THE INVISIBLE THIRD.
THE BASQUE AND CELTIC WORDS FOR 'SWALLOW'*
es', ZCP 8,411-18.
Meyer and Whitley Stokes
DAVID STIFTER
Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft, Universitat Wien
histories', ZCP 8,291-338
p. 1. Rhythmische alliterie-
!rniae. Dublin.
edb michuru and the orihe origins of the Tain', EC
zguage (compact edition).
",ZCP 16,167-230.
fMIS 6. Dublin.
In a keynote address at the XI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen
Gesellschaft, about possible non-Indo-European influence on the Celtic
languages, Kim McCone drew attention to the similarity between the
Insular Celtic,e.g. OIr fannall, W gwennol, and the Basque,i.e. enara, ain(h)ara, words for 'swallow' (Lat hirundo). McCone reconstructs *waNilri or
*weNrilri as preforms for the Insular Celtic words, and *(w)aiNala for PreBasque (McCone 2005,408-9).l This suggestion looks very attractive and
suggestive and, if correct, would shed rare light on prehistoric linguistic
relationships in Western Europe. In this article, I will examine the equation
more closely and add a number of observations.
The nominative of the feminine ri-stem OIr fannall is first attested in Sg.
52b5. The genitive is attested as faindle (LU 6485 = TBC 12285), the nominative plural as fainnle2 (Carney 1971,42 $8 = Finn's poem on Mayday from
Macgnimartha Finn). The forms with palatalised internal consonant cluster
require a front vowel in the second syllable of the pre-form. Since *i, which
would have caused palatalisation of the preceding consonants after an a of
the first syllable (McCone 1996,116;cf. cainnenn below), is excluded, only
*e or *E are possible. The Middle and Modern Irish variant ainnel(1) 'swallow', without an initial consonant, must have been abstracted from a lenited
form like fainnle and is not evidence for a prehistoric by-form *annilli or
the like. As it is first attested in the St Gall glosses, it is possible that nn
The research on this article was conducted as part of the 'Old Celtic Language Remains in
Austria' project (number P20755), funded by FWF- Fonds zur Firrderung der wissenschafrlichen Forschung (details are available at: http://www.fwf.ac.at/ (8 December 2010)). I wish to
thank Anders Jorgensen, Kim McCone and Stefan Schumacher, as well as an anonymous
reader of kriu, for their valuable suggestions and support.
The symbols L, N, R will be used in this article to represent, on the one hand, the reconstructed fortis resonants of Pre-Basque (see Trask 1997,13946), and, on the other hand, the
precursors of the unlenited resonants of Insular Celtic.For the purposes of this paper, the exact
phonetic reality of these sounds-whether they were geminates or fortes-is irrelevant. What
is important, in terms of cross-language contact, is that the Pre-Basque and Celtic sounds can
be regarded as structurally equivalent. I use Trask's term 'Pre-Basque' for what could also be
called Primitive Basque or Proto-Basque.
This is uncertain. The analysis as nom. pl. rests on the emendation of the verb to lengait
'they jump'. The MS actually has lingid, which is singular, but see Carney (1971, 49) for a
defence of the emendation.
DOI: 10.3318/ERIU.2010.60.145
Erizc LX (2010) 145-157
O Royal Irish Academy
146
DAVID STIETER
continues Common Celtic *nd, but here it must in fact continue geminate1
fortis *N. The cluster *nd is excluded because *a would have been raised to
*i before a front vowel in the following syllable, cp. ind < *nnde (McCone
1996,78).
Unlenited 11 of fannall can go back to earlier geminatelfortis *L, but
what about single *l? The development of *1 > OIr 11 after an unlenited
(geminate) *N looks at first sight like an extended application of MacNeill's
Law. According to that law in its latest formulation, lenited r and 1 were
strengthened, that is they were delenited, after an unstressed vowel in a syllable that was preceded by 1, r, n, unlenited m or lenited b (see GOI 89 and
especially Stiiber 1998, 39-44 for an excellent survey of MacNeill's Law).
For the extended version of the law there are a handful of examples: the
loans from Latin, connall 'stalk, stubble, aftermath' < Lat cannula 'small,
low reed' and cainnell 'candle, light' < Lat candela 'candle', have unlenited
11where Latin has a single 1 (but cp. also OW cannuill, W cannwyll 'candle'
with fortis 11). The name Sechnall < Lat Secundinus is more complicated,
because it requires first a dissimilation of *n > *1, before the latter could be
strengthened after the strong nasal in the preceding syllable; or *n was first
strengthened to *nn and then dissimilated to 11.The two examples cainnell
and Sechnall might indicate that this particular rule of sonorant strengthening occurred not only after plain *nn, but also after *nd. If, however, the
words entered Irish via a British Celtic language, the assimilation to *nn
could already have taken place in the mediating language. A good example of the rule operating on an Irish word (as opposed to a borrowing) is
innell (indell) 'arrangement, etc.' < earlier indel, the verbal noun of inda 'to
yoke; arrange, undertake, etc.'. This example has been cited as proof that
MacNeill's Law remained in operation until after the change of OIr nd >
nn (GO1 89 and Stiiber 1998,42). It has not been noted that the input form
with an unlenited nasal at the beginning of the unstressed syllable does not
accord with the usual formulation of the law, which only speaks of lenited
sonorants (apart from m).
A possible further example is furnished by the glossary word finnell
'shield' if, as suggested by DIL F 145.1, it is a variant of finntn 'shield'that is,finntn > *finnen > *finnel (distance dissimilation of the nasal, like in
Sechnall) > finnell, although an ad-hoc vowel shortening in the unstressed
syllable must be assumed. Bruinnell 'girl, maiden, damsel', attested only in
Modern Irish, may belong here if it is derived from bruinne 'breast, bosom,
chest' via the addition of a suffix with -1- (thus implicitly LEIA B-104). A
similar development is conceivable for grindell (grinnell) 'bed of lake or sea,
gravel; bedrock, bottom, foundation', but the details are o b s c ~ r e . ~
'
It is quite evident that grinnell is in some manner related to OIr grian 'gravel, sand, river
bottom', which it sometimes glosses and by which it is sometimes glossed. *Grisano- or *gresano- can be set up as possible preforms for grian and its British cognates W graean, Bret
grouan 'gravel'. A further mechanically possible reconstruction, *grijano-, is excluded if grinnell is taken to be related. Grinnell looks like *grimelo- or *gresnilo-,i.e. like a suffixal enlargement *-elo- or *-do- added to the base *gri/esano-,which undergoes unparalleled and early
4
i
Other words, h o w e ~
although they conform
4
decapitated enemies', c
but cundil in Wb.31~3,
4
4
4
I
41
i
1
d
4
3
i
j
1
1
3
4
ii
1
4
1
1
I
1
1!
i
4
1
i
i
1
j
1
i
j
1
of vague meaning,foinc;
dalzim 'id.'. Individual
retained its single 1undc
tively late loan from La
be long, in which case it
is closely connected to I
'head' + the morpheme
n is in one instance m:
could also be related tc
developed by the Irish
nail in the Metrical Din
For cundillcunnail or fc
particularly troubling b
rove', a compound of I
have sporadic examples
by far the most comma
adall 'visit' (< nd-ell-), tl
In any case, it is bet1
OIr I1 in final position I
loan, tunnnll 'cask, bar
that the tendency conti
noted that there does nc
represented by single 01
1998,43, citing earlier 1
such as innell or foinde
as being restricted to L
that in absolute auslaut
neutralised after unstre
two allophones were tl
has not been uncoverec
The quasi-MacNeill
be expected to operate
affected by MacNeill's
> nnVnn: OIr cninnenn
i
syncope to "grdesn-,so early
Celtic assimilation to *-nn-.P
nelo-/gresnilo- to MW gro, C
which go together with word:
to grate' (ZEW 460-2).
0 Cuiv (1980, 141-2) rl
cendail and carnail.
1
Old Irish
See Kelly
word (1998:
refers 251-3)
to 'onio
1
I
i
1
4
BASQUE AND CELTIC 'SWALLOW'
I fact continue geminatel
vould have been raised to
cp. ind < *ande (McCone
- geminatelfortis *L, but
OIr 11 after an unlenited
application of MacNeill's
ion, lenited r and 1 were
unstressed vowel in a syl:nited b (see GOI 89 and
rvey of MacNeill's Law).
handful of examples: the
th' < Lat cannula 'small,
1 'candle', have unlenited
luill, W cannwyll 'candle'
zus is more complicated,
~eforethe latter could be
ig syllable;or *n was first
he two examples cainnell
~ l of
e sonorant strength~fter*nd. If, however, the
.,the assimilation to *nn
language. A good examposed to a borrowing) is
le verbal noun of inela 'to
been cited as proof that
' the change of OIr nd >
loted that the input form
stressed syllable does not
:h only speaks of lenited
le glossary word Jinnell
riant of finntn 'shield'ation of the nasal, like in
rtening in the unstressed
damsel', attested only in
1 bruinne 'breast, bosom,
lplicitly LEIA B-104). A
nnell) 'bed of lake or sea,
1s are ~ b s c u r e . ~
to Orr grifln 'gravel, sand. river
nes glossed. *?3risano- or *gre.itish cognates W graean, Bret
1, *grilano-, is excluded if grinnllo-, i.e. like a suffixal enlargelergoes unparalleled and early
147
Other words, however, are not affected by this strengthening rule,
although they conform in structure to the required input: cendail 'heads of
decapitated enemies', carnail 'heap of bodies, carnage', cunnail (sic DZL;
but cundil in Wb.31~3,which points to original nd), a laudatory adjective
of vague meaning, foindel 'wandering, roving', scandal 'scandal' < Lat scandalum 'id.'. Individual explanations must be sought: scandal could have
retained its single 1 under influence from the Latin word. If carnail is a relatively late loan from Latin carnrilis 'fleshly, carnal', its second syllable could
be long, in which case it would not be subject to the sound change. Cendail
is closely connected to the preceding item; it seems to be composed of cenn
'head' + the morpheme -ail taken from the semantically close carnail. The
a is in one instance marked as being long in LU 9093. However, camail
could also be related to carn 'heap' (this is a folk etymology undoubtedly
developed by the Irish themselves), and note also the rhyme armgail:carnail in the Metrical Dindshenchas 3,128.16, which suggests a short vowel.4
For cundillcunnail or foindel I can offer no explanation. The latter item is
particularly troubling because it is the verbal noun of fo-indlea 'to wander,
rove', a compound of the synchronic root *ell (i.e. fo-ind-ell-). DZL does
have sporadic examples of foindel with -11,but the spellings with single -I are
by far the most common. In the verbal noun of another of its compounds,
adall 'visit' (< ad-ell-),the unlenited 11 remains as such.
In any case, it is better to speak of a tendency or sporadic change *1>
OIr 11 in final position rather than of a regular sound law. The more recent
loan, tunnall 'cask, barrel' < OFr tonne1 'barrel (ModFr tonneau)', shows
that the tendency continued to be active for a long time. It has also been
noted that there does not seem to be any rule about whether Latin 1,11,n are
represented by single or double 1 and n in final position in Old Irish (Stiiber
1998,43, citing earlier literature). In view of several native items, however,
such as innell or foindel cited above, this development cannot be regarded
as being restricted to Latin words. The material could also be analysed so
that in absolute auslaut the opposition between lenited and unlenited I was
neutralised after unstressed syllables, perhaps across the board, and that the
two allophones were then newly distributed according to a principle that
has not been uncovered so far.
The quasi-MacNeill effect, if one may so call it, triggered by nn might
be expected to operate also on *n, the other sound in addition to *1to be
affected by MacNeill's Law. Indeed, one example can be found for *nnVn
> nnVnn: OIr cainnenn 'onion (?)'5 < *kanninri,cp. OW + W cennin 'leeks',
syncope to "gryesn-. so early that the newly arising cluster *-sn- is affected by the Common
Celtic assimilation to *-nn-.Another riddle is the relationship of "grisnno-/gresnno- and '''grisnelo-/gresnilo- to MW gro, OCorn grou, MCorn grow, ModBret gro(aJ,Gaul * g r W 'gravel',
,
ghril'to grind.
which go together with words in other IE languages derived from * g " r ~ ughrar,
to gra$' ( I ~ W
460-2).
4 0 Cuiv (1980, 141-2) remains agnostic about the length of the vowel of the suffix in
cendail and carnnil.
5 See Kelly (1998 251-3) for a discussion of the meanlng of cninnenrr. He suggests that the
Old Irish word refers to 'onion' rather than to 'garlic' or 'leek(s)', as claimed in DIL C 41.30-1.
148
DAVID STIFTER
Corn kenin 'onions', Bret kignenn 'garlic', and perhaps the name of the
Germanic tribe Canninefates, if this is a hybrid Celtic-Germanic compound
'leek rulers' (thus Schrijver 1995b; sceptical Neumann 2000). The word
noinden 'couvade', however, is not so affected.
The upshot of the foregoing discussion is that OIr fannall can tell us
nothing about the original fortis-lenis quality of the liquid. The immediate
ancestor of the Irish word for 'swallow' can therefore be reconstructed on
internal grounds as *gaNelrI.or *gaNeLri, i.e. with an *e of indeterminate
length in the second syllable and with a liquid of indeterminate strength.
'swallow', set up on the ba:
containing a 'Pr.Celt. root
bird is accordingly thought
conspicuous tail. Lockwool
nesses. Gwennol cannot d
not have been lowered b
have resulted in W tgwynn
British Celtic created a fo
with the feminine adjective
tion. The ancestor of fanna
as already demonstrated a
parallel for an identical P
bal root *wend- 'to wind,
should surface as tgond- in
* pwould have become *I
116-130), nothing of that s
should therefore surface a:
the unusual suffix *-;la. F
is a rather large one and,
allel from Russian (vila 'fc
parallel for the use of a no
Lockwood's attempt to tr2
unsuccessful.
On the basis of the Briti
Celtic *wesnrila.He derive
noun *uesr/n-'spring', via
fix *-rilo/ri-.The swallow i:
of spring'. While Matasovi
several formal obstacles fi
fannall is explained by refa
ing syllable (similar to Jo:
the Irish word originally cc
no assimilation can have
suffix *-iilo/ri - is very thin
continue Latin -ilis, and 1
mebul 'shame' and bual '
These objections render IV
In the British languages, the following forms are attested: MW gwennawl
and pl. in placename Aber Gwenoli,6 W gwennol, OBret guennol . herundo
(BN lat. 10290, fol. 25b; Lambert 1982, 186), MBret guennel, ModBret
gwennili, Vannetais guigne'l, guenel, etc. (TrCpos 1957,247), OCorn guenno1 . hirundo (Voc. Corn. 514). The Old South-West British forms stand
for [gwennol]. It is noteworthy that in Middle Breton the word did not
undergo assimilation *e...eu > *eu...eu (Schrijver 1995, 210-ll), i.e.
t[gw@nn@l](pers. comm. Stefan Schumacher). The rounding of the e in
the first syllable may have been prevented by a dissimilatory effect of the
preceding w. In Modern Breton, the expected reflex was analogically
replaced by a form that has been abstracted from a double plural formation
gwennilied (TrCpos 1957,247).'
By internal reconstruction, one arrives for Proto-British at *geNrilri.Even
though in the attested British languages CC *nn and *nd had fallen together
in *N,*nd is excluded in this case because of the different treatment of *e in
the two environments. Before *n + consonant CC *e was raised to * I ,which
merged with *i and surfaces as y in Welsh, whereas before *nn the vowel
remains *e (Schrijver 1995,39 and 455-6). CC *nn usually continues PreCeltic *sn,but might conceivably also reflect *nn or *N in loanwords.The e
of *geNrilri cannot be due to final a-affection, since that rule operated only
in the syllable immediately before a final a. Although it is clear that *geNrilri
must be somehow related to the Irish word, it is not possible to derive both
words from a unitary pre-form, without invoking irregular developments.
The most recent etymology, aside from that of McCone 2005, was proposed by Lockwood 2002, who offered an IE pre-form. As the ancestor
for W gwennol he postulated *gindrilri,which he considered an etymologie
croisCe involving W gwydgwen < *gindo-'white' and Proto-Celtic *gandrI.lrI.
The Irish and British WOI
is another possible, but o
The burial place of Pryderi.The placename is attested in stanza 7 of Englynion y Beddau
(see Jarman 1982,36; pers. comm. Stefan Schumacher).
As an example of a modem dialectal form that directly continues the inherited word,
. Anders Jprgensen has brought to my attention the 11:-de-~roixform [&ynael], which fairly
clearly comes from *gwennd < *gwenncel< *gwenn31. Ile-de-Groix [ae] is the development of
long, stressed *e, usually from OBret *ai or unrounded *ce.
According to Joseph's Rule.
Schrijver 1995,73-93; McCone 1'
4
I
:
4
BASQUE AND CELTIC 'SWALLOW'
perhaps the name of the
:eltic-Germanic compound
Jeumann 2000). The word
at OIr fannall can tell us
the liquid. The immediate
refore be reconstructed on
ith an *e of indeterminate
' indeterminate strength.
'
,e attested: MW gwennawl
', OBret guennol . herundo
MBret guennel, ModBret
3 1957,247), OCorn guen-West British forms stand
Breton the word did not
rijver 1995, 210-ll), i.e.
The rounding of the e in
dissimilatory effect of the
d reflex was analogically
a double plural formation
o-British at *geNili.Even
nd *nd had fallen together
lifferent treatment of *e in
:*e was raised to * I ,which
-eas before *nn the vowel
nn usually continues Preor *N in loanwords. The e
ce that rule operated only
ugh it is clear that *geNili
lot possible to derive both
irregular developments.
McCone 2005, was pro)re-form. As the ancestor
considered an etymoIogie
3nd Proto-Celtic *yandali
lf
stanza 7 of Englyniort y Beddau
149
'swallow', set up on the basis of Irish fannall. He then analysed *gandfilias
containing a 'Pr.Celt. root *wand-' for 'wand; rod > fork'; the name of the
bird is accordingly thought to mean 'little fork', deriving from the swallow's
conspicuous tail. Lockwood's proposal, however, suffers from several weaknesses. Gwennol cannot directly continue *gindZli, because the *i would
not have been lowered by final a-affection (see above); *gindGli would
have resulted in W +gwynnol.At most, it could be assumed that speakers of
British Celtic created a folk etymology by crossing the reflex of *gandala
with the feminine adjective gwen 'white' after the operation of final a-affection. The ancestor of fannall cannot have contained f i in the second syllable,
as already demonstrated above. Germ. *wand-,which Lockwood cites as a
parallel for an identical Proto-Celtic root, reflects the o-grade of the verThis, of course,
bal root *wend- 'to wind, plait, twist, turn' < PIE *@endh.
should surface as tgond- in Celtic.While it is true that in Gaulish and British
*go would have become *@ain a subsequent development (Schrijver 1995,
116-130), nothing of that sort happened in Irish; the OIr word for 'swallow'
should therefore surface as tfonnall. Lockwood provides no explanation for
the unusual suffix *-fiIh.Finally, the semantic leap from 'to wind' to 'fork'
is a rather large one and, although he manages to adduce a semantic parallel from Russian (vila 'fork' beside vit' 'to wind, turn, plait'), there is no
parallel for the use of a nominal derivative of *gendhin the meaning 'fork'.
Lockwood's attempt to trace the etymology must therefore be regarded as
unsuccessful.
On the basis of the British forms, MatasoviE (2009,391-2) sets up ProtoCeltic *wesnlili. He derives this from the weak stem of the PIE heieroclitic
noun *gesr/n- 'spring', via the addition of a Common Celtic adjectival suffix *-do/&.The swallow is thought to be the 'spring-bird', the 'messenger
of spring'. While MatasoviE's idea is semantically very attractive, there are
several formal obstacles facing it. The vocalism of the first syllable of OIr
fannall is explained by reference to an assimilation to the * i of the following syllable (similar to Joseph's Rule8). However, as we have seen above,
the Irish word originally contained *e or *e in the second syllable;therefore
no assimilation can have taken place. Furthermore, the evidence for the
suffix *-ilo/Z - is very thin. The adjectival suffix -01 in Welsh is thought to
continue Latin -ilis, and the Irish words that he adduces in support (i.e.
mebul 'shame' and bual 'water') do not contain *-Zlh-,but rather *-lfi-.
These objections render Matasovifs proposal implausible.
The Irish and British words for 'swallow' are not the whole story. There
is another possible, but only indirectly accessible, Celtic word that could
y continues the inherited word,
.oix form [cfgynael], which fairly
3roix [ae] is the development of
According to Joseph's Rule, Proto-Celtic *CeRa was assimilated to "CnRa (Joseph 1982;
Schrijver 1995,73-93; McCone 1996.58-9).
150
DAVID STIFTER
be part of this grouping. The Gallo-Romance word for the 'lapwing' (zool.
Vanellusvanellcw),represented by French vnnneau,continues a Vulgar Latin
word *uannellus,which is not attested as such. FEW 14,157-62 contains a
full selection of dialectal variants in Gallo-Romance.
Two explanations have been suggested for *uannellus. One strategy, the
majority view in Romance lexicography (see below), is to look for an etymology internal to Latin. This was found in Lat uannus 'winnowing fan',
enlarged by the diminutive suffix -ellus. The lapwing is thought to have
been named after its characteristic wing beat, which is reminiscent of the
movement or sound of a winnowing fan in action. The pinion feathers are
called vanni in Italian and vnnneaux in dialectal French (Briich 1932,355).
A minority position favours a loan from Gaulish, on account of the formal
similarity with the Insular Celtic words, which did not go unnoticed, and
because of the geographically restricted distribution9 (VGK I, 174; Briich
1932; Meyer-Liibke 1935,9140). This view was generally rejected, although
the motivation for doing so was based on a wrong evaluation of the facts:
from OIr fannall, Common Celtic and Gaulish forms like *gannallos,*@annilos, zlel sim. were mechanically reconstructed (Diez 1887, 337; Spitzer
1934;Wagner 1954,254-5, FEW 14,161, Campanile 1974,55). These forms,
in turn, were declared to be unsuitable for explaining the Romance word
because they displayed no strict sound correspondence. However, if one
takes into consideration the fact that *e is actually needed for the second
syllable of the pre-form of fannall, and that *gaNeLi is one of the possible
reconstructions, the Celtic and Romance pre-forms emerge as identical,
notwithstanding the different gender.
While it is true that the lapwing's characteristic flap may have been a factor in imparting a meaning to the bird's name in folk etymology, this need
not have been the original motive for naming the bird: the folk etymology
could well have applied after the word entered Vulgar Latin. In this case, the
folk etymology can supply a reason for the transference of the name from
the swallow to the 1apwing.The semantic divergence between reconstructed
Gaulish *@annelli/os'swallow' and Gallo-Romance *uannellus 'lapwing' is
not a decisive obstacle. Both birds are comparatively small,1° and both birds
share a black-and-white coloration at least on a portion of their plumage.
The transference of names for animals or plants is not an uncommon phenomenon and as such does not render the explanation unlikely.
With the proviso that the word may have changed its gender in the
process of borrowing, Gaulish *~annelldoscan be set up as the source of
borrowing. This, in turn, can only continue pre-Gaulish *yaNeLdos.
According to Bruch 1932 and FEW 14,161-2, the word or~glnatedin Gallo-Romance,
from which the Italian cognates were borrowed.
lo The lapwing being rather larger than the swallow; Bruch (1932, 356) suggests that the
lapwing could have been regarded as a large swallow.
BASQU
If we try to combine the Celti
problem to be encountered CI
is to be based. If one looks at
is almost inevitable that one
that were separately borrow
cal (thus McCone 2005,409)
drawn upon, the ease with \
effortlessly combined in *@a?
a unitary Common Celtic wo
The question that then ar
of the vowels and lenition i
possible explanation is as fc
*gaNeLci in Welsh, would hat
bal stem gwan- 'to wound'. TI
is common for instruments a1
355-62), and as such, the me
able approximately as 'woun~
sidered as representing an a.
swallow. The metathesis of t
(fern.)', one of the conspicuo
may have come under press
< Lat *-ilis.ll
The alternative to this sc
perhaps similar to the Britisl
Vulgar Latin *uannellus (of
sons: if the Vulgar Latin wo:
been no discernible reason fc
More importantly, however, t
main sources of Hibernian 1
variant. It is unwise, therefor1
did not exist.
Thus, the Celtic evidence,
equation,favours a Common
the two fortis sonorants are sl
Indo-European, which lacks
Pre-Celtic *sn and *sl,but nc
rants in the present case. The
Indo-European that suggest5
11 The word for 'swallow' unde
languages as well: Lat htrlrndo 'sw
andorinha, Galician nndoriiifl. Spani:
randoleta, Old French aronde. Italia
rdnd~rnici(information taken from
lingwlnieregl.html(2 November 201
BASQUE AND CELTIC 'SWALLOW'
lord for the 'lapwing' (2001.
au, continues a Vulgar Latin
FEW 14,157-62 contains a
ance.
tannellus. One strategy, the
:low), is to look for an etyst uannus 'winnowing fan',
apwing is thought to have
~ h i c his reminiscent of the
Dn. The pinion feathers are
I French (Briich 1932,355).
h, on account of the formal
did not go unnoticed, and
utiong (VGK I, 174; Briich
enerally rejected, although
)ng evaluation of the facts:
lrms like *gannallos,*gund (Diez 1887, 337; Spitzer
nile 1974,55).These forms,
laining the Romance word
londence. However, if one
dly needed for the second
VeLa is one of the possible
orms emerge as identical,
c flap may have been a facfolk etymology, this need
te bird: the folk etymology
llgar Latin. In this case, the
3ference of the name from
nce between reconstructed
nce "uannellus 'lapwing' is
fely small,1° and both birds
portion of their plumage.
is not an uncommon phelation unlikely.
hanged its gender in the
be set up as the source of
aulish 4:r_taNeLii/os.
1
If we try to combine the Celtic material into a single reconstruction, the first
problem to be encountered concerns the forms on which the reconstruction
is to be based. If one looks at the Insular Celtic words alone, the conclusion
is almost inevitable that one is dealing with formally incompatible words
that were separately borrowed from external sources that are not identical (thus McCone 2005,409). However, when the Gaulish evidence is also
drawn upon, the ease with which the Irish and Gaulish words can be so
effortlessly combined in *gaNeLdos is in itself an argument for postulating
a unitary Common Celtic word for the 'swallow'.
The question that then arises is why did the word undergo metathesis
of the vowels and lenition in the second fortis sonorant in British? One
possible explanation is as follows: **gwannell, the expected outcome of
*gaNeLG in Welsh, would have looked like a derivative in -ell from the verbal stem gwan- 'to wound'. The suffix -ell is a loan from Lat -elhls/a/um and
is common for instruments and tools, and objects in general (Zimmer 2000,
355-62), and as such, the meaning of **gwannell would have been analysable approximately as 'wounding implement'. This may not have been considered as representing an appropriate image for a harmless bird like the
swallow. The metathesis of the vowels created an allusion to gwen 'white
(fern.)', one of the conspicuous colours of the bird.The new 'suffixoid' *-all
may have come under pressure from the productive adjectival suffix *-iil
< Lat *-rilis.ll
The alternative to this scenario is that a hypothetical Irish pre-form,
perhaps similar to the British form, was remodelled under influence from
Vulgar Latin *uannellus (of whatever origin). This is unlikely for two reasons: if the Vulgar Latin word already meant 'lapwing' there would have
been no discernible reason for it to exert influence on a word for 'swallow'.
More importantly, however, the word *uannellus does not appear in the two
main sources of Hibernian Latin, i.e. the classical language and its British
variant. It is unwise, therefore, to posit influence from a form that probably
did not exist.
Thus, the Celtic evidence, if we admit the Gallo-Romance word to the
equation,favours a Common Celtic reconstruction *r_caNeLii/os.Structurally,
the two fortis sonorants are striking.These cannot have been inherited from
Indo-European, which lacks those sounds. CC *Nand * L usually continue
Pre-Celtic *sn and *sl,but neither of these is a likely source of fortis sonorants in the present case. There is no etymological analysis within Celtic or
Indo-European that suggests itself for *gaNeLdos or, for that matter, for
"
d originated in Gallo-Romance,
ch (1932,356) suggests that the
The word for 'swallow' underwent irregular, unpredictable transformations in other
languages as well: Lat l1irund8 'swallow' is reflected by such diverse forms as Portuguese
arzdorinha,Galician andoriiia. Spanish arandela. golorzdrina,Catalan oreneta, ororzella, Occitan
randoleta, Old French aronde. Italian rorzdirle. Ladin rorzdola, Romansh randulirla, Romanian
rrindtrrticci (information taken from Grzegor Jagodzinski's website: http:llgrzegoj.private.pl/
lingwlnieregl.html (2 November 2010)).
152
DAVID STIFTER
*gasnesldos. There remain only two alternatives: either the word is a lexical creation of Common Celtic age, or it is a loan from another language,
non-IE in all likelihood. In what follows, I will investigate the second of
these alternatives.
From the foregoing discussion it will have become apparent that neither
*gaNeLdos nor *geNaLdos as loans from some other language can add
anything to the understanding of the somewhat complicated development
of *ann or *enn in Celtic. It has been observed by Schrijver (1995,39 and
455-6) and McCone (1996,46) that Proto-Celtic *a and *e had different
reflexes before *nn < *sn and before *nC or *nn < *ndn. While in the latter
contexts the vowels were raised to *re and *L,no raising occurred before
earlier *sn. Neither *gaNeLdos nor *geNaLdos shows raising, but this is
irrelevant to the question at hand. What is important is that the borrowing
occurred after the Celtic change *sn > *nn had taken place, and that the
borrowed sequence *ann (or *em) was associated with the reflex of earlier
*asn (*em).
The Basque dialects display a wide range of variant words for the 'swallow',
the standard variants of which are enara and ainhara.12Most of these can be
traced to two Pre-Basque variants *eNaldeLana (Michelena 1961,326) or
*aiNaldaiLana, with the diphthong ai instead of e in initial position (thus
Trask 1997, 139).13With the application of a number of Basque sound laws,
the basic dialectal variants can be derived from these without difficulty.I4
The pair *eNaldeLana (or *aiNaldaiLana) is highly unusual, in that
it shows metathesis of both consonants and their articulatory quality, viz.
Both are used as headwords in Trask 2008. Trask cites the following attested dialectal
forms (B = Bizkaian, G = Gipuzkoan, HN = High Navarrese,A = Aezkoan, S = Salazarese, R =
Roncalese, L = Lapurdian, LN = Low Navarrese, Z = Zuberoan; Sout = the extinct and poorly
attested Southern dialect of A1ava):'enara (B Sout G HN [LJ)(1562), enada (B G HN L [S.P.])
(1660), enere (HN), ainhara (L Z) (1859), einhara (L), ainhera (LN), inhara (L LN) (1657),
aiihn(r)a (Z), aiihe'(r)a (Z), aii(h)era (LN), inhade (L), ernara (B), inara (HN), iiinra (HN),
iiiare ((HNJA), iiiar (R S), aiiiari (S), aiiinra (LN), aiiari (R [S]),nliiari (R), kiiiuri (S), kinuri
(S), maiiari (R), enabera (B HN), egabera (B HN), egabela (B HN); elae (old B) (1596), elai (B)
(1745, ca. 1808),alae (B), nlai (B G) n. 'swallow' (zool.) (Hirundo rustica) (in R and elsewhere,
'swift' (zool.) (Apus apus))' (2008,170).
l3 I am in no position to judge whether the forms with 'e- or those with *ai- account better
for the diverse Basque forms;Trask does not elaborate on this point.
l4 Rule 1: Pre-Basque lenis *n is lost between two vowels (Trask 1997,13940; 2008,25).
Rule 22: Lenis "1 between vowels becomes r (Trask 1997,1424; 2008,29).
Rule 23: The contrast between lenis and fortis L/L and n/N thus having been eradicated in
the language, as a consequence fortis *Nand *L merged with simple, lenis n and 1 that had
survived in non-intervocalic position (Trask 1997,139 and 143; 2008,29).
Rule 30: In some dialects, *n after *i is automatically palatalised to ii (Trask 1997, 146;
2008,30).
Rule 35.4: Two as having come into contact after the loss of *n developed into *ae (Trask
2008.31).
With the addition of a few sporadic, irregular, but trivial secondary remodellings, most
forms can be explained in this manner.
l2
BAS
fortis or lenis articulation
phonemic system of Pre-I
behaviour of the 'swallo~
nected with the first and tt
spective of which sound is
at an even earlier period 1
c. 2000 years ago there o
rants occupied both posit
and that this was then lost
The only other trisyllab
secutive syllables I could 1
word's relationship to PIE
suggestive, but the conjec
tic structure may be iconit
(C)VC,+forqVC[+for,lVis
for this observation is ad1
gether rare (see Trask 20C
however, the structure (C
fact that we find this doub
word originally possessed
phonological system of PI
gest a loan from another 1:
rial that would allow a n
within Basque, although ir
like Basque this argumenl
As originally pointed out t
low' are so conspicuously
some sort of connection b
1. the similarities are
2. a loan from Basque
3. a loan from a Celti
4. a loan from a third
5. a loan from a third
Celtic, or with inve
Scenario 1, chance similar
table items are relatively I
ther CC *gaNeLdos nor
imitative of the swallow's (
Scenario 2, according to v
and scenario 5 are excluc
(Trask 1997,155); nor are
BASQUE AND CELTIC 'SWALLOW'
s: either the word is a lexian from another language,
investigate the second of
:ome apparent that neither
ie other language can add
complicated development
by Schrijver (1995,39 and
ic *a and *e had different
< *ndn. While in the latter
10 raising occurred before
s shows raising, but this is
rtant is that the borrowing
taken place, and that the
:d with the reflex of earlier
int words for the 'swallow',
ara.12Most of these can be
r (Michelena 1961,326) or
f e in initial position (thus
ber of Basque sound laws,
hese without difficulty.14
is highly unusual, in that
ir articulatory quality, viz.
the following attested dialectal
i = Aezkoan, S = Salazarese,R =
an; Sout = the extinct and poorly
1 (1562), enada (B G HN L (S.P.])
:ra (LN), inhara (L LN) (1657),
ra (B), inara (HN), iiiara (HN),
S)), aliiari (R), kiiiuri (S), kinuri
HN); elae (old B) (1596), elai (B)
zdo rusrica) (in R and elsewhere,
or those with "ai- account better
s point.
thus having been eradicated in
th simple, lenis n and 1 that had
; 2008,29).
llatalised to ri (Trask 1997,146;
I
of
*n
developed into *ae (Trask
1 secondary remodellings, most
153
fortis or lenis articulation, a binary opposition that is fundamental to the
phonemic system of Pre-Basque (Trask 1997,126;2008,14). From the odd
behaviour of the 'swallow'-word, whereby the fortis articulation is connected with the first and the lenis articulation with the second position, irrespective of which sound is involved, it may not seem rash to speculate that
at an even earlier period than the reconstructable Pre-Basque language of
c. 2000 years ago there originally obtained a situation where fortis sonorants occupied both positions, i.e. **eNaLa/eLaNa or **aiNaLd*aiLaNa,
and that this was then lost by dissimilation in the second slot.
The only other trisyllabic Basque word with two fortis sonorants in consecutive syllables I could find is arrano 'eagle' < Pre-Basque *aRaNo. This
word's relationship to PIE *h2eron-'eagle' (Hitt. hiran-, PGerm. *aran-) is
suggestive, but the conjecture is not provable. The exceptional phonotactic structure may be iconic in the name of this majestic bird. The structure
(C)VC~+EortIVC~+fort,V
is not found in trisyllabic stems, although the basis
for this observation is admittedly very slim, and trisyllabic stems are altogether rare (see Trask 2008,18,391-5 and 398-9). Among disyllabic stems,
is not uncommon. I regard the
however, the structure (C)VC~+fortlVC~+EortI
fact that we find this double metathesis in'swallow' as an indication that the
word originally possessed a structure that was unusual or ill-suited for the
phonological system of Pre-Basque. As in Celtic, structural anomalies suggest a loan from another language. Furthermore, there is no linguistic material that would allow a morphological-etymological analysis of the word
within Basque, although in the case of an isolated and late attested language
like Basque this argument does not carry much weight.
EVALUATION
As originally pointed out by McCone,the Celtic and Basque words for 'swallow' are so conspicuously similar that one is almost compelled to consider
some sort of connection between them. Six scenarios are conceivable:
1. the similarities are due to chance or onomatopoeia;
2. a loan from Basque into Celtic;
3. a loan from a Celtic language into Basque;
4. a loan from a third language into both Basque and Celtic; and
5. a loan from a third language into Basque and then from Basque into
Celtic, or with inverted roles for Celtic and Basque = 6.
Scenario 1, chance similarity or onomatopoeia, is ruled out: the reconstructable items are relatively complex and contain marked phonemes; and neither CC *gaNeLdos nor Pre-Basque *eNaldeLana or *aiNaldaiLana are
imitative of the swallow's call or otherwise suggestive of an iconic formation.
Scenario 2, according to which the word would have originated in Basque,
and scenario 5 are excluded because Pre-Basque had no bilabial glide *g
(Trask 1997,155);nor are there any indications that it ever possessed that
154
DAVID STIFTER
sound even in its more remote prehistory. In items like *haur 'child'. *la~lr
'four' or *euri 'rain', the second element of the diphthong is phonologically an allophone of the vowel rr, not the positionally restricted occurrence
of a phoneme *g.The presence of the initial *g in the Celtic words would
be entirely inexplicable under this scenario. Moreoever, as argued above,
the unusual metathesis in the allomorphs of the Basque word points to a
loan from another source into Basque. Scenario 3, whereby the word would
have originated in Celtic, is excluded because no reasonable Celtic etymology can be established; that is to say, no etymology that would explain the
word by means of inherited Indo-European andlor newly acquired lexical
and derivational morphemes. Scenario 6 cannot be wholly excluded, but
requires additional assumptions: since in that case *gaNeLgos would have
been the input form, the initial *u would have been replaced in Basque by
zero (see below for further discussion) and the order and the quality of the
reconstructed vowels would have been heavily altered, in order to arrive
at Pre-Basque *eNala/eLana or *aiNaldaiLana. Finally, there remains
scenario 4. This scenario means hedging one's bets, because methodically
speaking it cannot be falsified.Any irregular correspondence in the attested
forms can be projected onto hypothetical, but undisprovable, properties of
the unattested source language. Critical as this may sound, it is nevertheless
the strategy adopted here, because an internal explanation could not be
found for Celtic in the first place, and an external explanation seems probable for Basque.
Most of what can be said about the properties of the proto-form has
already been touched upon in the preceding sections: the word contained a
fortis *Nand quite probably a fortis *L,or, alternatively, geminate *nn and
*ll.The syllable structure is simply *CV, without consonant clusters. Initially,
the word contained a single initial *g. It must have been borrowed into
Basque so early that either Basque lost the initial consonant before its earliest recoverable stages (cp.Trask 1997,180-3), or the sound was replaced by
zero, not by *b as in the case of loans from the Roman period or later (L3.1.
in Trask 2008,52). The vowels are elusive. The word apparently contained
the central vowel *a and another vowel with a front feature, but the order
of these is unrecoverable. Basque (and perhaps British) supports the order
*e/ai...a, whereas Irish and Gallo-Latin support *a...e.It is possible that the
word ended in *a, or at least in a vowel. The attested forms do not point to
a length opposition between the vowels (the *ri of the British forms may
be due to analogy, as argued above; the final *a of the Insular Celtic words
is, of course, morphologically conditioned). Provisionally, the following
reconstructions can be set up: *gai/eNaLa or *gaNai/eLa.It would involve
too much speculation to reconstruct *gaiNaiLa with dissimilatory adaptations of the vowels in the individual languages. There remains the task of
putting the reconstruction into a wider context.
Schrijver (1997) identified a number of words in Western European
languages which, by virtue of irregular sound correspondences and of
unusual morphophonemic behaviour, he derived from a common, unknown
BAC
substratum language soml
features of primary imp01
1. A sound, provisior
rendered by the sc
2. An optional deter]
gered reduction of
Because a significant sub$
birds, in a later publicatic
the bird names' (Schrijvei
this semantic field, it seen
tion can also be referred
assumption, the following
While the second feat^
ablaut-like phenomenon
present item, it is remark
involving *ai (possibly in
Avd *aa is treated in IE I
ence between the word f
gested that Avd *'aa was
(1997,3054). This implie
of the words identified 1
when Proto-Irish and PP
foregoing discussion, how
'swallow' was already b o ~
a loan from Avidic, it fol
loans from the Avidic sub
with different treatments
On the basis of his et!
alien to the early IE lanl
313).16 For the item und~
vance; the possible releva
*g, the initial sound of tl
permitted at least in WOI
ling,jackdaw', *glaaw 'c10
exhibit a particular prefe
one item, *s(V)mmaar'ell
Schrijver's Avidic lexeme:
are reminiscent of the ph(
*spraaw 'starling, jackdatain m, e.g. **s(V)mmaar
15 In order to avoid the cumk
abbreviated 'Avd'.
l6 Incidentally, the presence
interest regarding a possible sul
BASQUE AND CELTIC 'SWALLOW'
like *haur 'child', *laur
iiphthong is phonologilly restricted occurrence
the Celtic words would
oever, as argued above,
iasque word points to a
irhereby the word would
:asonable Celtic etymoi that would explain the
r newly acquired lexical
)e wholly excluded, but
"aNeLdos would have
1 replaced in Basque by
:r and the quality of the
ered, in order to arrive
Finally, there remains
3, because methodically
~ondencein the attested
sprovable, properties of
sound, it is nevertheless
planation could not be
xplanation seems probof the proto-form has
1s: the word contained a
ively, geminate *nn and
sonant clusters. Initially,
ve been borrowed into
nsonant before its earli: sound was replaced by
In period or later (L3.1.
d apparently contained
t feature, but the order
:ish) supports the order
.e. It is possible that the
d forms do not point to
the British forms may
he Insular Celtic words
sionally, the following
tilela. It would involve
h dissimilatory adapta:re remains the task of
in Western European
lrrespondences and of
m a common, unknown
155
substratum language somewhere in the West of Europe. He highlighted two
features of primary importance for this substratum:
1. A sound, provisionally reconstructed as [aa], that could be variously
rendered by the sounds *a or *ai in loans from this language.
2. An optional determinative (?) prefix *a-,the addition of which triggered reduction of the vocalism in the following word.
Because a significant subgroup of the words identified by Schrijver denotes
birds, in a later publication he labelled this linguistic stratum 'language of
the bird names' (Schrijver 2001, 419).15Given that the 'swallow' belongs to
this semantic field, it seems obvious to ask whether the present reconstruction can also be referred to Schrijver's 'Avidic' language. If we adopt this
assumption, the following observations can be made:
While the second feature of Avidic, the prefix *a- and the concomitant
ablaut-like phenomenon (Schrijver 1997, 313), is of no relevance to the
present item, it is remarkable that there may be some kind of allophony
involving *ai (possibly in Basque) and *a, which is reminiscent of the way
Avd *aa is treated in IE languages. There is, however, an important difference between the word for 'swallow' and Schrijver's items. Schrijver suggested that Avd *aa was borrowed into British as *a, but into Irish as *ai
(1997,305-6). This implies that borrowing into the Insular Celtic languages
of the words identified by Schrijver took place at a relatively late date,
when Proto-Irish and Proto-British were clearly separate languages. The
foregoing discussion, however, amounts to the hypothesis that the word for
'swallow' was already borrowed into Common Celtic. If 'swallow' is indeed
a loan from Avidic, it follows that there must have been several waves of
loans from the Avidic substratum into Celtic languages at different periods,
with different treatments of the foreign phoneme *a?.
On the basis of his etymologies, Schrijver identified three Avd sounds
alien to the early IE languages of Western Europe: *aa, * x , and *6 (1997,
313).16 For the item under discussion here, the latter two are of no relevance; the possible relevance of the first sound has already been discussed.
*ZJ,the initial sound of the 'swallow'-word, features in Avidic as a sound
permitted at least in word-internal or word-final position (*spraaw 'starling,jackdaw', *glaaw 'clover').The words reconstructed by Schrijver do not
exhibit a particular preference for fortislgeminate sonorants, even though
one item, *s(V)mmnar 'clover', has to be reconstructed with *mm.Many of
Schrijver's Avidic lexemes begin with quite complex consonant clusters that
are reminiscent of the phonotactics of Indo-European, e.g. *kraaxar'heron',
*spraaw 'starling, jackdaw', *glum 'clover'; some of the reconstructions contain m , e.g. **s(V)mmaar 'clover' and *mesal-/a-nt(V)sl-'blackbird'. Since
l5 In order to avoid the cumbersome original name, this language is hereafter called 'Avidic',
abbreviated 'Avd'.
l6 Incidentally. the presence of two fricatives in a lost language of Western Europe is of
interest regarding a possible substratum origin of lenition in Celtic languages.
156
DAVID STIFTER
no historic variant of Basque permitted initial consonant clusters, and since
pre-Basque lacked the sound *m,Avidic cannot be Pre-Basque.
In conclusion, it can be said that the Basque and Celtic words for 'swallow' (including perhaps the Gaulish word implied by the Gallo-Romance
word for 'lapwing') are etymologically connected by being ultimately borrowed from a provisionally reconstructed *gai/eNaLa or *gaNai/eLa 'swallow'. The most that can be said is that the word probably belonged to an
otherwise unknown substratum language in Western Europe. This third
language is 'invisible', in the sense that it has come down to us neither as a
living language, nor as a corpus language, not even in fragmentarily attested
form. There is not even a reference to it by ancient authors, or at least none
that we can identify. And yet this invisible language has left faint traces. If
the reconstructions are not mere phantoms, these traces can be found in
occasional loan words, loans into better attested European languages that
sometimes stand out because of some phonological or morphological quirk.
Everything beyond this general characterisation becomes very speculative.
In principle, there is no formal obstacle to referring the present etymon
to Schrijver's 'language of the bird names', a hypothetical substratum language in Western Europe of the type mentioned above; although there is no
compelling positive evidence for doing so either. Perhaps we will be able
to make more progress on this question in the future, when more items are
identified.
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