Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Manila Suburbs and the Spatial Characteristics of Work
in the Late Nineteenth Century Manila1
Ma. Simeona M. Martinez2 Marco Stefan B. Lagman 2, and Jonathan M. Villasper2
Abstract: The occupational structure of a city offers a glimpse on the patterns of urban development that
underscores its economic, cultural, and political functions. Characterizing the workforce of the arrabales (suburbs)
of Manila in the 19th century would complement the work of distinguished scholars such as Daniel Doeppers (1998),
Francis Gealogo (2010), Ma. Luisa Camagay (1995), Robert Reed (1967, 1972, 1978), among others, by extending
the discussion on the urban economies of the city, taking account of labor and the types of occupation they were
engaged in, across the pueblos (districts) surrounding the colonial capital. The exploration and analysis of the
structure as well as the spatial distribution of occupations may contribute to understanding the historic pattern of
development of the capital city. The Extramuros would be an interesting case-in-point, being the suburbs of the
first primate city in Southeast Asia. An interesting aspect of Manila’s transformation from being an entrepot during
the Galleon trade to developing an economy that exported domestic produce during the 19th century is the
composition of the labor force that was characterized by domestic jobs and the manufacturing of exported products
such as tobacco and local and imported textiles. Wage, gender, age, and the spatial distribution of occupations are
the elements explored in this study through spatial visualization tools and descriptive statistical analysis. In
addition, location quotients were derived to describe the concentration of different types of occupations in the late
nineteenth century Manila's districts in the Extramuros.
Keywords: Manila, urbanization, occupations, 19th century, GIS, Extramuros, arrabales, location quotient
1. Introduction
Geographer Mark Jefferson is noted in literature for his conception
of urbanism in the western world specifically the primacy of urban
centers, which aside from amassing a large share of a nation’s
population also served as a “multifunctional center” of national
and international economic, cultural, and political significance
(Reed 1967: 543-44). Such characteristics of a primate city are
evident in both the western world and the colonized territories. It
is common to find reference to the city of Manila as the first
primate city in Southeast Asia (see Owen 1984: 210), but while
many scholarly works have described the various elements of
urban development that constitute its primacy (e.g., McPhelin
1969; Owen 1984; Reed 1967, 1972, 1978), the use of available
information from the Spanish registry on the economic activities
that its residents engaged in under the Spanish colonial rule
remains to be limited.
The mid-19th century is a turning point in the economic history of
the Philippines in that the mercantilist structures of trade shifted
towards capitalism with the development of local agricultural
production and the termination of monopolies. North European
and North American merchants and their activities provided the
impetus to this transition through the provision of capital, access
to foreign markets, import sources (Wickberg 1962: 278), and the
establishment of merchant houses (Fast 1973: 71). The shift from
mercantile to commercial economy with the cultivation and export
of Philippine products such as abaca, coffee, sugar, and textiles
also meant the decline of the Galleon’s influence on Philippine
foreign trade. This had an impact on the character of Manila as
“the main port for the Philippine commodity export economy”
(Doeppers 1971: 782-85, cited in Burzynski 2002: 168). Joseph
Burzynski (2002: 168-169) further elaborated that,
“As the primary urban center in the Philippines, much of
Manila’s population was connected to the colony’s
commercial activity. Foreign trading houses, a significant
hand-manufacturing base in the cigar industry, and
shipping were centered there, not to mention the colonial
government and Catholic church. Though there are no
reliable census figures, the city grew from approximately
140,000 to 250,000 residents between 1845 and 1887
(Corpuz 1997, 123-25, 144-45). The population grew as
business and livelihood opportunities brought people,
both foreign and indigenous, to the city, not to mention
several push factors forcing people from the provinces to
look for work in Manila (Doeppers 1998, 149-51).”
In the context of colonialism, cities in colonized societies
functioned in relation to the type of resources that were utilized
or traded (King 1990: 30). For colonization motivated by trade,
“…a variety of forms, social, economic, and physical might
result; a mere landing stage and a warehouse, to a factory… to a
substantial ‘port and fort’” (King 1990: 30).
Efforts have been made at the latter part of the 18th century to
intensify the development of domestic resources, which supported
the export economy based primarily on local produce. Alongside
developing agricultural production, diversified trade outside of
the Galleons was also characteristic of the latter 18th and early 19th
centuries. In this regard, Benito Legarda (1999: 90) wrote:
“An export trade in native products was for the first time
consciously stimulated by means of shipments on the
naval frigates, by the encouragement of the Royal
1 This research was accomplished through the support of the Project on GIS-based Global History from an Asian Perspectives.
2 Department of Geography, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines-Diliman
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Economic Society, by innovators and entrepreneurs…
and by the Royal Philippine Company… An effort was
also made to stimulate and keep alive native
manufacturers, especially textiles. And the combined
effect of the tobacco monopoly and the domestic
operations of export producers, including the company,
was the start of agricultural specialization in the
Philippines.”
While the agricultural production and manufacturing of sugar,
abaca, tobacco and coffee into their respective products provided
employment opportunities to the locals in the provinces, it is
equally important to explore the nature of urban economies in the
arrabales of Manila in describing the roles of the suburbs of the
capital city in the development of 19 th century Manila.
This study used aggregated statistical data based on the Padrones
General de Vecindario of the years 1884-1887. Relevant variables
such as wage, gender, and occupation types were used to illustrate
the spatial tendencies and distribution of jobs in the arrabales of
Manila surrounding Intramuros.
generalization has to be employed to group jobs of similar nature.
This research adapted the classification of occupations in the 1903
census of the Philippines conducted by the Bureau of Census.
These are:
(1) Agricultural Pursuits (AGRI) – this includes farmers,
feed gatherers, and gardeners;
(2) Domestic and Personal Services (D&P) – this consists
of clothes washers, workers engaged in public service
such as policemen and soldiers (as these were under the
said category in the 1903 census of the Philippines
instead of being identified as professional services),
midwives,
painters,
servants
and
other
similar
occupations;
(3) Laborer (LABOR) –a class of its own, laborers are
primarily unskilled workers hired to perform a variety of
jobs such as road or building construction, laboring in
warehouses, stevedoring, working as farmhands, among
other industrial and domestic occupations;
(4) Manufacturing and Mechanical Pursuits (M&M) –
workers involved in production and operation of
2. Objectives
This study generated descriptive statistical information on
occupational structure and geographic distribution of work based
on the Vecindario records from the following years: 1884, 1886,
and 1887. Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and spreadsheet
tools were used to illustrate and visualize some aspects of the 19 th
century labor market in the Extramuros of Manila to assist in
identifying the geographic and occupational tendencies of these
pueblos.
machines and tools include shoemakers, printers,
packers, stonecutters, seamstresses and embroiderers,
cigarette makers, and other similar occupations;
(5) Professional Service (PS) – occupations such as those
relating to the arts, medical profession, and other skilled
laborers such as lawyers, draftsmen, and doctors
constitute this category;
(6) Trade and Transport (T&T) – this class includes carriage
drivers, dealers and merchants, storekeepers, among
Similar to the previous studies of the authors, the main data source
of this paper is the Padrones General de Vecindario, a local
registry of men and women that indicates the subject’s name, age,
profession, place of baptism, and civil status.
3. Data and Methods
Vecindario entries under eight pueblos in Manila (Tondo, Binondo,
Quiapo, Sampaloc, Dilao, Pandacan, Ermita, and Malate) were
collected from the National Archives in Manila and collated into
a digital database using MS Excel. Occupations were grouped
following the classification of occupations that was employed in
the 1903 census of the Philippines. The lack of source data
pertaining to the job classification scheme employed in the
Philippines by the Spanish government in the late 1800s was the
primary consideration for the choice to adopt the 1903
classification of occupations that the American government
implemented. The procedure for creating the spatial data and
map layers was based from Marco Lagman and Ma. Simeona
Martinez (2014). Statistical summaries were all derived using MS
Excel functions, while maps were generated using ArcGIS 10.1.
other related jobs;
(7) Not Applicable/Non-Gainful -
this category includes
students, housewives, and persons who had no
occupation
All other Vecindario entries lacking any discernible information
pertaining to occupation are grouped under the classification
“Unknown”.
Readers should keep in mind that the Vecindario records utilized
in this study may not have accounted for the majority of
individuals of working age (i.e., 10 years old or above) in each of
the pueblos who lived (and were actually registered) during the
period. A comparison between the population of three arrabales
based on the Planes de almas (“plan or map of souls”, Gealogo
2011: 401) and the entries retrieved from the Vecindario shows
that only about 12% of the population in Binondo, 14% in Ermita,
and 12% in Tondo were recovered from the latter (refer to Figure
1 below).
To facilitate the analysis of the distribution of occupations, some
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
40000
35000
30000
25000
20000
15000
10000
5000
0
VECINDARIO
PLANES DE
ALMAS
while production in Negros in the Visayas dates back to 1830s
(Larkin 1993). On the other hand, production of abaca or Manila
hemp for export began in the 1820s (Renato Constantino 1975),
the Bicol region, Leyte, Cebu, Samar being centers of production
in the 19th century and later in Davao upon the establishment of
the American colonial government. Tobacco production, a
monopoly in the 18th century until the 1880s, was concentrated in
the northern provinces of Luzon (refer to Figure 3). The monopoly
was described by Norman Owen (2005: 198) as “the largest
employer in the city” by the second half of the 19th century having
employed around 20,000 workers in its four factories in Manila
and one in Cavite (see also Camagay 1986).
Figure 1. Comparison of Retrieved Vecindario Entries and
Population Data Based on the Planes de Almas
Sources: Gealogo (2011); Vecindario de Binondo, 1887; Vecindario de
Ermita, 1884; Vecindario de Tondo, 1887.
4. Port City and Hinterland Development
Manila, a “historically trading center” (Huff 2012: 9), was one of
the gateway cities in Southeast Asia that facilitated the utilization
of frontier regions through the development of export-oriented
commodities (see Figure 2). Their access to export-producing
frontier regions and optimal locations allowed these gateway cities
to “receive, assemble and process primary commodity exports
from a hinterland of maximum size,” as well as the “efficient
distribution of a return flow of manufactured goods and food to
exporting regions” (Huff 2012: 8).
Figure 3. Centers of Export Crop Production
Data based on Constantino, 1975; Larkin, 1998; Owen, 2005 Provincial
map source: Global Administrative Database, 2012. Note: Map reflects
present provincial boundaries.
Figure 2. Gateway Cities in Southeast Asia
Map Sources: ESRI, DeLorme, USGS, NPS, TANA, AND Cartography
While the agricultural development that sustained the production
of such export crops, the labor this expansion required, and the
subsequent development of urban centers in these regions is an
aspect of the gateway model that deserves further elaboration, this
research directs interest back to the port city of Manila, where
intensified commercial and manufacturing activities were
inevitable outcomes of diversified trade at the onset of 20th century.
by ESRI through ARGIS Online basemaps. Data based on Huff, G. (2012).
5. Labor, Capitalism, and the Urban Economy
The Philippines experienced further expansion of cash crops such
as sugar, abaca, and tobacco in the 19 th century. Refined grades of
sugar were initially developed in estates proximate to Manila as
well as in Pampanga at about the early years to mid-18th century,
With the rise of industrial capitalism, the diversity of work relating
to agriculture and other primary activities
in cities, whether of
the Old World or of their colonies, declined as the use of machines
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
was adopted in the performance of productive work. While work
commercial establishments even in the 19th century or
specialization has been observed in agrarian societies “by
earlier (Lemon, 1985; Jackson, 1985; Fishman, 1987).
communities and even regions” (Norlan and Lenski 1999: 206, in
Nor were they exclusively middle-class. There have been
Volti 2012: 5), further occupational differentiation took place with
in the past, and still are numerous relatively low-income
capitalist industrialization, resulting in the distinction of workers
suburban communities, even in those countries where
according to the education they obtained or skill categories. More
there is an absence of suburban social housing…Others
specialized occupations that required technical and scientific
were formerly small towns and low-income rural
knowledge (such as professions in engineering), as well as work
communities that have been over-run and enveloped by
enlisted in factories, ensued (Volti 2012: 10).
the growth of the urban margin.”
Jay Kinsbruner (2005: 64) began his discussion of the urban
Such assertions concur with the description of the arrabales,
economy of Latin colonial cities by highlighting the relationship
ascendant forms of the Latin American barrios, or settlements at
of the city and capitalism as being “tied inextricably together”,
the edge of the city. William Siembieda and Eduardo Lopez
adding that “urban life thrived in colonial Spanish America…
Moreno took the case of Mexico and other parts of Latin America
because the economy sustained it- to greater or lesser degree of
in exemplifying the role of the barrios in the evolution of colonial
success in each instance”. While such exposition refers to
cities. The barrio antecedent was illustrated in their study as home
commercial capitalism in Spanish colonies in the New World, the
to both Spanish and indigenous populace and physically located at
same can be said about the urban processes that governed Manila’s
the “confluence of roads and bridges” (Siembieda and Lopez
development, and the role of the arrabales in its urbanization.
Moreno 1998: 40). In contrast to the orderly layout of roads and
structures in the core of the city, the arrabales had streets of varied
Manila’s urban economy in the latter half of the 19 th century can
width, minimal design improvements, and diverse functions such
be characterized as one that facilitated world trade at the onset of
as “places of work, residence, commerce and social contact”
a free market system; imposed regulatory measures such as the
(Siembieda and Lopez Moreno 1998:40).
urban property tax and industrial contributions; and enjoyed the
benefits of advances in infrastructure and communications
As the succeeding sections suggest, the arrabales of colonial
(Legarda 2011, Owen 1984). These salient characteristics
Manila (see Figure 4), similar to the suburbs of Hispanic colonial
manifested in the diverse elements of Manila’s urban form, such
cities elsewhere, contributed to the vigor and economic vitality of
as the presence of markets, merchant houses, factories (of cordage,
Manila by catering economic activities, labor, and other functions
tobacco, and cigar processing), warehouses, and tramways, aside
necessary for the city’s sustenance.
from residential quarters and other structures for various
businesses. The form and function of the city of Manila, which
encompass its human resources, were not constricted within the
7. Outside of the Walled City: Formation of the
Extramuros
walls of Intramuros. This paper underscores the importance of the
suburbs of the City by describing the spatial organization of work
in the suburbs of Manila in the late 19 th century.
6. On Similar Note: Descriptions of the Arrabales
of American Colonial Cities
While suburbs are conveniently described as spaces “beyond or
below the ‘urb’” or of lower economic status and are vulnerable
to external forces, L.S. Bourne (1996, cited in Pacione 2002: 260)
asserted that they are far more heterogeneous than traditionally
viewed:
“…They were also never simply dormitories for housing
the labor force and nuclear families. Many in fact were
dominated by large production, distribution
and
Manila in the legal sense referred to the walled city of Intramuros
(Delas Alas 2010), whose form and structure was in accord with
the Ordinances (Ordenanzas) issued by Spain in the latter part of
the 16th century (Kinsbruner 2005). While the Walled City
functioned as the administrative and political seat of the Spanish
colonial government in the Philippines, the economic relevance
of Manila cannot be adequately described without reference to the
surrounding arrabales (suburb), where residents with diverse
occupations and businesses thrive and sustain the city’s economy.
Reed identifies the establishment of churches as the primary factor
in the organization of settlements in Extramuros, even though
there were settlements that were designated and planned by the
Spanish government such as the Japanese quarter in Dilao and the
Chinese communities in Parian and in Binondo. Geographically,
the settlements outside of Intramuros that are presented in this
study can be grouped into two: those located north of the Pasig
River and those that emerged south. Binondo and the former
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Chinese settlement Parian were often described in literature as the
commercial nucleus outside of Intramuros (Reed 1972: 58), with
various types of business establishments and services. The
landscape that stretched 10 kilometers outside of the walled urban
core was dotted with more than 15 churches and smaller chapels
and several hospitals in addition to other religious structures by
the mid-1600s (Reed 1972: 60). Two other northern arrabales,
Quiapo and Tondo, were farming communities resided in by
Christian Chinese, and the latter had a significant population of
Filipinos and was a Muslim stronghold until the 1500s. At one
point in the century that followed, both Tondo and Binondo
accommodated the Spaniards who moved from Bagumbayan,
another settlement immediately south of the walled city (Reed
1972). The outlying pueblos of Ermita, Pandacan, San Fernando
de Dilao, and Malate developed as clusters of settlements at the
southern portion of the Pasig River (see inset map in Figure 4).
Malate is situated further south, adjacent to Ermita, with its main
roads oriented parallel to the coast of Manila Bay. On the other
hand, Pandacan and Dilao had grid-like network of streets that
were similar to but not as dense as those of the pueblos north of
the Pasig River. Dilao, Ermita and Malate were incorporated into
the Ayuntamiento of Manila in 1884 (Torres 2010).
settlements adjacent to Santa Cruz, Binondo, Tondo, San Miguel,
San Sebastian, and Quiapo (BSIQS in the map, adopted from
Lagman and Martinez 2014. See Figure 4 above). Both Dilao and
Pandacan are traversed by tributaries of the Pasig River, while
Malate, like Ermita and Intramuros, is located east of the coastal
waters of the Manila Bay. Malate’s landscape consisted of
farmlands and saltbeds (Torres 2010). The centers of these three
pueblos are more or less two kilometers from Intramuros (see
Figure 4 above).
By the 17th century, laborers in areas immediately adjacent to
Intramuros became wage-earners while traces of suburban
processes became more evident in their population size and
“degree of economic diversification”, although residents in
outlying areas remained to be fisher folks and workers in
agricultural lands (Reed 1978: 61).
Intramuros was the core of colonial governance and was “the
original Manila” (Camagay 1992 and Reed 1978, cited in Gealogo
2011: 403). Despite its relatively low population during the 19 th
century, Intramuros’ centrality was sustained by the surrounding
arrabales through human resources, provisions, economic
opportunities (Gealogo 2011), among other services. Pueblos
north of the Pasig River were characterized by higher population,
more economic development, and concentration of resources
(Camagay 1992, as cited in Gealogo 2011).
By the late 19th century, both Tondo and Binondo were
characterized by the overwhelming presence of shopkeepers
(Camagay 1995). Tondo later on was noted as the residence of the
lower class (Reed 1967). Ermita, on the other hand, was famous
for sinamay and piña embroidery (Torres 2010).
8. Distribution of Workers across Occupation
Types
Figure 4. The Extramuros and Surrounding Arrabales
Boundary of Manila based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898); National
Capital Region boundary based on the Global Administrative Areas
Database (2012). Location of pueblos based on Lagman and Martinez
A comparison of the number of people reported to be involved in
at least one gainful occupation during the period of study reveals
that manufacturing and mechanical pursuits had the highest share
of female laborers (48% of the female workforce), in addition to
having the largest share of male and female workers combined
(38% of the workforce). Manila was host to a substantial number
of seamstresses (18% of the workforce) and cigar makers (17%).
Cigar making and textile and clothing production are the two
professions engaged in by more women compared to men (see Coo
2014; Camagay 1986, 1995).
Workers who provided labor for
various activities, on the other hand, comprise 22.4%. It must be
noted that the Vecindario lacks information on the work engaged
in by 23% of the labor pool in Manila during this period (hence
classified as Unknown in this study, see Figure 5).
(2014).
Gardner (2004) described the development of Dilao together with
San Juan del Monte, Sampaloc, Santa Ana, and San Pedro de
Macati as the “second ring of villages” forming an array of
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 5. Number of Workers by Occupation Type
1884-1887
Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National Archives.
Figure 6. Number of Workers across the Pueblos
1884-1887
Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National Archives.
Note: Graph includes non-gainful laborers.
9. Occupations across the Arrabales
The Vecindario indicates that in the latter 19 th century Binondo
outnumbered the workforce of other arrabales. Combining both
gainful and non-gainful occupations, the labor force of Binondo is
nearly 24.2% of Manila’s pool of workers. The said pueblo also
registered the most number of women engaged in at least one
occupation (almost 28% of the women labor force of the eight
arrabales). Sampaloc, the pueblo on the northeastern portion of
Manila, comes second to Binondo with a share of 17%. Meanwhile,
Ermita’s labor pool is nearly eight times smaller than that of
Binondo. Closely following Sampaloc are Tondo (13%) and
Pandacan (13.4%). See illustration below (Figure 6).
While there are two female members of the workforce for each
male worker in Binondo and in Quiapo, this gap is much less in
other pueblos especially in Pandacan and Sampaloc. The latter has
the highest share of male workers at nearly 20%.
9.1. Distribution of occupation types across the Arrabales
Presenting the same data3 shown in the preceding bar graph as a
map that distinguishes the different occupation types provides a
spatial perspective to the characterization of occupations in the
Extramuros in the late 19th century (Figure 7). Both the size of the
labor force and further distinction among workers according to the
type of work they performed are distinguishable in the map below.
With a quick look at the map one can observe that the eight
arrabales vary in terms of the share of each type of occupation to
the workforce of each of the pueblos. Binondo’s enormous
workforce of 4,673 individuals, for instance, can be further
disaggregated into those engaged in manufacturing and
mechanical pursuits (53%), domestic and personal services (17%),
day labor (12.5%), trade and transportation (3.30%), and the
remainder consisting of workers from the professional and
agriculture sectors. On the other hand, Sampaloc’s pool of laborers
(3,142 individuals) has a unique distribution of workers across
occupation types, as shown Figure 7.
Unlike the other arrabales north of the Pasig River, Sampaloc’s
workforce were more evenly distributed across different kinds of
economic activities, with workers engaged in manufacturing and
mechanical pursuits comprising 28% of all the employed workers,
while domestic and personal services, agriculture-related jobs, and
3 Figure 7 excludes non-gainful laborers, which were included in Figure
6
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
those who provided manual labor to different industries were
distributed nearly equally among the said occupation types (14%,
10% and 9% respectively). This is in stark contrast with the labor
force in Pandacan, where there was an overwhelming share of day
laborers.
9.2. Spatial Distribution and Variety of Occupations
The geographic distribution and spatial concentration of
occupation types were analyzed to compare the share of each
occupation class’ workforce from each arrabal relative to the
average share of this particular occupation type in the entire
workforce from the eight suburbs of Manila. The resulting
indicator is called the location quotient. Location quotients extend
the analysis of occupation distribution to determining where
certain types of jobs are concentrated, which in turn allows us to
compare the presence of a particular occupation type across a
geographic domain or area (refer to the EMSI Resource Library
for online articles on location quotient) . Quotients equal to 1.0
imply that the respective occupation type is evenly distributed
across the eight arrabales, or that the workers under these
occupation classes had a similar share of the workforce across the
eight arrabales. On the other hand, location quotients greater than
1.0 indicate geographic concentration of the occupation class in
question. Areas with location quotients below 1.0 have relatively
lower concentration of laborers under the occupation type in
question compared to the concentration of the said occupation type
for all of the arrabales.
To explain by example, consider the resulting quotient for
Agricultural Pursuits, where the particular arrabal being analyzed
is Sampaloc. Using the formula below:
Figure 7. Types of Occupation
LQ = (employment in occupation type in arrabales /
total employment in arrabales) / (total employment in
occupation type for all 8 arrabales/ total employment
in occupation types for all 8 arrabales)
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives. Note: Symbol size is based on the number of workers from each
For Sampaloc, the substitution of values will result in the
following:
pueblo.
LQ = (468/3,050)/(850/18,491) = 3.34
It can be gleaned from Figure 7 that domestic and personal
services seem to be associated with relatively large pools of
employed individuals, as exemplified by the labor pool of Binondo
and Sampaloc, where the share of the industry was 15% of the
employed workforce. Manufacturing and mechanical pursuits, on
the other hand, drew in substantial number of laborers from all the
pueblos except for Pandacan. Trade and transport is almost
The result suggests that Sampaloc’s share of employment in
agriculture is thrice that of the share of employment in the said
occupation type of all the arrabales. This indicates the
disproportionate presence of farmers and other workers engaged
in agricultural activities in Sampaloc. All location quotients of the
eight arrabales are illustrated for every occupation type as maps
in the succeeding pages for ease of comparison and interpretation.
intuitively related to the density of transport infrastructures like
roads.
Analysis shows that agricultural activities, largely that of farming
which employed more than 600 workers (or nearly 4% of all
Although fishermen were reported in this study as part of the
manufacturing and mechanical pursuits group of occupations in
the same manner that it was classified in the 1903 census of the
workers in the eight arrabales), were concentrated in Sampaloc
(LQ = 3.34) and Pandacan (LQ = 1.38). See Figure 8 for
illustration.
Philippines (see Sloane 2002), the map below features this job
with its own symbolization or color to emphasize its distribution.
Tondo (with 166 fishermen), Malate (125) and Ermita (21) are the
pueblos with a relatively significant number of fishermen, owing
to their proximity to the Manila Bay.
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 8. Location Quotient of Occupations
Figure 9. Location Quotient of Occupations
under Agricultural Pursuits
under Trade and Transport
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives.
Archives.
On the other hand, workers from the Trade and Transport group
Mapping the distribution of storekeepers by gender (Figure 10)
were concentrated in the commercial and manufacturing centers
reveals that women outnumber men in all the eight arrabales of
of Binondo (LQ = 1.57) and Tondo (LQ = 1.4). These jobs
Manila at an average ratio of eight women to one male worker.
primarily consist of storekeepers (6.6% of all laborers, who were
Half of all the storekeepers accounted for in the Vecindario were
overwhelmingly women) and boatmen (1.34% of workers). The
registered in Binondo and Tondo – the first, characterized by high
LQs of Ermita (1.2) and Quiapo (1.0) are not far behind. Half of
concentration of commercial enterprises, while the latter was
the
better known for manufacturing activities (Lagman and Martinez
arrabales
are
characterized
by
above-the-average
concentration of trade and transport employment.
Figure 9
2014).
shows the distribution of workers engaged in trade and transport.
The apparent pattern of geographic concentration suggests that
transport and trade-related occupations favored the pueblos
proximate to the Walled City, while the peripheral districts of
Sampaloc (LQ = 0.9), Malate (LQ = 0.6), Dilao (LQ = 0.6), and
Pandacan (LQ = 0.2) seem to have dealt with the paucity in sales
and transport workers.
51
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 10. Geographic Distribution of Storekeepers
Figure 11. Location Quotient of Fishing
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives Note: Symbol size is scaled (normalized) using the total number
Archives.
of workers from all pueblos.
Fishermen (357 individuals) comprised 2% of all the workers from
the
eight
pueblos.
While
fishing
was
included
under
Manufacturing and Mechanical Pursuits, this paper dedicates a
location quotient map to the industry for its high location quotient
Agricultural activities and fishing exemplify occupation types
whose share of workers are relatively low but are geographically
concentrated in a few pueblos. On the other hand, day laborers,
who comprise almost 23% of the occupied labor force of the
Manila arrabales, had a high quotient of 3.48 and were
concentrated in Pandacan. Figure 12 below illustrates this pattern.
– 5.12 in Malate and 4.10 in Tondo (see Figure 11). Proximity to
the Manila Bay appears to be an integral factor in the distribution
of workers from the fishing industry.
52
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 12. Location Quotient of Day Laborers
Figure 13. Geographic Distribution of Day Laborers
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives.
Archives. Note: Symbol size is scaled (normalized) using the total number
of workers from all pueblos.
It should be noted that 76% of the workers (or 1,913 individuals)
in Pandacan were day laborers who provided service to
agricultural or construction-related tasks. This astounding figure
leaves little room for other occupation types to prosper in the
district, implying the limited variety of skills and specialization in
the area. The only other occupation of relative significance in
terms of the number of workers is sewing (8% of gainful workers).
In addition, only in Pandacan did women and men have nearly
equal participation in providing manual labor.
A closer investigation of the map above (Figure 13) against the
location quotient map of day laborers (Figure 12) allows us to infer
that, setting aside the disproportionate share of Pandacan in the
employment of day laborers, the nearly equal shares of Binondo
(3.1% of the total workforce); Sampaloc and Tondo (2.3%
respectively) do not translate to a higher-than-average share of
these pueblos to the whole workforce engaged in manual labor.
The respective shares of employment of day laborers in these
pueblos (i.e., 13% for Binondo, 9% for Sampaloc, and 11.2% for
Tondo) were too small compared to the share of workers employed
in other types of occupations.
Occupations under Professional Services had the least number of
workers (3.3% of the workforce), who primarily were clerks
(49%) and lawyers (16%). Location quotients range from 0.6 to
1.6, mostly close to 1.0, suggesting the relatively even geographic
distribution of professional workers across the arrabales (see
Figure 14).
53
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 14. Location Quotient of Occupations
Figure 15. Location Quotient of Occupations
under Professional Service
under Manufacturing and Mechanical Pursuits
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives.
Archives.
Six out of the eight pueblos had location quotients higher than 1.0
for occupations under the Manufacturing and Mechanical Pursuits
class – a pattern that is unique to the said occupation group. This
agrees with the consistently high share of manufacturing and
mechanical jobs across the eight pueblos, yet none of them held a
disproportionately large number of workers who performed
manufacturing-related and mechanical tasks (see Figure 15).
The major contributors to the manufacturing and mechanical
occupation class were seamstresses (18 % of the workforce or
3,410 workers) and cigar makers (17% or 3,156 laborers). These
workers were overwhelmingly women, and by their sheer number
were categorically the primary laboring forces behind the textile,
clothing, and tobacco industries in Manila. Considered as “indoor
laborers” (Coo 2014: 56), seamstresses comprise 28% of the
workforce of both Binondo and Quiapo, 32% in Dilao, and 24%
in Ermita. In terms of size, Binondo held the most number of
seamstresses (1,281), followed by Dilao (822 workers) and
Quiapo (434). Figure 16 shows their spatial distribution by gender.
54
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Sampaloc, 18% in Malate, Binondo and Quiapo, 14% in Ermita,
and 13% in Dilao). The map below (Figure 17) shows the spatial
pattern of cigar makers by gender.
Figure 16. Geographic Distribution of Seamstresses
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Figure 17. Geographic Distribution of Cigar Makers
Archives. Note: Symbol size is scaled (normalized) using the total number
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
of workers from all pueblos.
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives. Note: Symbol size is scaled (normalized) using the total number
The textile and clothing industries involved an intricate functional
relationship among several kinds of occupations – costureras
(seamstresses) are one of these workers. The enterprise also
includes sinamayeras (cloth sellers or retailers), sastres (tailors),
bordadoras (embroiderers), tenderos or tenderas (storekeepers),
and lavanderos or lavanderas (clothes washers) – the latter two
are classified here under Trade and Transport and Day Laborers,
respectively. Cloth sellers acted as keepers of fabric shops that
thrived in a street in Tondo and another in Binondo (Guerra 1887
and Camagay 1995, cited in Coo 2014: 410), some of whom may
have registered as storekeepers in the Vecindario (there were no
sinamayeras identifiable from the documents considered in this
study). The sinamayeras or the buyers themselves sought the
services of embroiderers to embellish plain textiles. Seamstresses
and tailors could then be hired by buyers to make clothes (Coo
2014: 409-414).
On the other hand, the cigar makers of Binondo and Tondo
altogether comprise 50% (1,599 workers) of all the cigar makers
considered in this study. Cigar making formed a substantial labor
base in most of the arrabales (i.e., 31% in Tondo, 19.5% in
4 Located in Ermita Manila.
of workers from all pueblos.
Unlike the manufacture of local textiles which was mostly done at
home (Coo 2014:404), cigar making prospered with the
establishment of cigar factories. Camagay (1986: 178) cited the
presence of four of these establishments - Fabrica de Arroceros
and Fabrica de Fortin (also in Arroceros4) and Fabrica de Meisig5
and Fabrica de Puros of Binondo. The labor force employed in the
first three numbered to about 15,000-15,500 by the 19th century
(ibid.) The existence of these factories may explain the large
number of cigar makers in Tondo (752 individuals) and Binondo
(847) and consequently would make one speculate about the
presence of numerous cigar makers in Sampaloc (603 workers)
despite the latter’s distance from these workplaces. As mentioned
above, cigar makers comprise 19.5% of gainful workers in
Sampaloc, outnumbering clothes washers (18%) by a small margin,
and farmers at 14%.
Lastly, the concentration of clothes washers from Ermita (15% of
all workers from the district, or 88 individuals), Sampaloc (18%,
or 551 workers), and Binondo (15% or 682 workers) accounts for
5 ‘Meisic’ in Gardner (2004) and Coo (2014). While
these sources did
not describe the location of Meisic, a street in Binondo with the same
name exists at present.
55
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
their relatively concentrated presence in the aforementioned areas
(LQs of 1.82, 1.79 and 1.5, respectively). Majority of the
arrabales, however, had quotients lower than 1.0, which indicates
the relative scarcity of domestic services in these areas (refer to
Figure 18).
Figure 19. Variety of Occupations in the Arrabales of Manila
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives.
Figure 18. Location Quotient of Occupations
under Domestic and Personal Services
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives.
With regards to the variety of occupations, the eight pueblos
presented in this study altogether registered 96 different jobs, 60
(62.5%) of which were concentrated in Sampaloc. Binondo (57
different occupations) and Dilao (55) also had diverse kinds of
occupations, while Ermita and Pandacan had the least contribution
to the diversity of occupations in the arrabales (see Figure 19).
10. Age Distribution of Suburban Workers
Of the individuals registered in the Vecindario from the eight
pueblos of Manila, almost 57% were aged 10 to 44 years old.
Those between 25 and 34 years old comprise 30% of the
workforce, while combining the members of the said age group
with those aged 35-44 years would constitute 51%, the bulk of the
population of working age. While in general women and men were
almost of equal magnitude across different age groups, a ratio of
two females for every male worker characterizes the youth group
aged 15 to 24 years old – a unique feature that this research could
not yet attribute to any possible cause or demographic element.
See Figure 20.
56
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
option for workers who have reached their 30s.
5000
4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
Table 1. Workforce per Age Group and Occupation Type
(Share of Total Laborers per Age Group in Percent)
Female
65 and above
55 - 64
45 - 54
35 - 44
25 - 34
15 - 24
10 - 14
Male
Figure 20. Gender Distribution of the Workforce
Across Age Groups
Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National Archives.
Further analysis of age distribution suggests that before reaching
15 years of age, children perform productive work primarily
through cigar making or by working as seamstresses. Both
occupations were predominated by females at a ratio of 5:1. Young
boys on the other hand were engaged in productive work as day
laborers. These jobs comprise the most number of workers in the
succeeding (older) age groups. Under the group aged 25 until 34
for instance, providing manual labor to various functions was
engaged in by 21% of workers from the said age group. Cigar
making is another venture of members of this age group, as well
as sewing (18% and 17%, respectively).
Vecindario data also reveals that the age group 35 to 44 marks the
start of the decline in the number of workers. While cigar making,
rendering day labor, and sewing still characterize the nature of
work for the majority of the labor force, clothes washing and
shopkeeping also had a significant share.
AGE
AGRI
D&P
LABO R
M&M
PS
T &T
10-14
5.4
4.5
10.7
69.6
0.9
8.9
15-24
4.2
10.7
16.1
59.5
3.2
6.3
25-34
4.6
12.4
21.2
48.1
4.5
9.1
35-44
6.7
13.5
20.7
45.2
3
10.9
45-54
7.4
13.8
21.2
44.2
2.4
11.1
55-64
8.1
13.8
27.1
36.1
2.4
12.5
65 or
above
7.5
7.5
47.2
25.9
2
9.8
Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National Archives.
11. Paid Occupations and Wages
It was possible to analyze the distribution of workers according to
wage by associating the average daily wage with the occupations
in the Vecindario database and later on categorizing them into low,
middle and high wage. Thus, the following arbitrary classification:
Low wage – P0.20-0.50 (e.g. seamstresses, clothes
washer)
Middle – P0.6-0.87 (e.g., silversmith, cigar maker)
High – P1.0 or higher (e.g., artist, barber, fisherman)
Note that actual data breaks were used as class break values.
Grouping occupations according to wage6 level reveals that highpaying occupations comprise only 5.6% (900 workers) of the
workers who received compensation for their work, while laborers
with jobs that earned minimal wage constitute 61% (9,689
individuals) of the paid labor force. In-between these wage levels
are 33.4% (5,313 laborers) of occupied individuals who received
P0.6-0.87 daily compensation (see Table 2).
Table 1 below shows the distribution of the workforce across
different age groups and occupation types. It can be gleaned from
the data that the share of manual labor and domestic and personal
services in the workforce increases with age, a pattern that is
different from that of manufacturing and mechanical occupations.
This implies that while the majority of workers with gainful
occupations aged 10 up to 24 were engaged in manufacturing or
mechanical pursuits, the share of the said industry declines beyond
the age of 24. One alternative for older workers, apparently, was
the provision of manual labor to various domestic or industrial
tasks. Trade, specially shopkeeping, could have also been a viable
6 Based primarily on the Average paid Filipino workmen in Manila
the month, in the occupations specified, Census of the Philippine Islands
prior to1898 and in 1902, in local (Mexican) currency, by the day and by
1903 Volume 4
57
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Table 2. Number of Workers by Wage Level
PUEBLO
LOW
WAGE
WAGE LEVEL
MEDIUM
HIGH
WAGE
WAGE
T OT AL
WORKERS
Binondo
2,748
1,161
133
4,042
Dilao
1,231
915
89
2,235
Ermita
271
216
30
517
Malate
417
721
158
1,296
2,162
55
86
2,303
918
417
43
1,378
1,250
902
90
2,242
692
926
271
1,889
9,689
5,313
900
15,902
Pandacan
Quiapo
Sampaloc
T ondo
T OT AL
Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National Archives
Note: Wages were based on the Census of the Philippine Islands 1903
Volume 4.
Among laborers who received relatively high compensation,
fishermen comprise the largest group (38%), followed by clerks
(34.6%) and barbers (9.2%). Cigar makers, on the other hand, are
the majority among middle-wage earning workers at 60%,
followed by carpenters (10%) and embroiderers (7.5%). As one
can surmise from the foregoing discussion, day laborers constitute
a significant proportion of workers – much so among occupations
that received low wages. While 41.4% of workers with low
compensation were day laborers, seamstresses comprise 33.4%
while the share of clothes washers in the low-wage group is 20%.
It must be noted that labor force mobilization in the Philippines
during the Spanish regime involved extrafamilial work,
reciprocity, obliged labor as well as debt servitude (Bankoff
2005: 62-65) other than the periodic provision of wage. Paid
occupations therefore are not limited to monetary remuneration
but could also be compensated in kind, or may not have been
compensated on a periodic basis. In addition, workers such as
storekeepers (7% of the total workforce from all the eight
arrabales), farmers (5%), feed gatherers (1%) and lawyers (0.5%)
were excluded in the wage classification since the reference list of
wages did not include these jobs.
Figure 21. Workers by Wage Level
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives. Note: Symbol size is based on the number of workers from each
pueblo.
When wage level is further classified by the gender of worker, the
Vecindario data indicates that women were engaged in low and
middle level wage classes. The only exception to this pattern are
Sampaloc, Dilao and Pandacan (for low and middle wage classes),
the pueblos that are farthest from Intramuros and further inland
from the coast of Manila Bay. See succeeding maps.
Associating the wages of paid workers with the respective
arrabales where workers were registered would yield the map
shown below (see Figure 21). It is apparent from the distribution
of workers and their wages that the majority were engaged in jobs
that paid low compensation, especially with the manual workersdominated labor pool of Pandacan. In Ermita, 52% of the paid
labor force belongs to the low wage group. This disparity is
pronounced in Pandacan, where 94% of laborers received the
lowest amounts of remuneration. Only in Malate and Tondo were
low wage workers not a majority. The relatively large count of
high wage-earners also came from these two pueblos (12.2% and
14.4% respectively).
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Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
Figure 22. Low Wage Workers by Gender
Figure 24. High Wage Workers by Gender
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives. Note: Symbol size is based on the number of workers from each pueblo.
Archives. Note: Symbol size is based on the number of workers from each
pueblo.
12. Observations
The results of this research presented the trends and patterns of
employment that characterize the urban economies of Manila in
the late 19th century, when the Philippines became more
aggressive in developing its domestic products for export and
when several infrastructural developments also supported the
growth of the local economy. During this period, manufacturing
and mechanical pursuits, manual labor, and domestic and personal
services were the occupations that characterize the workforce of
the Extramuros. The relatively large number of cigar makers is
suggestive of the significant demand for the manufacturing of
cigars for export and local consumption, while the garment
industry was integral in the manufacturing sector judging from the
relatively large share of workers engaged in sewing and tailoring.
Figure 23. Middle Wage Workers by Gender
Boundary of Manila and roads based on De Gamoneda. and Montes (1898).
Data Source: Padrones General de Vecindario, Philippine National
Archives. Note: Symbol size is based on the number of workers from each
pueblo.
Although the distribution of workers by occupation varied across
the eight pueblos, laborers from the manufacturing and
mechanical pursuits represent the majority of workers in the
arrabales of Manila with the exception of Sampaloc and Pandacan.
These pueblos are unique in that the former had a pool of workers
that significantly catered to several types of economic activities
other than manufacturing and mechanical work, while the latter
was the only pueblo where manual laborers dominate the
workforce. In addition, Sampaloc’s pool of laborers appears to be
the most diverse in terms of variety of occupations, a notable
quality of the pueblo considering its relatively more inland
59
Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies, Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 44-61
location away from the port area and also from the Walled City.
The location quotients of the occupation types analyzed in this
study suggests that fishing and agricultural activities are
specializations of pueblos proximate to the coast (Malate and
Tondo) and farther from the centers of the commercial hubs of the
city (Sampaloc and Pandacan). On the other hand, jobs relating to
manufacturing and mechanical pursuits abounded in the suburbs.
Manual laborers may have provided services for agricultural
purposes in neighboring arrabales (in the case of Pandacan) or
may have served some jobs in the manufacturing sectors (in the
case of Quiapo).
The predominance of women in manufacturing and mechanicalrelated occupations was also an evident pattern. They also had
minimal access or participation in high-paying occupations, as one
can discern from the gender distribution of the labor force across
wage levels among the arrabales.
While Manila has been presented by foreign and local scholars as
a primate city that played a significant role in both regional and
local trade at the onset of globalization in the late 19 th century,
describing the structure and distribution of occupations across its
immediate suburbs provides a fuller picture of the economic
activities that drive the assembly and trade of domestic, and
perhaps also of imported, products for local consumption and for
export. Such capitalist mechanisms of colonial urban development
created a demand for workers who were skilled in performing
manufacturing and mechanical tasks, or capable of manual labor
but were oftentimes lacking a regular source of income, or
provided domestic or personal services.
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Map Sources
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