Economy
The end of apartheid alone would do nothing about the
fact that over half the blacks—but only 2 percent of all
whites—lived in poverty, earning less than the
equivalent of $300 a month. A third did not have access
to safe drinking water; only 20 percent had electricity in
their homes. To make matters even worse, economic
conditions deteriorated during the first few years of the
1990s before the transition to majority rule.
Given its traditional commitment to socialism, as well as
these appalling conditions, no one was surprised when
the new government announced its Reconstruction and
Development Program (RDP) in 1994. It placed “the
basic needs of the people”—jobs, housing, electricity,
telecommunications, health care, and a safe
environment— ahead of economic growth.
estimate was that at this rate of growth unemployment
would actually increase by 5 percent by 2000. And one
worst-case scenario held that less than 10 percent of the
young people entering the workforce each year would
find a job.
HIV/AIDS
in South Africa
South Africa has one of the highest HIV/AIDS rates in
the world. Indeed, its only “competitors” are its
regional neighbors.
No one knows exactly what the HIV infection rate is
given the shortcomings of South Africa’s health care
system in general. However, the best estimate is that
one-third of all people under 30 are HIV positive. In
quantitative terms, at least 5-6 million South Africans
are HIV positive, and more than 1,000 people a day
die from the disease or its consequences. And given
the cost of medication even after recent price
reductions and the introduction of generics, for most
of them it is a death sentence.
One can present statistics galore. However, one
recent compilation suggests how tragic the situation
is. Most South Africans spend more time at funerals
than getting their hair cut or enjoying the country’s
beloved barbeques. In any given month, twice as
many South Africans go to a funeral than to a
wedding.
In short, the government reached a reluctant decision. It
had to adopt an economic strategy that would get the
growth rate up to the 6–7 percent per year range. This,
in turn, would require adopting the kind of structural
adjustment policy we saw in India and Mexico. (See
Chapters 12 and 16.)
This, of course, produced one of those odd ironies that
are so common in political life. It was the right-wing
National Party government that introduced import
substitution, a policy normally associated with the left.
And it was the radical ANC that turned its back on
massive state intervention and adopted the kinds of
hands-off
policies advocated by the most conservative,
If it kept its commitment to not reduce the living
market-oriented
economists.
conditions of whites by, say, drastically raising taxes, the
current growth rate would not come close to funding the
This new policy was laid out in a 1996 plan by Finance
jobs and services it had planned. In fact, the best
Minister Trevor Manuel known as the Growth,
Employment, and Redistribution Program (GEAR). It
7
From the text of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s
was put together by the government in consultation with
report. www.doj.gov.za/trc. Accessed 10 July 2005.
With the lifting of sanctions and the goodwill generated
by the transition, the economy turned around, growing
by an average of 3 percent per year in 1994 and 1995.
By 1996, however, the government realized that its
strategy was not going to work.
Chapter 20
South Africa
29
international financial agencies and leading experts from Reasons range from potential investors’ concerns about
the South African academic and business communities. profitability to the high crime rate.
GEAR’s goal was to maximize growth by increasing
foreign investment, which requires giving businesses
considerable freedom to chart their own course.
Priorities included developing industries to manufacture
goods that can be sold at competitive prices on the
global market, creating an environment with low inflation
and stable exchange rates to encourage investment,
making public services more efficient, improving the
infrastructure, and adding to labor market flexibility. To
accomplish this, tariffs and other “demand side”
measures were scaled back, and the state offered the
private sector incentives to become more productive and
profitable. Government spending was cut so that the
budget deficit dropped to 3 percent by 2000. The
government also called for negotiations leading to a
national plan to keep wage and price increases below
the rate of growth in productivity. And, much like Tony
Blair’s Labour government in Britain (see Chapter 4), the
South African government thought that much could be
accomplished through cooperative “partnerships”
between the public and private sectors in which the latter
plowed back some of its profits in the form of both
investment and community- oriented projects. Thus, in
the automobile industry, the government and the major
foreign automakers with operations in South Africa have
been cooperating to lower production costs so that cars
produced there can find a market elsewhere in Africa.
That situation began to change early in this decade. As
early as 2001, exports reached 29 percent of GDP,
almost three times what they had been when Mandela
was released. Foreign investment also began to pick up
in the middle of the decade, most notably when
Barclay’s bought a major bank and British based
Vodafone acquired South Africa’s Vocacom.
The government has not turned its back on its egalitarian
goals. It plans to use the revenues from economic
growth to fund both infrastructure projects that benefit
everyone and the kinds of programs initially laid out in
the RDP. It has committed itself to free basic health care
for pregnant women and infants and to a program of
land reform that will turn over about five million acres of
land to the poor. It is hoped, too, that the
decentralization provisions in the new constitution will
lead the provinces and municipalities to launch laborintensive projects of their own. However, it is also clear
to everyone that the state will play a lesser role in
determining how that growth occurs and that progress
will come more slowly than most in the old antiapartheid
coalition would have liked. And, on some indicators,
such as the UNDP’s Human Development Index, South
Africa’s ranking has actually declined a bit since the end
of apartheid.
The government has also announced a series of Special
Development Initiatives. The goal is to channel
investment capital to and offer “tax holidays” for targeted
industries and communities. The hope is that these
funds will stimulate the development of key
manufacturing sectors, such as aluminum, that could
lead to export opportunities. As with most of the
government’s investment strategies, the funds will be
mainly directed toward black-owned firms in
The emphasis is on investments that provide long-term
underdeveloped regions. The best known of these
employment, empower Africans, and redress the
involves the Maputo Development Corridor, a
inequities between rich and poor. Typical here is the
devastated region that straddles the border between
September 1998 announcement that the PhiladelphiaSouth Africa and Mozambique. Funds have been
based Kearsarge investment firm would funnel millions
provided to build transportation and telecommunications
of dollars to the African Harvest Asset Management
networks to facilitate such activities as tourism and the
group as part of a program aimed at, in its words,
“empowering communities” in South Africa. Funds were export of crops and manufactured goods in the short run.
It is assumed, as well, that once these infrastructural
made available to companies that either were blackowned or had a deep commitment to affirmative action. It projects are finished the region could also provide a
trade link for Swaziland and Botswana. Along similar
is part of the larger “Reinvest in South Africa” appeal to
lines, the government is considering the creation of nine
socially responsible funds that had pulled out of the
Chinese-like industrial development zones adjacent to its
country as part of the investor responsibility movement
major ports and international airports. The best
in the 1970s and 1980s to return.
developed is Coega near the Eastern Cape city of Port
Elizabeth. The joint public-private partnership is
Unfortunately, foreign investment did not initially reach
designed to turn the area into a world-class seaport and
the level the government had hoped for, which has
create spin-off investments in such fields as zinc
limited its ability to reach its ambitious economic goals.
Critics properly pointed out that GEAR marked a major
shift in ANC policy toward capitalism, if not the outright
abandonment of socialism. However, it does not
represent as marked a shift toward the all-butexclusively profit orientation that most structural
adjustment programs include.
30
Chapter 20
South Africa
refining, fertilizer manufacturing, and petrochemicals in
one of the country’s poorest regions.
South Africa is also the one country covered in this book
to have seriously experimented with microcredit
strategies. First developed by Muhammad Yunus and
the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh (see Chapter 12),
microcredit involves making small loans to help poor
people form small businesses. One of its goals is to help
give the ultrapoor incentives and skills to pull themselves
and their families out of poverty. In the South African
case, the government’s hope is that microcredit can also
create more black-owned businesses and, in time,
reduce income and wealth differentials. By 2007, the
small loans totaled 30 million rand and had come to be
regulated by the National Credit Act because there were
so many of them and they were subject to at least a
degree of corruption.
The best known is the Small Enterprise Foundation,
which operates in the Northern Province, where up to
two-thirds of the population is unemployed. By 2007 this
organization had made almost 45,000 loans that
averaged about $300 each. As is typical of microcredit
programs, 99 percent of the loans went to women for
dressmaking, hawking, and “spaza,” or small grocery
stores operated from either a shack or someone’s home.
In all, it had 50 million rand in outstanding loans at the
end of 2007. Less than one percent of the loans are not
repaid.
afford women an unprecedented degree of
independence and can be a lifeline for those who have
suffered spousal abuse. Profits from the program are, in
turn, reinvested in the form of new loans that further
contribute to the community’s development.
There is also reason to believe that the economy as a
whole could boom as a result of these and other
strategies, given the industrial and financial foundation
created under colonial and National Party rule. South
Africa is already far more advanced than all the other
countries in Africa and accounts for 40 percent of all
economic activity on the continent. It has a significant
industrial base and, by African standards, a relatively
well-trained workforce. Thus, one trade group estimates
that it has the fourth best developed mobile telephone
network in the world. There is already, as well, a
substantial regional trade network involving South Africa
and its neighbors. Therefore, it is the logical place for
foreign investors to place their money, at least for the
southern third of the continent.
Overall, however, economic performance has fallen far
short of the government’s hopes when it adopted GEAR.
The most charitable accounting method put the 2000
growth rate at about 3 percent, or about half of what is
needed to reach its goal of creating 400,000 jobs a year.
The effects of this slower growth are being felt
throughout the society. Fewer homes are getting
electricity, improvement to the educational system for
blacks has been delayed, and, perhaps most chillingly of
all, the best estimate is that one South African in eight is
Borrowers are organized into small groups of five or six
infected with HIV. Even with the creation of the Global
who meet every other week to make loan repayments
AIDS Trust Fund, the odds are that at least 90 percent of
and discuss their progress. A similar organization
these people will die. And the repercussions of the
operating near Cape Town gives its borrowers a
epidemic will ripple through the entire economy. The
“township MBA,” or basic business training, before a
beleaguered health care system simply cannot handle
loan is issued. Borrowers from the Small Enterprise
Foundation typically employ the equivalent of 2.5 fulltime as many as five million people. And because HIV
workers. The poorest families are able to use the money infection is particularly pronounced among young
people, many companies assume that they have to hire
made in the business to afford three meals a day, not
one. More affluent families are able to send their children two or three people in order to be reasonably certain that
one of them will survive long enough to establish a
to school, add electricity to their homes, and purchase
career.
other “luxuries.” Studies of microcredit operations in
South Africa and elsewhere have also found that they
Chapter 20
LIBERALIZATION
In South Africa
SOUTH AFRICA has not gone as far with
liberalization as either Mexico or India have.
However, the pressures to do so have been growing
ever since the government announced its GEAR
program of structural adjustment.
Ironically, the government is reluctant to sell off stateowned enterprises in large part because whites, who
have benefited from subsidized prices, could see a
significant erosion in their standard of living.
Nonetheless, the same international pressures that
led the ANC to open up the private sector to more
outside investment are building, and the government
may eventually decide to sell off all or some of the
nationalized and parastatal industries.
No one knows for sure when or how that will happen,
but it is already anticipated on all the websites the
government has created to help convince foreigners
to invest in the country.
The government does have one trump card it can play to
bring in a short-term infusion of cash. It could sell off
state-owned companies that were created by the
National Party government, which, some observers
estimate, are worth about half of the total capital stock in
the country. As of this writing, the government had not
moved rapidly in this direction, but there are signs that it
may do so in the years to come.
The left wing of the ANC, which includes the communists
and the unions, is not happy with this shift. Of particular
concern here is the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (COSATU), which, of course, had been a vital
cog in the struggle against apartheid. It represents about
17 percent of the employed workforce, and its members
tend to be noticeably better off than the African
population as a whole. Not surprisingly, COSATU
leaders (who are also ANC leaders) are reluctant to
endorse policies that would both slow the redistribution
of the wealth and hurt their own members’ standard of
living. Thus, according to former COSATU president
(and SACP central committee member and current
premier of Gauteng Province) Sam Shilowa, “GEAR is a
neo-liberal plan which poses serious difficulties for the
working class and the country as a whole. Something
has gone terribly wrong that such a document could be .
. . on the table.”
South Africa
31
So far, COSATU has complained, but that’s all. The
leadership realizes that it has no alternative to the ANC
and is willing, for the moment at least, to run the risk
that GEAR and related policies will pay off at some
point in the not-so-distant future. It is important, too, to
underscore here how closely tied COSATU, the
communists, and the ANC are. There are, for example,
about fifty COSATU members who became ANC MPs.
The initial Mbeki cabinet had seven full and one deputy
ministers from the SACP. In 2001, SACP national chair
Charles Nqakula was named deputy foreign minister.
Any open split over GEAR would thus cost the two
organizations dearly.
The question, however, is what will happen if they don’t
produce the growth. Mandela and the rest of the ANC
successfully guided the country through the first stage
of its transition—getting the multiracial democracy off
the ground. It remains to be seen if it will be able to do
the same for the second—sparking enough economic
growth to meet basic human needs quickly enough to
satisfy its own constituents, let alone the global
financial community.
FEEDBACK
There is no area in which change is more evident than
in South Africa’s mass media. Under apartheid, almost
all newspapers were aimed at a white readership; those
that were not were subjected to censorship and were
owned by conservative white conglomerates. Similarly,
the South African Broadcasting Commission (SABC) had
a monopoly on television and radio broadcasts, and was
little more than a propaganda mouthpiece for the regime.
Today, the SABC still has a near monopoly on radio and
television broadcasting, but even its critics acknowledge
that it is more open to dissenting viewpoints than it was
prior to 1994. The same holds for about thirty daily
newspapers with a general circulation, all but three of
which are published in English. Some, like the Sowetan,
are explicitly aimed at the African population. Most are
still white-owned, but, like television and radio, are far
more liberal than they used to be.
CONCLUSION: SOUTH AFRICA IN
PERIL OR A ROLE MODEL?
South Africa is a rarity for comparative politics, because
so much of the news from there has been good over the
past decade. Whatever your ideological position, it is
hard not to acknowledge that ending apartheid so
32
Chapter 20
South Africa
Mandela, Nelson
Mbeki, Thabo
Slovo, Joe
Suzman, Helen
Tutu, Desmond
Verwoerd, Hendrik
Acronyms
ANC
The accomplishments of the three ANC governments so CODESA
GEAR
far have indeed been impressive. The transition has
occurred with minimal strife and bloodshed. Plans have IFP
NNPC
been laid for a new economy that can build on the
legacy of the apartheid years to create a regional hub for UDF
the southern third of the continent. Some important first
Organizations, Places, and Events
African National Congress
steps have been taken to ease the burden of centuries
Black Consciousness movement
of racism and racial antagonism. Things have
Blood River, Battle of
progressed so far that South Africa is now looked upon
Broederbond Conference on a Democratic South Africa
as a role model for other divided societies seeking to
Congress of South African Trade Unions
make the transition toward a more democratic and
Democratic Alliance
inclusive government.
Freedom Charter
This chapter shares that sense of optimism and reflects Great Trek
Growth, Employment, and Redistribution Act
the remarkable, unexpected, and unprecedented
Homelands
changes that have taken place there since the late
Inkatha Freedom Party
1980s. Its democracy remains fragile as it enters the
National Assembly
post-Mandela era. It could well become even more
National Party
fragile when—and if—a credible alternative to the ANC
New National Party
emerges. And the economic future is even more
Sharpeville Massacre
uncertain. No one knows if the strategy laid out in the
GEAR report will reach its stated goals, let alone provide South African Communist Party
Soweto State Security Council
a more just and equal society.
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Umkhonto we Sizwe
If nothing else, one thing is clear. South Africa
United Democratic Front
demonstrates for the early twenty-first century what the
collapse of communism did for the 1980s—that nothing
is permanent and nothing should be taken for granted in Critical Thinking Exercises
1 Much has changed since this chapter was finished in
political life today.
summer 2005. Does the analysis of South African
politics presented here still make sense? Why (not)?
Key Terms
2 Public opinion pollsters routinely ask questions about
Concepts
whether people think their country is heading in the “right
Afrikaner
direction” or is on the “wrong track.” If you were asked
apartheid
such a question about South Africa, how would you
Boers
answer? Why did you reach this conclusion?
hurting stalemate
3 How did South Africa’s experience with imperialism
import substitution
help produce apartheid in the first place?
microcredit
4 What was apartheid? Why was it so important to the
Pass Law
Afrikaners?
restorative justice
5 Why was the National Party able to stay in power and
securocrat
sustain apartheid for so long? Why did it finally collapse?
structural adjustment
6 What is a hurting stalemate? How did it contribute to
People
the collapse of apartheid in South Africa?
Biehl, Amy
7 Why is the ANC as powerful as it is? Is that strength
Biko, Steve
De Klerk, F. W.
likely to continue?
Madikizela-Mandela, Winnie
Malan, Daniel
peacefully not only removed one of the greatest human
rights violations of our time but also moved the country
toward a more just and egalitarian future. The joy and
optimism that came with the transition to majority rule
are reflected in the titles of the two most popular books
on South Africa in the 1990s, Anatomy of a Miracle and
Tomorrow Is Another Country.
Chapter 20
South Africa
33
Marks, Susan Collin. Watching the Wind.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Institute of Peace, 2000. A
participant observer account by one of the world’s
leading experts in conflict resolution. Also my boss.
Mathabane, Mark. Kaffir Boy: The True Story of
a Black Youth’s Coming of Age in Apartheid South
Africa. New York: Penguin Books, 1986. A must-read for
anyone who wants to learn about what apartheid was
like viewed through the eyes of a bright young man who
got out.
Useful Websites
Meredith, Martin. Nelson Mandela: A Biography.
South Africa Online is the best general portal for
New York: Penguin Books, 1997. A massive, readable,
information about the country and has an extensive set
and not uncritical biography of perhaps the most widely
of political links. Woyaa (voted one of the top fifty
websites in Africa by UNESCO) has the most extensive respected politician in the world today.
O’Meara, Dan. Forty Lost Years: The Apartheid
set of links to official South African organizations.
www.southafrica.co.za
State and the Politics of the National Party, 1948–94.
Athens: Ohio University Press, 1996. An empirically and
www.woyaa.com
IDASA is a nonprofit institute that works on democracy in theoretically sound analysis by a South African Marxist
currently teaching in Canada.
Africa in general and South Africa in particular. It also
Slovo, Gillian. Every Little Thing. London: Faber
has sponsored and publicized some of the best polls
& Faber, 1997. Half an autobiography and half an
since the end of apartheid.
account of her relationship with her famous parents, Joe
www.idasa.org.za
Slovo and Ruth First, also a leader of the SACP, who
The South African government now has an excellent
was assassinated by the security services in Angola.
website that links users to the entire system.
Gillian Slovo also writes novels, many of which deal with
www.info.gov.za
the struggle to end apartheid and her troubled
The World History Archives has an excellent
relationship with her father.
compilation of documents on South Africa under
Sparks, Allister. The Mind of South Africa. New
apartheid.
York: Ballantine Books, 1990. A powerful exploration of
www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/37a/index-a.html
the culture and attitudes of white South Africa through
Finally, Aardvark is a search engine that includes only
the late 1980s. The title, by the way, is borrowed from
South African sites.
W. J. Cash’s The Mind of the South about segregation in
www.aardvark.co.za
the United States.
———. Tomorrow Is Another Country: The
Further Reading
Boraine, Alex. A Country Unmasked. New York: Inside Story of South Africa’s Negotiated Revolution.
London: Arrow Books, 1997. One of the two best
Oxford University Press, 2001. A less impassioned but
descriptions of the transition.
more detailed account of the events and the
———. Beyond the Miracle: Inside the New
commission’s reasons for acting as it did, by Tutu’s
South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
deputy on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
Faure, Murray, and Jan-Erik Lane. South Africa: 2003. Yet another insightful book by one of the best
Western journalists working on South Africa.
Designing New Political Institutions. Thousand Oaks,
Thompson, Leonard. A History of South Africa,
Calif.: Sage, 1996. An anthology on the basic
3rd. ed. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2001.
institutions—how they were created and how they are
The best single-volume history of South Africa; takes
supposed to work—in the new South Africa.
readers up to the transition to democratic rule.
Lodge, Tom. Politics in South Africa.
Tutu, Desmond. No Future without Forgiveness.
Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2003. The
New York: Doubleday, 1999. An impassioned
best single volume providing an overview of the South
presentation of the commission’s work.
African political system.
Waldmeier, Patti. Anatomy of a Miracle. New
Marais, Hein. South Africa: Limits to Change:
The Political Economy of Transformation. Cape Town:
York: Penguin Books, 1997. A somewhat more detailed
University of Cape Town Press, 1998. The most
and more economic analysis of the transition than the
accessible book on the new South African economy.
book by Sparks. Not surprising, given that the author
Although Marais is skeptical about the changes
was the South African correspondent for the Financial
described in this chapter, his account is fair and
Times.
balanced.
8 How would you explain why South Africa has produced
two of the most respected leaders of our time— Nelson
Mandela and Desmond Tutu?
9 Do you think South Africa is democratic? Is its
democratization likely to continue? Why do you reach
this conclusion?
10 Why do you think the transition from Mandela to
Mbeki went so smoothly?