Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 DOI 10.3758/s13421-014-0430-1 The modulation of semantic transparency on the recognition memory for two-character Chinese words Yi-Jhong Han & Shuo-chieh Huang & Chia-Ying Lee & Wen-Jui Kuo & Shih-kuen Cheng Published online: 4 June 2014 # Psychonomic Society, Inc. 2014 Abstract This study demonstrated that semantic transparency as a linguistic property modulates the recognition memory for two-character Chinese words, with opaque words (i.e., words whose meanings cannot be derived from constituent characters—e.g., “光[/guang/, light]棍[/gun/, stick]”, bachelor) remembered better than transparent words (i.e., words whose meanings can be derived from constituent characters—e.g., “ 茶 [/cha/, tea] 杯 [/bei/, cup]”, teacup). In Experiment 1, the participants made lexical decisions on transparent words, opaque words, and nonwords in the study and then engaged in an old/new recognition test. Experiment 2 employed a concreteness judgment as the encoding task to ensure equivalent semantic processing for opaque and transparent words. In Experiment 3, the neighborhood size of the two-character words was manipulated together with their semantic transparency. In all three experiments, opaque words were found to be better remembered than transparent words. We concluded that the conceptual incongruence between the meanings of a whole word and its constituent characters made opaque words more distinctive and, hence, better remembered than transparent words. Keywords Semantic transparency . Recognition memory . Remember/know Y.<J. Han : S.<c. Huang : S.<k. Cheng (*) Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience, National Central University, No. 300, Jhongda Rd., Jhongli City, Taoyuan County 32001, Taiwan e-mail: [email protected] C.<Y. Lee Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan W.<J. Kuo Institute of Neuroscience, National Yang-Ming University, Taipei, Taiwan The study of recognition memory frequently employs words as stimuli. Words with different characteristics can be viewed as mini-events that are analogous to various types of episodes experienced in real life (Tulving, 1983). The understanding of mnemonic processes has been advanced by examining the memory performance for different types of words. For instance, verbs are more difficult to memorize than nouns because verbs have greater variations in meaning, so the differences between encoding and retrieval contexts could create more obstacles for the retrieval of verbs (Gentner, 1981; Kersten & Earles, 2004). Concrete words are better remembered than abstract words because concrete words can be encoded with dual codes and processed more elaborately than abstract words (Fliessbach, Weis, Klaver, Elger, & Weber, 2006; Hamilton & Rajaram, 2001). In addition, the memory performance of words is modulated by how often a word is encountered, with low-frequency words eliciting better recognition performance than high-frequency words (e.g., Dobbins, Kroll, Yonelinas, & Liu, 1998; Heathcote, Ditton, & Mitchell, 2006). The orthographic and phonological properties of words have also been used to examine the effect of distinctiveness on recognition memory (e.g., Hirshman & Jackson, 1997; Hunt & Elliott, 1980). Despite abundant research on the distinctiveness effect in memory (e.g., Malmberg, Steyvers, Stephens, & Shiffrin, 2002; Rajaram, 1998; Schmidt, 1991; Wallace, 1965), distinctiveness is seldom defined unequivocally (Schmidt, 1991). Cortese, Watson, Wang, and Fugett (2004) argued that words with few phonological and orthographic neighbors (i.e., words sharing a same rhyme, which is spelled in the same way for all of these words) are more distinctive than those with many neighbors. The authors indeed found a memory advantage for words with small neighborhoods. Glanc and Greene (2007) further reported a recognition mirror effect (Glanzer & Adams, 1985, 1990; Joordens & Hockley, 2000) as a function of neighborhood 1316 size. The hit rate was higher and the false alarm rate lower for words with a small neighborhood size than for those with a large neighborhood size. In addition, the hit and false alarm parts of the mirror effect were respectively associated with the remember and know judgments that have been used to index the phenomenology of recollection and familiarity (Gardiner, 1988; Tulving, 1983) associated with retrieval. Glanc and Greene (2007) therefore concluded that words with a small neighborhood size are more distinctive and more likely to be recognized with recollective experience than are words with a large neighborhood size. The present study presents another property of words that can be used to investigate the distinctiveness effect in recognition memory. In three experiments, we examined how semantic transparency modulates the recognition performance for two-character Chinese words. Semantic transparency refers to the relationship between the meanings of a whole word and its constituents (Libben, 1998; Libben, Gibson, Yoon, & Sandra, 2003). A two-character Chinese word is transparent if its meaning can be derived from its constituent characters [e.g., “茶(/cha/, tea)杯(/bei/, cup)”, teacup]. In contrast, opaque words are those whose meanings cannot be derived from their constituent characters [e.g., “ 陽 (/yang/, sun) 春 (/chun/, spring)”, plain]. Previous studies of semantic transparency mainly focused on the comparison between the morphological structure and lexical organization of transparent and opaque words (Libben, 1998; Libben et al., 2003; Mok, 2009; Myers, Derwing, & Libben, 2004). In a study that examined how memory performance is modulated by transparency, Wong and Rotello (2010) reported that transparent words elicited more memory conjunction errors than did opaque words because of the semantic overlap between a transparent word and its constituents. It was argued that the semantic congruency of a whole word and its constituents leads to greater subjective familiarity for the lexemes of the transparent words than for those of the opaque words. The false alarm rate was therefore higher for the conjunction lures generated by rearranging the lexemes of the transparent words than for the lures generated by rearranging the opaque words. In Wong and Rotello’s study, however, the hit rates were equivalent for the transparent and opaque words. It was not clear why the greater familiarity associated with the lexemes of the transparent words, in comparison with the opaque words, contributed to the memory conjunction errors but not to the veridical recognition of the studied words. A possible interpretation is that the greater familiarity associated with the transparent words was offset by the recognition advantage caused by the semantic incongruence between an opaque word and its constituents. The present study examined how the inconsistency between the meanings of a whole word and its constituent characters modulates recognition memory performance. We hypothesized that the incongruence between the meanings of Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 an opaque word and its constituents results in semantic conflicts during lexical access that require additional efforts to resolve. Resembling the processing distinctiveness proposed by Schmidt (1991), the conflict resolution processes that were uniquely required for the opaque words make their representations marked and better remembered than transparent words. The remember/know procedure was employed to examine whether the recognition advantage for opaque words, if obtained, would be associated with recollective experience that has been linked to conceptually distinctive items (Rajaram, 1996, 1998) or with the phenomenology of familiarity. Experiment 1 A study–test recognition experiment was conducted to examine whether opaque words are better remembered than transparent words. In the study, participants made lexical decisions on two-character Chinese real words and nonwords without knowing the upcoming memory test. Half of the real words were transparent, and the other half were opaque. In the subsequent memory test, participants made old/new judgments on the studied and unstudied items that were both real words (half of them transparent and the other half opaque). A recognition advantage for opaque words was expected if opaque words are indeed more distinctive than transparent words. Method Participants Thirty-two students (between 18 and 24 years of age) from the National Central University, Taiwan, participated in the experiment. All participants were right-handed native Mandarin Chinese speakers with normal or corrected-to-normal vision. They were paid 100 New Taiwan Dollars for their participation. Written consent was obtained from all participants. The participants were not given the definitions of transparent and opaque words until the end of the experiment. In the postexperiment briefing, no participants reported that they noticed differences between these two types of words. Materials The stimuli consisted of 184 two-character Chinese words1 selected from the Academia Sinica balanced corpus (C.-R. Huang, Ahrens, & Chen, 1998). Half of the words were 1 The 184 two-character words consisted of 361 characters in total, with 7 characters appearing in two words. The statistical results reported in the experiments remain the same when trials containing these words were excluded. Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 transparent and the other half opaque in terms of the semantic relationship between a whole word and its constituent characters. A 5-point transparency rating (5 = most transparent; 1 = most opaque) of these words, obtained from 24 university students who did not participate in the present study, confirmed that words designated as transparent were more transparent (mean = 4.32, SD = 0.36) than those designated as opaque words (mean = 1.55, SD = 0.45), t(182) = 46,35, p < .001. The frequencies of the transparent (25.23 per million) and opaque (25.72 per million) words were statistically equivalent, as were their neighborhood sizes and degrees of concreteness. The neighborhood size for a two-character Chinese word is defined as the number of words that share the same constituent character and position, regardless of the character’s meaning (H.-W. Huang, Lee, Tsai, Lee, Hung, & Tzeng 2006; Tsai, Lee, Lin, Tzeng, & Hung, 2006). For instance, 花 市 (hua1 shi4, flower market) has neighbors such as 花園 (hua1 yuan2, flower garden), which shares the first constituent character, or都市 (du1 shi4, city), which shares the second constituent character. The first-character neighborhood size (14.52 and 15.09 for transparent and opaque words, respectively), second-character neighborhood size (16.79 and 16.22 for transparent and opaque words, respectively), and the whole-word neighborhood size (15.66 for both transparent and opaque words, calculated by totaling the sizes from the two constituents then minus 1) were all matched for the transparent and opaque words (all p-values>.8). A 7-point concreteness rating (7 = most concrete; 1 = most abstract) of the transparent (mean = 5.69, SD = 1.19) and opaque (mean = 5.38, SD = 1.71) words obtained from 20 university students who did not participate in the present study revealed that these two classes of words did not differ in the degree of concreteness, t(182) = −1.42, p = .16. In addition to the 184 real words, 92 two-character nonwords were used in the lexical decision task in the study phase. The nonwords were generated by rearranging real two-character words that were not used in the present experiment. None of the nonwords were listed in the corpus. The nonwords were not presented in the recognition memory test. Procedure The experiment was divided into a study phase and a test phase. During the study phase, participants made lexical decisions on 46 transparent words, 46 opaque words, and 92 nonwords. Each study trial started with a cross fixation shown at the center of the screen for 500 ms, followed by the presentation of a study item. The study item was displayed for 300 ms and was then replaced by a second fixation character “@,” which was shown for 1,700 ms. Participants judged whether the item was a real word or a nonword during the 2,000-ms presentation time of the study item and the “@” character. The screen was blank for 500 ms before the next 1317 trial. The presentation order of the transparent words, opaque words, and nonwords was randomized for each participant. Responses of the lexical decisions were made by pressing one of two response keys with the index finger of each hand. The mapping of the hands to the response categories (word vs. nonword) was counterbalanced across participants. During the study phase, participants were not instructed to memorize the presented items and were not aware of the subsequent recognition test. Four filler trials were inserted at the beginning and the end of the study phase. After the study phase, participants engaged in a video game distraction task for 5 min. In the following test phase, participants made old/new judgments on the 92 real words that had been presented in the lexical decision task and 92 unstudied new words. The unstudied new words, similar to the studied old words, consisted of 46 transparent words and 46 opaque words. The assignment of the real words to the studied and unstudied words was counterbalanced across participants. The presentation order of the studied and unstudied words in the test was randomly assigned for each participant. Each test trial started with a cross fixation at the center of the screen for 500 ms, followed by the presentation of a test item. The test item was displayed for 300 ms and was then replaced by the second fixation character “@,” which was shown for 2,200 ms. Participants made old/new judgments on the test word during the 2,500-ms presentation time of the test item and the “@” character. If a test word was identified as old, a “remember or know?” prompt (in Chinese) was shown after the offset of the “@” character, signaling the participant to make the remember/know judgment. Prior to the test phase, participants were explained that “remember” refers to a conscious awareness of what happened or what was experienced at the time the word was presented at study. Participants were instructed that a “remember” judgment should be made when the recognition of the word is accompanied by a clear experience of its prior occurrence in the study phase, such as a particular association, image, or appearance or position of the word. By contrast, a “know” judgment should be made when they recognize the word but cannot consciously recollect anything about its actual occurrence or what was experienced at the time of its occurrence (see the Appendix for the instructions). To confirm that participants understood the instructions, they were asked to explain how they determined whether to give a “remember” or a “know” response during the practice. Responses to the old/new judgments were made by pressing one of two response keys with the index finger of each hand. The mapping of the hands to response categories (old vs. new) was counterbalanced across participants. The remember/know judgments were made by pressing one of two response keys with the middle finger. The mapping of the middle fingers to the “remember” and “know” judgments was also counterbalanced across participants. 1318 Results and discussion Table 1 displays the old response rates in the old/new recognition test together with the proportions of “remember” and “know” judgments to the transparent and opaque words. A 2 × 2 repeated measures ANOVA was conducted on the old response rate with the factors of old/new status (i.e., hit vs. false alarm) and transparency (i.e., transparent vs. opaque). The main effects of old/new status and transparency were both significant, F(1, 31) = 598.59, MSE = .02, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 31.86, MSE = .003, p < .001, respectively, showing a higher hit rate than false alarm rate and that opaque words elicited more old responses than did transparent words. The interaction between old/new status and transparency was significant, F(1, 31) = 118.71, MSE = .002, p < .001. The simple main effect2 analysis found that the hit rate was higher for opaque words than for transparent words, F(1, 31) = 106.98, MSE = .001, p < .001, and that the false alarm rate was lower for opaque words than for transparent words, F(1, 31) = 5.57, MSE = .02, p < .05. To examine whether the recognition of transparent and opaque words was associated with different degrees of recollective experience, an ANOVA employing the same factors as those in the analysis of the old response rates was conducted on the proportion of “remember” judgments. The main effects of old/new status and transparency were both significant, F(1, 31) = 263.12, MSE = .029, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 54.77, MSE = .004, p < .001, respectively, reflecting that there were more “remember” judgments for hits than for false alarms and for opaque words than for transparent words. The interaction between transparency and old/new status was significant, F(1, 31) = 81.22, MSE = .003, p < .001. There were more “remember” hits to opaque words than to transparent words, F(1, 31) = 119, MSE = .0042, p < .001. The simple main effect of transparency in the false alarms was not significant (p = .66). The subjective feeling of familiarity associated with the two types of words was also examined. Because of the binary nature of the “remember” and “know’ judgments, a testing item that elicits both phenomenology of recollection and familiarity will be responded to with a “remember” judgment and counted as recognition associated with recollective experience but not familiarity. It follows that the raw proportion of “know” judgments underestimates the occurrence of subjective feelings of familiarity in recognition. The phenomenology of familiarity was therefore indexed by a corrected proportion of “know” judgments (CK) derived from the formula CK = K/ (1−R), where R and K stand for the raw proportions of “remember” and “know” judgments, respectively (Yonelinas & Jacoby, 1995). The ANOVA on the corrected proportion of 2 The F ratios of the simple main effects reported here and in the following experiments were computed with the mean squared errors from the original ANOVAs. Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 Table 1 Mean proportions (with SEs in parentheses) of the old response, “remember” judgment, and “know” judgment for the opaque and transparent test words as a function of old/new status in Experiment 1 Old Items Old response Remember Know Corrected know New Items Transparent Opaque Transparent Opaque .66 (.03) .42 (.03) .24 (.02) .40 (.03) .81 (.03) .60 (.03) .21 (.02) .51 (.05) .13 (.02) .03 (.01) .10 (.02) .08 (.02) .07 (.01) .02 (.01) .05 (.01) .05 (.01) “know” judgments yielded significant main effects of old/new status, F(1, 31) = 93.05, MSE = .052, p < .001, and transparency, F(1, 31) = 6.88, MSE = .008, p = .013, indicating that studied items and opaque words elicited stronger feelings of familiarity than do unstudied new items and transparent words, respectively. The interaction between old/new status and transparency was significant, F(1, 31) = 16.72, MSE = .009, p < .001. For the hit trials, the corrected proportion of “know” judgments was higher for opaque words than for transparent words, F(1, 31) = 24.83, MSE = .009, p < .001. The simple main effect in the false alarms was not significant, F(1, 31) = 1.61, MSE = .009, p = .213. To recapitulate the findings, the hit rate was higher and the false alarm rate was lower for opaque words than for transparent words. Furthermore, the advantage in recognition performance for opaque words was associated with subjective feelings of both recollection and familiarity. The better recognition performance for opaque words, in comparison with transparent words, supports the hypothesis that the linguistic differences between these two classes of words modulate recognition memory. A plausible interpretation is that in the encoding task of lexical decision, the incongruence between the meanings of an opaque word and its constituents made opaque words stand out. The opaque words were therefore more distinctive and yielded better recognition performance than did the transparent words. An alternative interpretation, however, was that opaque words were more deeply encoded than transparent words and, hence, were better remembered. This conjecture was supported by the finding that in the study, the lexical decision time for the opaque words (mean = 640 ms, SD = 103) was longer than that for the transparent words (mean = 622 ms, SD = 97), t(31) < .001. Decisions that require deeper semantic processing are generally slower than those that require shallower levels of processing (Posner, 1969). The longer lexical decision time for opaque words might reflect the involvement of deeper semantic processing that was absent in the encoding of the transparent words. It was therefore possible that opaque words were better remembered because of the deeper semantic processing they received than transparent words. This possibility was examined in Experiment 2. Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 Experiment 2 This experiment investigated whether opaque words are better remembered because they are processed on a deeper semantic level than transparent words in the lexical decision task. This aim was achieved by employing a concreteness judgment, which requires deeper semantic processing than do lexical decisions, as the encoding task. Both opaque and transparent words should be deeply encoded and processed to the same semantic level in the concreteness judgment task. If the different recognition performance for opaque and transparent words observed in Experiment 1 indeed resulted from different levels of semantic processing for the two types of words, the advantage for opaque words should vanish in the present experiment. If the opaque words were still better remembered than the transparent words, this would suggest that levels of processing cannot exclusively explain the better recognition performance for opaque words. Method Participants Thirty-two students (between 18 and 26 years of age) from the National Central University, Taiwan, participated in the experiment. All participants were right-handed Mandarin Chinese native speakers with normal or corrected-to-normal vision. They were paid 100 New Taiwan Dollars for their participation. Written consent was obtained from all participants. Materials The transparent and opaque words from Experiment 1 were used as stimuli. Procedure The study phase was similar to that of Experiment 1, with the exception that the lexical decision task was replaced by a concreteness judgment task. Participants were instructed to make a concreteness judgment (concrete, neutral, or abstract) on 46 transparent words and 46 opaque words with the index, middle, and ring fingers of their right hands. The procedure of the subsequent test phase was the same as in Experiment 1. Results and discussion The mean response times of the concreteness judgments on opaque and transparent words (mean = 997 ms, SD = 262) were longer than the lexical decision times (mean = 631, SD = 100) observed in Experiment 1, t(62) = 7.37, p < .001, reflecting that concreteness judgments were more difficult to 1319 make than lexical decisions. Importantly, the response times for concreteness judgments on the opaque words (mean = 1,001 ms, SD = 255) and transparent words (mean = 992 ms, SD = 283) did not significantly differ from each other, t(32) = 0.452, p = .65, revealing no evidence that these two types of words were processed on different levels in the concreteness judgment task. Table 2 displays the old response rates in the old/new recognition test, together with the proportions of “remember” and “know” judgments to the transparent and opaque words. The analysis of the old response rates showed that the main effects of both transparency and old/new status were significant, F(1, 31) = 5.47, MSE = .005, p < .005, and F(1, 31) = 1,172.79, MSE = .016, p < .001, respectively. The interaction between transparency and old/new status was also significant, F(1, 31) = 32.83, MSE = .002, p < .05. The simple main effect analysis found that the hit rate was higher for opaque words than for transparent words, F(1, 31) = 19.31, MSE = .0048, p < .001. However, there was no significant difference between the false alarm rates for these two types of words (p = .28). In the analyses of the “remember” judgments, the main effect of old/new status was significant, F(1, 31) = 282.25, MSE = .034, p < .001, reflecting that there were more “remember” hits than “remember” false alarms. The main effect of transparency was not significant (p = .10), but its interaction with old/new status was significant, F(1, 31) = 5.03, MSE = .005, p < .05. The simple main effect analysis found that opaque words received more “remember” hits than did transparent words, F(1, 31) = 7.27, MSE = .01, p = .01. The proportions of “remember” false alarms to these two types of words did not significantly differ from each other (p = .75). For the corrected proportion of “know” judgments, the main effects of old/new status and transparency were both significant, F(1, 31) = 238.35, MSE = .046, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 8.06, MSE = .013, p = .008, respectively. The interaction between these two factors was also significant, F(1, 31) = 18.69, MSE = .008, p < .001. The corrected proportion of “know” judgments was higher for hits to opaque words than for hits to transparent words, F(1, 31) = 20.05, MSE = .008, p < .001. On the false alarm trials, however, the corrected proportion of “know” judgments was statistically equivalent for opaque and transparent words, F(1, 31) = 0.21, MSE = .008, p = .65. The results of the old/new recognition test replicated the hit-rate part of the mirror effect observed in Experiment 1. In line with the expectation that a concreteness judgment requires deeper semantic processing, changing the encoding task from lexical decision to concreteness judgment increased the overall hit rate, t(62) = 2.96, p = .004. It was also found that changing the encoding task diminished the hit rate advantage for opaque words, t(62) = 3.11, p = .003. Nevertheless, opaque words were still better remembered than transparent words. In addition, as evidenced by the results of the 1320 Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 Table 2 Mean proportions (with SEs in parentheses) of the old response, “remember” judgment, and “know” judgment for the opaque and transparent test words as a function of old/new status in Experiment 2 Old Items Old response Remember Know Corrected know speakers with normal or corrected-to-normal vision. They were paid 100 New Taiwan Dollars for their participation. Written consent was obtained from all participants. New Items Transparent Opaque Transparent Opaque .80 (.03) .54 (.03) .26 (.03) .57 (.04) .87 (.02) .59 (.04) .29 (.03) .70 (.04) .08 (.02) .02 (.003) .06 (.01) .06 (.01) .05 (.01) .01 (.003) .05 (.01) .05 (.01) remember/know judgments, the superior memory for opaque words, in comparison with transparent words, was reflected in both the phenomenology of recollection and familiarity. These findings suggested that the recognition advantage of opaque words, in comparison with transparent words, could not be exclusively attributed to the different processing levels on these two classes of words. Materials The stimuli contained 80 transparent words and 80 opaque words that were selected from the materials of Experiment 1. For both types of words, as can be seen in Table 3, half of the words had a large neighborhood size, and the other half had a small neighborhood size. The frequency and degrees of concreteness of the four stimulus categories (i.e., transparent and opaque words from small and large neighborhoods), as shown in Table 3, were statistically equivalent (all Fs < 1). In addition to the 160 real words, 80 nonwords were used in the lexical decision task in the study phase. Procedure The procedure was identical to that in Experiment 1, except that there were fewer trials in Experiment 3. Experiment 3 Results and discussion This experiment investigated whether the memory advantage for opaque words comes from the inconsistency between the meanings of an opaque word and its constituent characters. This aim was achieved by simultaneously manipulating the semantic transparency and orthographic neighborhood size. As was mentioned previously, the orthographic neighborhood size for a two-character Chinese word is defined as the number of words that share one of the two constituent characters and its position, regardless of the character meaning (Tsai et al., 2006). It follows that transparent words with a large neighborhood size have more conceptually related neighbors and are, therefore, less distinctive than transparent words with a small neighborhood size. For opaque words, on the other hand, the meaning of the whole word is unique and independent from those of its neighbors. An opaque word is always distinctive from its neighbors whether the neighborhood is large or small. In this case, the neighborhood size should have subtle or no effects on the distinctiveness of opaque words. We therefore predicted that transparent words with a small neighborhood size would be better remembered than transparent words with a large neighborhood size. The effect of neighborhood size on recognition memory, however, should not be observed for opaque words. Table 4 shows the mean proportions of old responses to the transparent and opaque words with large and small neighborhood sizes. Three sets of a three-way repeated measure ANOVA employing the factors of old/new status, transparency, and neighborhood size were conducted on the old response rate, the proportion of “remember” judgments, and the corrected proportion of “know” judgments. For the old response rates, the main effect of old/new status was significant, F(1, 31) = 1,022.61, MSE = .032, p < .001, reflecting that the hit rate was higher than the false alarm rate. The main effects of transparency and neighborhood size were also significant, F(1, 31) = 17.61, MSE = .007, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 19.19, MSE = .006, p < .001, respectively, reflecting that opaque words and words with a small neighborhood size received more old responses than did transparent words and words with a large neighborhood size, respectively. There was a significant interaction between old/new status and transparency, F(1, 31) = 62.82, MSE = .003, p < .001. Follow-up simple Table 3 Word frequency, concreteness rating, and neighborhood (NB) size of the transparent and opaque words with large and small neighborhoods in Experiment 3 Method Transparent Participants Small NB Large NB Small NB Large NB 24.4 5.6 14.1 24.6 5.5 45.5 24.6 5.5 14.6 24.6 5.4 45.5 Thirty-two students (between 18 and 26 years of age) from the National Central University participated in Experiment 3. All participants were right-handed Mandarin Chinese native Frequency Concreteness NB size Opaque Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 1321 Table 4 Mean proportions (with SEs in parentheses) of the old response, “remember” judgment, and “know” judgment for transparent and opaque words with large and small neighborhood sizes as a function of old/new status in Experiment 3 Old Items New Items Transparent Opaque Transparent Neighborhood Size Old response Remember Know Corrected know Opaque Neighborhood Size Small Large Small Large Small Large Small Large 0.78 (.02) .49 (.03) .29 (.03) .54 (.05) 0.67 (.03) .41 (.03) .26 (.03) .44 (.04) 0.85 (.02) .57 (.04) .28 (.03) .64 (.05) 0.80 (.02) .59 (0.4) .21 (.03) .48 (.05) .08 (.02) .03 (.01) .04 (.01) .05 (.01) .06 (.02) .01 (.01) .05 (.02) .05 (.02) .06 (.01) .02 (.01) .04 (.01) .04 (.01) .05 (.01) .01 (.01) .04 (.01) .04 (.01) main effect analyses found that the hit rates for opaque words were higher than those for transparent words, F(1, 31) = 47.16, MSE = .003, p < .001. The false alarm rates for these two types of words did not differ from each other (p = .36). The interaction between old/new status and neighborhood size was also significant, F(1, 31) = 9.40, MSE = .007, p = .004. The hit rate was higher for words with small neighborhood size than for those with large neighborhood size, F(1, 31) = 29.47, MSE = .007, p < .001. The false alarm rates, however, were statistically identical for words with large and small neighborhoods (p = .45). The interaction between neighborhood size and transparency was not significant (p = .09), and neither was the interaction between old/new status, transparency, and neighborhood size (p = .2). The analysis of the “remember” responses found a significant main effect of old/new status, F(1, 31) = 282.74, MSE = .056, p < .001, reflecting that hits were associated with more “remember” responses than were false alarms. The main effects of transparency and neighborhood size were also significant, F(1, 31) = 27.44, MSE = .009, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 4.18, MSE = .008, p = .04, respectively, suggesting that opaque words received more “remember” responses than did transparent words, as did words with a small neighborhood size in comparison with those with a large neighborhood size. The three-way interaction between old/new status, transparency, and neighborhood size was significant, F(1, 31) = 4.538, MSE = .006, p = .04. Two supplementary ANOVAs employing the factors of transparency and neighborhood size were conducted on the proportion of “remember” responses to the old words and new words, respectively. For the old words only, the interaction between transparency and neighborhood size was significant, F(1, 31) = 7.104, MSE = .012, p = .012. The simple main effect analysis found that transparent words with a small neighborhood size received more “remember” responses than did those with a large neighborhood size, F(1, 31) = 7.72, MSE = .012, p = .009. The simple main effect of neighborhood size was, however, not significant for the opaque words (p = .497). Similar to the findings of Experiments 1 and 2, the main effects of old/new status and transparency were both significant in the analysis of the corrected proportion of “know” judgments, F(1, 31) = 182.96, MSE = .081, p < .001, and F(1, 31) = 5.84, MSE = .011, p = .022, respectively, as was the interaction between these two factors, F(1, 31) = 10.96, MSE = .008, p = .002. The corrected proportion of “know” judgments was higher for opaque words than for transparent words on the hit trials, F(1, 31) = 20.05, MSE = .008, p < .001, but not for the false alarms (p = .65). The interaction between neighborhood size and old/new status was also significant, F(1, 31) = 19.57, MSE = .01, p < .001. The corrected proportion of “know” judgments was higher for words with a small neighborhood size than for those with a large neighborhood size on the hit trials, F(1, 31) = 52.74, MSE = .01, p < .001, but not for the false alarms (p = .89). There were no other significant interaction effects involving the factor of neighborhood size (all Fs < 1). In summary, Experiment 3 replicated the findings from Experiments 1 and 2 in showing that opaque words were better remembered than transparent words. The finding that words with a small neighborhood size were better remembered than those with a large neighborhood size was also in line with the argument that words with fewer orthographic/ phonological neighbors are more distinctive than those with more neighbors (Cortese et al., 2004; Glanc & Greene, 2007). Importantly, although transparency and neighborhood size did not interact with each other in the old response rates, there was a significant interaction among these two factors and old/new status in the “remember” judgments. A higher degree of recollective experience was associated with the recognition of transparent words from small neighborhoods, in comparison with those from large neighborhoods. However, neighborhood size did not affect the recollective experience associated with the opaque words. This finding was in line with our hypothesis that opaque words are always distinct from their neighbors and, therefore, the recognition performance for opaque words should not be affected by the size of their neighborhoods. 1322 General discussion Across the three experiments that used lexical decision or concreteness judgments as encoding tasks, we have demonstrated that semantically opaque words are better remembered than transparent words. The robust recognition advantage for opaque words cannot be attributed to word frequency, concreteness, neighborhood size, or other linguistic attributes that have previously been shown to affect recognition performance (Glanc & Greene, 2007; Jessen, Heun, Erb, Granath, Klose, Papassotiropoulos and Grodd 2000; Joordens & Hockley, 2000), because all of these factors were statistically matched for the opaque and transparent words used in the experiments. These findings suggest that the recognition performance for two-character Chinese words is affected by semantic transparency—that is, whether the meaning of a whole word can be derived from the meanings of its constituent characters. The question of interest is why opaque words are better remembered than transparent words. One possible answer lies in the structures of these two types of words. It has been argued that opaque words are morphologically more complex and harder to process than transparent words during lexical access (Libben, 1998; Libben et al., 2003). A greater effort could have been allocated to opaque words during encoding such that they were subsequently processed to a deeper level and better remembered than transparent words. The longer lexical decision time required to process opaque words than transparent words observed in Experiment 1 could be viewed as evidence that the recognition advantage for opaque words was indeed one case of the level-of-processing effect (Craik & Lockhart, 1972). If this were the case, the recognition advantage for opaque words should have vanished when the efforts required to process the two classes of words were equivalent. However, as was shown in Experiment 2, the recognition advantage for opaque words remained. One could argue that the concreteness judgment might still be shallower than the kind of processing elicited by opaque words; the transparent words might still be processed to a shallower level than the opaque words in Experiment 2. Nevertheless, the encoding times for the transparent and opaque words were equivalent in the concreteness judgment task, revealing no evidence that different amounts of efforts were devoted to the encoding of these two types of words. The recognition advantage for opaque words, in comparison with transparent words, therefore cannot simply reflect a level-ofprocessing effect for these two types of words. Instead, we argue that the incongruence between the meanings of opaque words and that of their constituent characters might be a possible reason for the superior memory performance. The incongruence marked the representations of opaque words during encoding, therefore exhibiting a greater degree of distinctiveness in recognition. It has been shown that distinctive items tend to elicit a greater degree of recollective experience than do others in recognition memory decisions (Rajaram, 1996, 1998). Indeed, Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 the recognition advantage for opaque words in all three experiments was associated with the phenomenology of recollection as indexed by the proportion of “remember” judgments. However, the recognition advantage induced by the distinctiveness of the opaque words was not exclusively associated with the phenomenology of recollection. As indexed by the corrected proportion of “know” judgments, opaque words also elicited a stronger feeling of familiarity than did transparent words. This finding is in line with previous studies showing that distinctiveness enhances not only recollective experience, but also the phenomenology of familiarity (Kishiyama & Yonelinas, 2003; Ozubko, Gopie, & MacLeod, 2012). One might argue that the present study could not be exempt from the criticism of tautology when it was argued that opaque words are more distinctive and, hence, better remembered than transparent words. In Experiment 3, the variable of neighborhood size was manipulated together with semantic transparency to examine whether the distinctiveness of opaque words comes from the inconsistency between the meanings of an opaque word and its constituent characters. The rationale was that a transparent word with fewer neighbors will be more distinctive than that with more neighbors because the meanings of transparent words and their neighbors can be derived from their common constituent characters. In contrast, the distinctiveness of an opaque word is not affected by the number of its neighbors because its meaning is unique and independent from its neighbors. Indeed, the effect of neighborhood size on recognition memory performance was observed for the “remember” judgments on transparent words but not opaque words. The findings of Experiment 3 therefore helped to define distinctiveness and suggested that an opaque word is distinctive because its meaning is unique in comparison with its phonological and orthographic neighbors, whose meanings are conceptually related to each other but unrelated and do not compete with the opaque words during retrieval. The modulation of semantic transparency on the effect of neighborhood size, however, was observed in the phenomenology of recollection, but not in familiarity, since the interaction between these two factors was not found in the overall hit rate3 and the corrected proportion of “know” judgments. This finding suggests that the competition between meanings might involve only the recollection process proposed by the dual-process models (e.g., Diana, Reber, Ardnt & Park 2006; Mandler, 1980; Yonelinas, 2002) or items with strong memory strengths to elicit the phenomenology of recollection, as would be argued by the single-process models (e.g., Donaldsons 1996; Dunn, 2004; Wixted & Stretch, 2004). The “know” judgments and overall hit rates are not of sufficient 3 Note that despite the interactions involving both the factors of neighborhood size and transparency in the analysis of the old/new response were not significant, similar to the analysis of the “remember” responses, there was a greater tendency for the transparent words than for the opaque words for the overall hit rate to be higher for words with small neighborhood size than for those with large neighborhood size. Mem Cogn (2014) 42:1315–1324 sensitivity to detect the modulation of neighborhood size on the distinctiveness of transparent words. A related issue is the interpretation of the “remember” and “know” judgments. There has been a long debate about whether these two types of judgments should be linked to distinct processes or different degrees of memory strength (for recent reviews, see Migo, Mayes, & Montaldi, 2012; Wixted & Mickes, 2010). The present study was not designed to investigate whether recognition is based on strength along a single dimension or two distinct processes. The remember/know judgment was employed to examine whether opaque words would elicit more recollective experience and/or feelings of familiarity than would transparent words. Nevertheless, the fact that the interaction between transparency and neighborhood size was found in the “remember” but not “know” judgments could be interpreted by the dualprocess models in the way that the recollection process was selected influenced by the competition between the words and their neighbors. Further studies are needed to examine how theoretical models that are based on single- or dual-process theories can be applied to explain this dissociation effect. It is worth noting that the finding of a recognition advantage for opaque words, in comparison with transparent words, differed from the results of a previous study that used English compound words to investigate memory conjunction errors. As was mentioned in the introduction, Wong and Rotello (2010) examined the effect of semantic transparency on memory conjunction errors. Although they mainly focused on the false alarms to the conjunction lures, rather than the veridical recognition of studied words, it was revealed in their two experiments that the hit rate of the opaque words and that of the transparent words did not differ from each other. The inconsistent findings between these two studies cannot be simply due to language variations, although alphabetic and nonalphabetic writing systems may indeed have differences for the encoding of the two types of words. Examining the materials used in the two studies might shed some light on why there were different findings. To make a contrast with conjunction errors, Wong and Rotello employed a number of “singletons” that can be used to assemble compound words in both the study and test phases. In addition, there were compounds that were studied as compounded but split into their component lexemes at tests, as well as compounds that were split into lexemes at study but tested as compounded words. It is possible that the presentation of these singletons, together with the assembling of the lexemes and the split of the compound words at study and test, led participants to pay attention to the meanings of the compound words and their constituents regardless of whether the compound words were transparent or opaque, hence decreasing the distinctiveness of the opaque words. It would be interesting to examine whether the opaque words used by Wong and Rotello would be better remembered than transparent words when the singletons are not used as materials alongside the compound words. If there remains no recognition advantage for the opaque words, it would 1323 suggest that the different morphological structures between alphabetic and nonalphabetic writing systems modulate the difference between the encoding of opaque and transparent words. Finally, a mirror effect was observed in Experiment 1, with opaque words eliciting not only a higher hit rate, but also a lower false alarm rate than did transparent words. The false alarm part of the mirror effect, however, was not significant in Experiments 2 and 3, although there remained a trend that the transparent words received more false alarms than did the opaque words. It is not clear whether this inconsistency was due to variations across experiments or the floor effect for the false alarms, but it does not compromise our conclusion that the conceptual incongruence between the meanings of a whole word and its constituent characters makes opaque words more distinctive and, hence, better remembered than transparent words. Acknowledgments Yi-Jhong Han and Shuo-chieh Huang made equal contributions to this study. 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