Laal: an isolate language?

Laal: an isolate language?
Florian LIONNET
FForum, UC Berkeley
1
24 Nov. 2010
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
 Laal is spoken in Southern Chad by ca. 700
people (750 as of 2000 according to the
Ethnologue)
 Work done on Laal:
 Boyeldieu 1973/1975 (+publications)
 My own fieldwork (May/April 2010)
2
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
Laal is as yet unclassified
Boyeldieu (1982b):
“Its classification remains problematic; while it shows
certain common lexical, and no doubt morphological,
traits with the Bua languages (Adamawa-13, NigerCongo family of Joseph H. Greenberg), it differs from
them radically in many ways of which some, a priori, are
reminiscent
of
geographically
nearby
Chadic
languages.”
3
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
Blench (2003):
“Its vocabulary and morphology seem to be partly
drawn from Chadic (i.e. Afro-Asiatic), partly
from Adamawa (i.e. Niger-Congo) and partly
from an unknown source, perhaps its original
phylum, a now-vanished grouping from Central
Africa.”
4
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
Dimmendaal (2008:847):
“The expansion of the Niger- Congo family
presumably is related to both […] technological as
well as climatological changes. Linguistic isolates
like Banga Me [sic], Dompo, Jalaa, Laal and Mpra,
but also larger units like Songhai and Mande
constitute remnants of an earlier diversity that
must have characterized West Africa, as well as
other parts of the continent.”
5
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
Laal is said to have:
 Bua (Adamawa, NC) characteristics
 Chadic (AA) characteristics
 Characteristics apparently unrelated to any
other neighbouring language or language family.
6
Laal: an isolate language?
INTRODUCTION
PLAN:
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Presentation of typological characteristics of Laal
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Phonology
Lexicon
Nominal system
Pronominal system
Verbal system
Different “layers” will be identified in the course of the
presentation.
7
Laal: an isolate language?
PART A
The Laal speakers
and their environment
8
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
The Laal speakers and their environment
Two villages on the banks of the Chari River, Southern
Chad, 140km NW of Sarh, ca. 500km SE of N’Djamena:
 Gori (lá in Laal)
 Damtar (ɓuāl in Laal),
9
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
The Laal speakers and their environment
Map 1. The villages of Gori and Damtar (from Boyeldieu 1982a)
10
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
The Laal speakers and their environment
 The people and their language are called “Gori” (Baguirmi name of
the main village) by everyone else, including the administration.
 No autonym:when they refer to themselves as
 muǎŋ lá (people from Gori) and
 muǎŋ ɓuāl (people from Damtar)
 The name they give to their language, yə̀w láàl, is itself derived from
the name of the main village (yə̀w =language; lá = Gori; -al
=nominal suffix used to derive language names)
 The Gori are not hunter gatherers. Farming and fishing are the basis
of their economy, like their neighbours (in particular the Niellim).
Like the Niellim, they used to be cattle herders, but lost their cattle
at the end of the 19th century.
11
Laal: an isolate language?
Laal and the neighbouring languages
The Gori speak at least three languages:
A.
12
language
who?
ancient or
recent?
notes
Lua
(Bua, Adamawa)
all
ancient
strong cultural assimilation
Bua
(Bua, Adamawa)
all
ancient
Ndam
(Chadic)
many
ancient (?)
Baguirmi
(SBB)
all
recent
Chadian Arabic
men
recent
More common in Damtar (more direct
contact with the Ndam of Dik and of
Kouno)
tributary to the Baguirmi kingdom via the
Bua: 16/17th(?)-early 20th century
trade language, communication with
Arabs, Fula, and Chadian people from
outside the region
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
13
Laal and the neighbouring languages
Map 2. Laal and neighbouring languages
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
Laal and the neighbouring languages
Problem: neighbouring languages are not well documented
In particular, virtually nothing on:
 Bua languagesː
 Bua
 Chadic languages (East, A)ː
 Ndam
 Miltu
 Boor
14
Laal: an isolate language?
A.
Laal and the neighbouring languages
Comparisons are possible with:
- Bua languages:
- Lua (Boyeldieu 1985a)
- Tun (Palayer)
- Kulaal (Pairault 1969)
- Chadic languages:
- East Chadic: Tumak
2003)
(Caprile 1976),
Kera (Ebert 1976, 1979, Pearce
- Central Chadic: Musgu group (Meyer-Bahlburg 1972, Tourneux
1978)
- West Chadic: Ron group (Jungraithmayr 1966)
15
Laal: an isolate language?
PART B
Typological characteristics
and tentative comparisons
16
Laal: an isolate language?
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Typological characteristics & comparisons
1. Phonology
2.
3.
4.
5.
17
Lexicon
Nominal system
Pronominal system
Verbal system
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
CONSONANTS:
Nothing unexpected in the area, except implosive /ʄ/
Bilabial
Alveolar Palatal
Velar
Glottal
Voiceless pl.
p
t
c
k
ʔ
Voiced pl.
b
d
j
Prenazalised pl.
mb
nd
nj [ɲɟ]
Implosive
ɓ
ɗ
ƴ [ʄ]
Nasal
m
n
ɲ
Trill/flap
r
Fricative
s
Approximant
18
w
l
[ɟ]
g
ng
ŋ
h
y
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
Boyeldieu (1982b): /ʄ/ might be a Chadic feature:
19

Bua languages do not have /ʄ/

Some Chadic languages of the region do:

East Chadic-A: Sibine/Somray (Ndam: no data. Tumak: no /ʄ/)

East Chadic-B: Dangaleat, Migama (geographically far,
genetically far from Chadic East-A)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
Words with /ʄ/ in Laal are rare (8 roots):
 ƴá~ʔiá (pl. ʔí)
 ƴúːrí ~ʔǘːrí
 ƴúg
 ƴórmón
 ƴàwàr
 ƴàwlàl
 ƴágár
 ƴuág
20
„to receive/take‟
„be tired‟ (and ƴùryíl ~ʔǘryíl „exhaustion‟)
„to stutter‟ (and ƴúgúl „stutter(N)‟)
„Cassia sp.‟
„his maternal aunt‟
„her nephew (maternal aunt‟s)‟
„very, much, a lot‟
„to cough‟ (ƴuágál „cough (N)‟)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
No correspondence found so far with East Chadic languages (with or
without /ʄ/)



21
Difficult to analyze it as a Chadic feature
Only attested in words that have no correspondent in any other
language group of the region, East Chadic or Adamawa (Bua
group, Day).
 Inherited from different substrate? Or developed internally?
(from /ʔ/+vowel sequences?)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
VOWELS
Nothing exceptional in the area, exc. front rounded vowels (ü, üo, üa):
Initial syllable:
high
mid
low
front
[-rd]
[+rd]
i
ü [y]
e
üo [ɥo]
i̯a (~ɛ)
üa [ɥa]
(<mid-low+low)
(Boyeldieu‟s (1982) transcription conventions)
22
central
ɨ
ǝ
a
back
u
o
u̯a (~ɔ)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
VOWELS
Nothing exceptional in the area, exc. front rounded vowels (ü, üo, üa):
Non-initial syllable:
high
mid
low
[-rd]
i
e
--
front
[+rd]
----
(<mid-low+low)
(Boyeldieu‟s (1982) transcription conventions)
23
central
ɨ
ǝ
a
back
u
o
u̯a (~ɔ)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
Front rounded vowels (ü, üo, üa) are rare in Laal
24

/üo/ and /üa/ = result of umlaut (vowel rounding harmony: more
on this later, cf. pronominal system)  can be considered
allophones of /e/ and /ia/ respectively (more on that later)

/ü/ =never result of umlaut in synchrony, but might have been
historicallyː

one case of fossilized umlaut: miālāg „be red (sg)‟, mǜlùg „be
red (pl)‟

/ü/ never occurs in non-initial syllables (like other front
rounded vowels)
Laal: an isolate language?
1. Phonology
Front rounded vowels are not attested in Bua languages
They are attested in a number of Central Chadic languages, and could
be a Chadic element in Laal.
(see the analysis of pronominal suffixes on nouns and verbs below for
more details).
25
Laal: an isolate language?
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Typological characteristics & comparisons
1.
Phonology
2. Lexicon
3.
4.
5.
26
Nominal system
Pronominal system
Verbal system
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Not taken into account here: recent borrowings, mainly
from:



27
Baguirmi (ca. 7% of total lexicon?),
Chadian Arabic (via Baguirmi?)
French (rare)
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Few Chadic roots (Boyeldieu 1982b)
Proto-Chadic:
Laal
N&M 1966
[B&J 1993]
28
Tumak
Kera
(Caprile 1975)
(Ebert 1976)
20 *m-tmé / míwì
[*mwt]
23 *ssɨ ̄r
[*s2y / wʔ / h]
33 *w-tkū / kùgá
[*(w)kw]
39 *( )k-rkògòr/ kuāgrā
„to die‟
mā
mé
„to drink‟
hè (s>h)
sé
45 *k[*wk]
45 *k[*wk]
54-55 *k-r-m/
*F-r-m
94 *(k-)s-m
[*zm]
112 *k-(r)p-
gòː / guāːmī
„goat‟
guāːl / góː
„he-goat‟
rúːm
„knee‟
sāːm / sóːmó
„skin‟
gíːbí
„to turn over‟
Migama
(Jungraithmayr &
Adams 1992)
máató
„fire‟
kuu „burn‟
„rooster‟
gòglókí
kókkór
gùugúr „chicken‟
gə̀wí
hūm (s>h)
ʔókkò
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
These words look different enough from their counterparts in
neighbouring Chadic languages to rule out recent borrowing.
Two hypotheses remain:
1) Old borrowing from Chadic
2) Genetic inheritance
29
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Strong resemblance to Bua languages.
In particular Lua
(20/30% of the lexicon)
30
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon

closer to Lua than to other Bua languages
LAAL
pigeon
31
LUA
TUN
KULAAL
(Boyeldieu 1985)
(Palayer 1975)
(Pairault 1969)
(lóːg / luágmí)
gùgôl (sg)
gùgóōl/gùgónī
testicle
(luāgluāg/lúlág)
hwānī/hōnī
hóːrí (pl)
moon
pè:wí
pyā᷂̰:/pi:ngɨ́
̰́
hɛ̄
fɛ̀ɛ/̀ fèè
pot
kùlá / kǔr
kūlā / kōnī
kùūːnā / kòōːrī
(shard)
kòr
kã̀ãr̀ ɔ̀ / kòòrì
take (with
fingers?)
ɓàn / ɓɨ ̀n
ɓàn
ɓǝ̄lā
mòŋ
to do, to make
ká / kí
kà
kày
pààṭ
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon

32
closer to other Bua languages than to Lua
LAAL
LUA
TUN
KULAAL
(Boyeldieu 1985)
(Palayer 1975)
(Pairault 1969)
shoulder
bāg/bə̄ːg, bə̀gí-
pyàāg/pèēg (bə́ŋrī)
bə̀gɔ̀
axe
súb / súbà
kwàːl
sɨ ̄bì
hand
tɨ ́m/tɨ ́mí
dàā:
cɛ̀ɛ ́
̀
tẽ̀/tẽmón
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon

Remotely similar to Bua forms:
pestle
LAAL
LUA
TUN
KULAAL
(Boyeldieu 1985)
(Palayer 1975)
(Pairault 1969)
tóːg / tuáːgì
túū
tūū
tʊ́ʊ́ / túú
tóːg looks like an archaic form (final consonant kept in Laal but lost in
other Bua languages)
33
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon

34
some items seem not to be found in any Bua language other than
Lua:
OTHER
ADAMAWA
LAAL
LUA
TUN
KULAAL
(Boyeldieu 1985)
(Palayer 1975)
(Pairault 1969)
elephant
ɲé/ɲuáɲá
ɲī / ɲíːgɨ̄
jèr̄
pàlá / pàlé ɲá (Day)
cereal
yàgál /
yāː~yə̀gú
yà/yə̀
làà
lɛ̀l/lààn
sesame
guānān
gə̀nì
tànà / tònè sɔ̀n (Day)
áat́ ̩ɪ ̀l /
áat́ ̩ʊ̀n
filter
ngiâː
ngyáːr
chicken
tuà:r / tò:rò
twàā:r / tòōːr
kūlày
hoe
miàn / mènú
mɨ ̀ɨ ̄nā/mìīnī
kūrāy
mortar
nguán/ngónò
ngwánī/ ngónī
dāā (Day)
téèr „to filter‟
(Day)
kōnī (Kutin)
hàlá / hàlé
kò (Zing)
fɔ́ɔĺ / fóón
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
HYPOTHESIS: Contact rather than common affiliation.



35
similarity patterns between Laal words and Bua
counterparts are complex and seem to point to a
complex history of borrowings (to different languages
at different periods)
Only 20/30% of the Laal lexicon is concerned
Proportion of items of Bua origin increases in domains
pertaining to agriculture, plants, material culture
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Boyeldieu (1982b):
Domestic
activities
Body,
physiological
functions etc.
Agriculture
Flora
common items
(+uncertain)
29
(+10)
26
(+13)
percentage
14
(+3)
21
(+11)
33%
(40%)
28%
(43%)
24%
(32%)
18%
(27%)
Total items
compared
121
141
42
74
 Shared cultural substrate and continuous contacts lead to
shared lexical items.
36
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Main lexical stock: unrelated to any known language (in particular
core vocabulary)
Ex: body parts:
37
Laal
Lua
Tun
Kulaal
head
ɓàgál/ɓɨ ̀gə́y
súl, súrí
eye
mɨ ̄lā/mɨ ́ní
jí
īī/íírī
ííl/íín
ear
sɨ ̀gál/sɨ ̀gə́y
túlā/tórī
tōy
tʋ́
mouth
yə̄wə̄l/yə̌w-
mù
nɔ̀ɔ ́
fʋ̀/fùmón
tooth
yàmál/yə̀mí
ɗə̄ŋnī
sàw̄
nèèl
breast
tàwál/tə̀wí-
máāːn
māɲ/máárī
máál/móó
belly
jīnān/jìní-
hūl/hūrī
kɔ̀n
húl/hún
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Ex: kinship terms:
38
Laal
Lua
Tun
Kulaal
mother
náː-/néː-
nàː/nə̀ːgɨ́
nàá
(máá „mum‟)
father
bàː-/bə̀ː-
bàː/bə̀ːgɨ́
bàá
tɛ́ɛ ́ (páá „dad‟)
child
càn/yɨ̄gə̄r
ɓáː/ɓíːm
ɓāá
ɓātɔ́/ ɓātɔ́m
brother
nàm-/wùm-
sister
nɨ ̀m-/wùm-
grand-father
bàːw-/bə̀ːw-
grand-mother
màːm-/mə̀ːm-
paternal aunt
ƴàw-/ƴə̀wí-
ɓìī/ ɓìīrgɨ ̄
maternal uncle
nàmy-/wūmāɲ-
kwáāː/kóybɨ̄
father-in-law
bàːw-/bə̀ːw-
mother-in-law
màːm-/mə̀ːm-
tīmá/tīmgɨ ́
nàm (pl)
kàː/kə̀ːgɨ ́
mwàāː/mòōybɨ̄
tìttí
Laal: an isolate language?
2. Lexicon
Ex: numerals:
BUA GROUP
Laal
Lua
Kulaal
Tumak
Kera
1
ɓɨ ̀dɨ ́l
ɓúdū
ʈóŋ
mə̄ən
̀
mə̀nà
2
ʔīsī
ndīdí
rɔ̀k
hɛ̄ɛ̀ (h>s)
ɓasi
3
māː
tērí
tòòs
sūùb
soope
4
ɓīsān
ɲɛ̄ní
nòrò
wə̄rī
waaɗe
5
sāb
lùní
lúɲ
ùsìɲ
wiiɗiw
6
cìcàːn
táːr
hùgì
kənəgi
7
suàr ʔīsī
(?+2)
ɓìsán ɓīsān
(4+4)
yàwjáŋ (sāb)
lòŋɡɔ̄
lú-én-ʈóŋ
(5-and-1)
lú-é-rɔ̀k
(5-and-2)
(sàkɔ́ ?)
ɗāg sūùb
(?+3)
wāwāɽ
(4+4?)
bə̀sāmə̄n
seeɗa
kɔ̀ːɽ
(màn)hòr
8
9
10 tūː
39
EAST CHADIC
twāːɲɛ̄ní
(?+4)
(bg.)
(bg.)
sàkɔ́línnòrò
(?.4)
yíppà
asə̀gə̀n
tambəla
PROTO-CHADIC
*s-r-
Laal: an isolate language?
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Typological characteristics & comparisons
1.
2.
Phonology
Lexicon
3. Nominal system
4.
5.
40
Pronominal system
Verbal system
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Threefold gender system:



masculine (human male)
feminine (human female)
neuter (non-human)
Not marked on nouns, but on nominal substitutes (pronouns) and the
“connective” particle.
41
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Subject pronouns (Boyeldieu 1982):
masc.
Sg
1
já
2
3
Pl
42
fem.
jí
ʔò
ʔà
neuter
—
—
ʔɨ ̀n
ʔàn
1ex
ʔùrú
—
1in
ʔǎŋ
—
2
ʔùn
—
3
ʔì
ʔuàn
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Connective particle (nominal qualification) (Lionnet, f.n.):
Singular:
Masc:
Plural:
nā:rā
já
lá
man
CON.S.M Gori
vs.
„the man from Gori‟
Fem:
nī:nī
jí
woman
CON.S.F Gori
lá
jìjèl
má
gùdà
chamel.
CON.S.N
be.big.S
„big chameleon‟
43
yí
lá
men
CON.P.MF
Gori
„the men from Gori‟ (Lionnet, f.n.)
vs.
„the woman from Gori‟
Neuter:
wūrā
yīnān
yí
lá
women
CON.P.MF
Gori
„the women from Gori‟ (Lionnet, f.n.)
vs.
jìjálá
yá
chamel.P CON.P.N
gùdùg
be.big.P
„big chameleons‟ (Lionnet, f.n.)
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
No other language in the area possesses such a gender system:
44

Adamawa languages do not have gender distinctions

Most Chadic languages have a masc/fem disinction, but:

no neuter

fem/masc are not restricted to humans
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Boyeldieu (1982b) mentions the existence of gender distinctions in the
pronominal system of Zande languages (Ubanguian)
Sbj pr. in Zande and Geme

singular only
(source: R.Boyd
in Segerer 2002-2007)
Zande
Geme
1
mɩ̀
mì
2
mò
mɔ̀
3 masc
kō
kō
fem
rɩ̄
àlé
animate
ʊ̀
inanimate
(ní= OBJ)
indefinite
nɩ̄
logophoric
ʊ̀

45
sí
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
CONCLUSION: the gender system of Laal is one of the
features that most strongly support the isolate
hypothesis:


it has no equivalent in any other language with which it shares
other features (Chadic, Adamawa)
it is an isolated feature in this part of Africa
Two hypotheses
1) Laal inherited its gender system from an unknown
substrate
2) The gender system developed internally from a former
system (although it is unlikely to have derived from Chadic
masc/fem distinction)
46
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Number marking: complex, similar to Bua languages.
Three ways to mark sg/pl distinction (excluding cases
where only sg is attested, and cases where sg=pl)
1) stem suppletion (rare)
 mɨ ́ná/wúrá „thing‟
 nīːnī/yīnān „woman‟
47
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
2) different inflectional suffixes (for sg and/or pl) +
umlaut of non-high vowels of the root (raising or
lowering)
 súb/súbá „axe‟
 jīŋā/jìŋú „fish sp.‟
 wə̂ːl/wáːlà „spur-winged goose‟ (V lowering)
 diàg/dègú „melon sp.‟ (V raising)
3) Umlaut only (presumably former suffix dropped)
 màw/mə́w „scorpion‟
 kuáːrì/kóːrì „monkey‟
48
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Very similar to Lua and other Bua languages.
Boyeldieu (1980, 1983, 1985a, 1986a) about Lua, Tun and Kulaal:

Number marking suffixes = remains of noun class suffixes

umlaut = secondary feature triggered by suffix (remains as the
only mark when suffix drops)
+ reconstruction of the proto-Bua class suffix pairings, and conclusive
comparison with Tula (Adamawa, Nigeria).
49
Laal: an isolate language?
NB.
OF N
SUFFIX ALTERNATION UMLAUT
RECONSTRUCTED SUFFIX
ALTERNATION ( ?)
NB.
OF N
11
a/u
Rais
26
∅/u ?
Rais
*A/*U
37
3
a/o
Rais
*A/*O
(=*A/*U?)
21
∅/o ?
Rais
24
3
a/i
Rais
22
∅/i ?
Rais
*A/*I
25
1
o/a
Low
*O/*A
(*U/*A?)
24
∅/a ?
Low
25
12
al/∅
*AL/∅ (singulative)
12
6
∅/aɲ
Low
6
∅/ɲa
Low
*XXX/ƝA
12
5
l/r
Rais
*L/*R
5
4
∅/ma
Rais
*XXX/MA
4
4
∅/mi
Low
*XXX/MI
4
4
∅/ri
Low
*XXX/RI
4
3
∅/ga
Rais
*XXX/GA
(fluids)
3
2
l/n
*L/*N
2
PROTO-BUA
*A/*I
*L/*R (*L/*RI)
*XXX/*M (*BV) ?
*L/*RI?
or: *M/*(M)RI ?
*L/*N
*U/I
50
*XXX*/*KI
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
NB: Boyeldieu (1982b): Laal has old Bua morphology, still
attested in Kulaal: suffix –(a)l (one or several suffixes?)
 singulative –al attested in Kulaal (rare, archaic)



suffix -(a)l deriving language names:



Laal:
lá (Gori)
Kulaal: kùláá „(Goula) person‟
 láàl (Gori language, Laal)
 kùláál (Kulaal)
suffix –(a)l nominalizing verbsː




51
máál/móó „corner, breast‟
nál/nó
nèèl/nèè
Laal:
ƴuág „to cough‟
Kulaal: úíí „to die‟
Lua:
sì „(he…) goes‟
 ƴuágál „cough‟
 ùààl „death‟
 sāáːl „going‟
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Plurals in –a: a Chadic feature? (Boyeldieu 1982b)
Hypothesis: suffix –a (+ infixation of –a–):



bīːr/bīːrā „stone‟
mòl/muālā „millet sp.‟
ngə́j/ngájá „cotton basket‟
Cf. Ron languages (West Chadic, Jungraithmayr 1966)ː
“internal –a- plurals” = -a- is inserted within noun
root, most of the time added to the root vowel.



52
diir/diyár „eye‟
sakúr/sakwâr „leg‟
bɔr/bwár „home‟
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
RON
i+a>ya
LAAL
sg
pl
diir
diyár „eye‟
pl
-i-+-a
> -i-+-a
bīːr
bīːrā
-ɨ-+-a
> -ɨ-+-a
nɨ ̄mɨ ̄n
nɨ ̄mnā
„stone‟
High Vs
do not
„salt‟
change
„axe‟ (1 exception)
„mud‟
u+a>wa
sakúr
sakwâr „leg‟
-u-+-a
(1 exc.
> -u-+-a
> -ua-+-a)
súb
lúgór
súbá
luágrá
e+a>ya
matél
matyâl hen‟ -e-+-a
>-(i)a-+-a
jìjèl
jìjálà „chameleon‟
-ə-+-a
> -a-+-a
wə̂ːl
wáːlà
-o-+-a
> -ua-+-a
kògòr
kuàgrà „rooster‟
miàl
miālā
o+a>wa
hói
hwǎi „head‟
-ia-+-a > -ia-+-a
53
sg
ɔ+a>wa
bɔr
bwár „home‟ --
a+a>aa
hái
háayi „head‟
--
„bird sp.‟
mid Vs
are lowered
„shadow‟
low Vs
do not
change
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
RON
LAAL
All Vs change (and a+a = aa)
Only mid-Vs change
ya and wa are not one V, but two Vs:
ia and ua are diphthongized vowels:
ya < i/e+a
ia < ɛ
wa < u/o/ɔ +a
ua <ɔ
conclusionː -A- INSERTION
conclusionː UMLAUT
Conclusion: No internal -a- plural in Laal.
54
Laal: an isolate language?
3. Nominal system
Hypotheses:
 Pairings similar to proto-Bua = borrowings (mainly
from Lua)
 Other pairings (including plurals in –a):
EITHER old borrowings from Bua (morphology not
attested anymore in Lua, Tun and Kulaal)
OR purely Laal morphology (inherited from substrate)
OR Niger-Congo morphology corresponding to former
noun class suffixes, not borrowed from Bua.





55
inherited from Niger-Congo ancestor
or borrowed from other (pre-Bua?) Niger-Congo languages
not attested anymore.
Laal: an isolate language?
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Typological characteristics & comparisons
1.
2.
3.
Phonology
Lexicon
Nominal system
4. Pronominal system
5.
56
Verbal system
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Subject pronouns (Boyeldieu 1982):
Remarkable features:
masc fem.

masc/fem distinction for 1S
and not 2S (different from Chadic)

masc/fem/nt distinction for 3S
(not Chadic, not NC, but similar to Zande)

57
reduction to masc+fem/nt for 3S
Sg 1
já
2
3
jí
ʔò
ʔà
neuter
—
—
ʔɨ ̀n
ʔàn
Pl 1ex
ʔùrú
—
1in
ʔǎŋ
—
2
ʔùn
—
3
ʔì
ʔuàn
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Laal subject pronouns compared with Bua languages:
58
LAAL
1S m já
1S f
jí
2S
ʔò
3S m ʔà
3S f
ʔɨ ̀n
3S n ʔàn
1P ex ʔùrú
1P in ʔǎŋ
2P
ʔùn
3P mf ʔì
3P n ʔuàn
LUA
KULAAL
ń
ɲó / n
ḿ
mó / m
ŕ / r̀
á
í
ì
í
pʊ́
én
í
á
ʊ́
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Laal subject pronouns compared with Chadic (East A) languages:
Laal
59
Kera
Tumak
ten
nə̄
1S m
já
1S f
jí
2S
ʔò
tam (m) /
te (f)
yə̀ (m) /
mə̀ (f)
3S m
ʔà
tó / wə
ɗāàn
3S f
ʔɨ ̀n
tá / a
tāàn
3S n
ʔàn
--
--
1P ex
ʔùrú
áré
nà
1P in
ʔǎŋ
áŋ
dì
2P
ʔùn
aŋ
nì
3P mf
ʔì
té / ye
kə̄
3P n
ʔuàn
--
--
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Pronominal suffixes (after nouns = inalienable possession, after tr. verbs = Obj)
60
Laal -r-
Laal -n-
Kera
Tumak
1S
-ə́r
-ə́n
-n
-n
2S
-á
-(u)án
-m (m) / -i (f)
-m (m) / -i (f)
3S m
-ár
-án
-u
-l / -r / -o
3S f
-ò
-òn
-(r)a
-d
3S n
-ár / -àn
-àn
--
--
1P ex
-rǔ
-nùrú
áré (= indpdt form) nán
1P in
-rǎŋ
-nǎŋ
áŋ (= indpdt form) ní
2P
-rǔŋ
-nǔŋ
-ŋ
nín / nén
3P mf
-rǐ
-nìrí
-i
-g
3P n
-àr / -àn
-àn
--
--
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
n- +pr. suff. in Laal and Kera (benefactive/possessive)
61
Laal Benefactive pr.
Kera possessive pr.
1S
nì
nín
2S
nà
nəmtí (m) / niití (f)
3S m
nàr
nuutú
3S f
nùg
naatá
3S n
nàná
--
1P ex
nùrú
náré
1P in
nǎŋ
náŋ
2P
nǔŋ
nəətí
3P mf
nìrí
nəəté
3P n
nuàná
--
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
n- +pr. suff. in Laal and Kera (benefactive/possessive)
62
Laal ɗē+pr. suf..
Kera də̀+ pr. suf.
1S
ɗēː
də̀n
2S
ɗāː
də̀m (m) / dì (f)
3S m
ɗāːr
dù
3S f
ɗòːg
də̀
3S n
ɗàːná
--
1P ex
ɗòːró
də̀ áré
1P in
ɗǎŋ
də̀ áŋ
2P
ɗǒŋ
də̀ŋ
3P mf
ɗèːrí
dì
3P n
ɗuàːná
--
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Combining pronominal suffixes and roots: VOWEL HARMONY
HEIGHT harmony (suffixroot, rootsuffix)






suffix  root, features at work = [+/-low] on suffix V, [-high] on root V
High vowels in root are not concerned
Neutralization between mid (e, ə, o) and low (ia, a, ua) vowels in root

root V is low when suffix V is low (a, ua)

root V is mid when suffix V is mid (e, ə)
root  suffix, features at work=[-low] on suffix V, [+/- high] on root V:
Suffixes with low vowels (a, ua) are not concerned
mid V [-high, -low] of suffix (ə, o) becomes high (ɨ, u) when root V is
high (i, ɨ, u)
ROUNDING harmony (suffixroot): root V is rounded if suff. V is
rounded
63
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Verb + „you sg.‟ -á(n) [<*-uá(n)]
High V
Mid/low V
/i/
ɗìːr
„let in [pl]‟
+ -án
>
ʔì ɗùːrán
„They let you(sg) in.‟
/ɨ/
dɨ ̀g
„pull [pl]‟
+ -án
>
ʔì dùgán
„They pulled you(sg).‟
/u/
kú(ːr)
„see‟
+ -á
>
ʔì kúːrá
„They saw you(sg).‟
/IA/
sIÁr
„sting‟
+ -án
>
já süárán
„I stung you(sg).‟
/A/
ɗÀːr
„let in [sg‟
+ -án
>
já ɗuàːrán
„I let you(sg).‟
/UA
sUÁr
„find‟
+ -á
>
já suárá
„I found you(sg).‟
HEIGHT +
ROUNDING
64
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Verb + „her‟ -(r)ò ~ -ò(n)
High V
Mid/low V
/i/
ɗìːr
„let in [pl]‟
+ -òn
>
ʔì ɗùːrùn
„they let her in‟
/ɨ/
dɨ ̀g
„pull [pl]‟
+ -ò
>
ʔì dùgù
„they pulled her‟
/u/
kú(ːr)
„see‟
+ -rò
>
ʔì kúːrù
„they saw her‟
/IA/
sIÁr
„sting‟
+ -òn
>
já süóròn
„I stung her‟
/A/
ɗÀːr
„let in [sg‟
+ -òn
>
já ɗòːròn
„I let her in‟
/UA
sUÁr
„find‟
+ -ò
>
já sórò
„I found her‟
HEIGHT +
ROUNDING
65
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
NB: about front rounded vowels /üo/ and /üa/

always the result of vowel harmony, mostly in verbal system
(morphologically determined allophones)

Unattested in Bua languages, and in documented Chadic languages
of the region.

Reminiscent of Central Chadic languages (Daba, Mafa, Gidar, cf.
Pearce 2003, Musgu group cf. Tourneux (1978)) They are never
phonemes, but always analyzed as the result of labialization
Ex: Vulum (Musgu group, Tourneux 1978:307, 309):
verb root+ nominalising suffix –i:
 s ̀ +-i >
sì
„drink‟
 sw ́+-i >
sǘ
„come‟
66
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Comparison with Kera:
 HEIGHT harmony: both from suffix to root and from root to suffixː
“any high vowel in any position will cause any other vowel within
the morphological word to be high” (Pearce 2003).
 FRONTING and ROUNDING harmony (only from suffix to root, only
underlying HIGH vowels are concerned):
 high central vowel /ɨ/ is fronted to /i/ when suffix is -i
 high central vowel /ɨ/ is rounded to /u/ when suffix is -u
67
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Kera (Pearce 2003)
[High]
-i (/-y) 2Sf
-u 3Sm
giːd-
„stomach‟
giːdɨ „her stomach‟
giːdi „your(f) stomach giːdu „his stomach‟
cɨː(r-)
„head‟
cɨːrɨ
ciːri
cuːru
guːd-
„behind‟
guːdɨ
guːdi
guːdu
sɛːn-
„borther‟
sɛːna
siːni
siːnu
„hand‟
kaːsa
kɨːsi
kɨːsu
„to search‟
gɔlda
gulduy
guldu
[-High] kaːsgɔld-
68
-a 3Sf
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Conclusion:

The pronominal suffixes are used in exactly the same contexts in Laal and Kera (also
Tumak):
 with Nouns : inalienable possession
 with Verbs : object pronouns
 with prepositions to form particular pronouns (benefactive, possessive)

Some Laal and Kera forms are close enough to suggest a potential relation (the nature
of which has yet to be determined):
 Plural pronouns and pronominal suffixes (neuter excepted)
 Combination with n- : possessive pronouns (alienable in Laal, inalienable in Kera)
 Combination with preposition ɗē (Laal), də̀ (Kera)ː possessive pronouns (inalienable in Laal,
alienable in Kera)
(Are these prepositions related in both languages?)

69
Nearly the same phonological rules: HEIGHT and ROUNDING harmonies in both
languages (+Fronting in Kera), giving rise to front rounded vowels (üo, üa) as in
many other Chadic languages (cf. comparison with Vulum, slide 29)
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Pronominal system
Conclusion: the pronominal system of Laal is very likely to be (at least
partly) of Chadic origin.
HYPOTHESES:
1) either genetic inheritance
2) or very old borrowing
Why old?


70
Chadic languages with front rounded vowels are geographically far from the
Laal speaking area, and genetically very far from East Chadic languages
The closest Chadic match seems to be Kera, which is spoken 300 km from
the Laal speaking area, and has most probably never been in direct contact
with Laal.
Laal: an isolate language?
A. The speakers and their environment
B. Typological characteristics & comparisons
1.
2.
3.
4.
Phonology
Lexicon
Nominal system
Pronominal system
5. Verbal system
71
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
Every verb comes in three forms:
 “simple” form: simplest, more frequent, unmarked for
tense/aspect/mood
 “centripetal” form: movement towards the speaker (space/time)
ʔà
ɗā:r
gɨ̀
ɲàw
3S.M
enter LOC
house
„He is entering the house.‟ (Boyeldieu 1982a:116)
z
ʔà
ɗà:rà
gɨ̀
ɲàw
3S.M
enter:C
LOC
house
„He is entering the house (where I am, towards me).‟ (id.)
72
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
 “participative” (instrumental) form: usually used in complex
utterances, and indicating that the process is performed by means of
or in the same time as the preceding process:
já
sɨ ̀r
sū
1S.M drink water
„I drink water.‟
ʔà
sá
ɗā:g
ʔà
sɨ ̀rɨ́
3S.M take
calabash
3S.M
drink:PT
„He takes a calabash and drinks water (with it)‟ (Boyeldieu
1982a:119)
73
sū
water
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
74
syll. str.
form
of C
suff.
CV
-(r)V
CV:
Simple
Centripetal
(M tone L)
Participative
= C+extra H tone
„take‟
„do‟
tō
ká
tòː
kárá
tǒː
kárá
(-rV)
„let, leave‟
„boil‟
ɲáː
wáː
ɲáː
wáːrá
ɲáː
wáːrá
CVC
-V
„refuse‟
pāl
pàlà
pàlá
CV:C
-V
„press‟
máːr
máːrá
máːrá
CVC(C)V
∅
„hear‟
yīrā
yìrà
yìrá
CVCi/u
-V
„scatter‟
sə̀rí
sə̀ryə̀
sə̀ryə́
CV1(:)CV2C
-V
„remove‟
sɨ ́ráŋ
sɨ ́rŋá
sɨ ́rŋá
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
 Very different from neighbouring languages (and from African
languages in general?):
 Bua languages: Lua, Bua and Tun have an indicative/optative
(“injonctif”) distinction expressed by way of a tonal distinction
(Boyeldieu 1985b)
 Chadic languages have a perfective/imperfective distinction
 + old (eroded) morphology:
 C suffix is eroded –(r)V
 P is distinct from C only by tones: old H-toned suffix disappeared, leaving
only a H tone?
 Another strong argument for the isolate hypothesis.
75
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
Verbal plural: a restricted set of verbs (126/393) have a distinct
plural form when their subject is plural
 Not attested in Bua (and more generally Adamawa) languages
 Attested in many Chadic languages (cf. Newman 1990)
Morphology, 3 classes (reminiscent of nominal morphology):
1)
2)
3)
76
Vowel raising: TRANSITIVE verbs
ká/kí „do‟
tō/tū „eat‟
ɗuāl/ɗōl „pick up (wood)‟
Pl. suffix -i/-iɲ/-ɨɲ (+V raising):
wál/wólìɲ „fall‟
sár/sə́rìɲ‘sit’
tuágár/tógrɨ ̀ɲ „break‟
Other means INTRANSITIVE (STATIVE) verbs
sáːl/séː „be old‟
yéːr/yārmī „be crazy‟
dɨ ̄gā/dɨ ̀g „be dirty‟
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
Boyeldieu (1982) hypothesizes that a/i, ɨ verbs such as ká/kí „do‟ and
káw/kɨ ́w „fix‟ could be of Chadic origin, cf. Musgu group (central
Chadic) verb plural formation.
Pers. Pr.
77
1S
mu
Verb roots
h-l „go‟ / d „cook‟
hal
/ d
final
element
-a
Notes
2S
kə
hal
/
d
-a
3Sm
a
hal
/
d
-a
3Sf
tə
hal
/
d
-a
1Pin
ku
hùl
/
(<hìl?)
d
-(u)-mu
(<i-mu?
regressive vowel
assimilation (raising,
fronting and rounding)
1Pex
mi
hil
/
d
-i
id. without rounding
2P
ki
hil
/
d
-i
id.
3P
a
hil
/
d
-i
id.
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
In Laal:
 No trace of a “final element” (be it a suffix or a discontinuous part
of the subject pronoun)
 However, vowel raising in the plural could be due to a former suffix
(with a H vowel, e.g. -i):
 suffix dropped, leaving umlaut as the only distinction between sg/pl
 except on verb roots consisting of only one C (cf. d „to cook‟ in Musgu)
78
Scenario:
*káw-a / *kɨ ́w-i
>
ká / kɨ ́w „to fix‟
*k-a
>
ká / kí „to do, make‟
/ *k-i
Laal: an isolate language?
4. Verbal system
Problemsː
 Those verbs have no apparent cognates in the Chadic languages of
the region (or in the proposed reconstructions of proto-Chadic)
 Some verbs have clear correspondents in Bua languages (the plural
form exists only in Laal: could be common Chadic borrowings, or a
reanalysis of Bua borrowings with Chadic morphology, among many
other possibilities…)
Laal
79
Lua
Tun
to do, to make ká / kí
kà
kày
to fix
kāːw
káːw/kɨ ́ːw
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
80
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
Laal vs. Chadic and Bua/Adamawa languages:
81

its non-Chadic characteristics are too important to
make it a Chadic language (+very few Chadic
cognates)

Too many non-Bua (non-Adamawa) characteristics for
it to be a Bua (or Adamawa) language, despite the
important number of cognates (most likely due to
borrowing).
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
There are still unanswered questions and uncertainties, and
more data needs to be gathered/analyzed on Laal and
neighbouring languages.
However, one hypothesis stands out so far: Laal is a threelayered language:
 Isolate substrate
 Chadic influence
 Bua influence
82
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
Possible history of the three layers:
1)
Isolate substrate = oldest part of Laal
 core vocabulary
 gender system (masculine/feminine/neuter)
 Part of the nominal number marking system (?)
 verbal system: three verbal forms:
Simple/Centripetal/Participative
 part of the pronominal system (the rest = Chadic borrowing?)
 (palatal implosive? or Chadic influence?)
83
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
2) Old Chadic influence: not easy to identify, so old that
lexical borrowings are no longer identifiable?
 a few lexical roots
 part of the pronominal system
 Form: Plural subject/independent pronouns and pronominal
suffixes (+1S and 2S?)
 System:
 pronominal suffixes usage (possible combinations +
semantics)
 Vowel harmony (giving rise to front rounded vowels, as in
Central Chadic)
 More active in the most archaic/conservative parts of the
language (more in verbs than in nouns)
 Some sg/pl verb pairings (a/i,ɨ)?
84
Laal: an isolate language?
CONCLUSION
2) Old continuous (and ongoing) Bua influence
(different old Bua languages, then mainly Lua?): easier
to identify.
 Numerous lexical items: the degree of cognateness (and ease of
identification) is inversely proportional to the time depth of the
borrowings
 Nominal number marking system (only part of it): same traces of
noun classes as in Bua languages (through very old borrowings no
longer recognizable?+reanalysis of substrate nouns under the
influence of borrowed Adamawa nouns?)
85
Laal: an isolate language?
REFERENCES
BARRETEAU Daniel & Hermann JUNGRAITHMAYR. 1993. Calculs lexicostatistiques et glottochronologiques sur les langues
tchadiques. In D.Barreteau & C. von Graffenried (eds.). Datation et chronologie dans le bassin du Lac Chad = Dating and
chronology in the Lake Chad basin. Paris:ORSTOM (Colloques et Séminaires), 1993, pp. 103-139.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1977. "Eléments pour une phonologie du laal de Gori (Moyen-Chari), in Caprile, J.-P. Etudes phonologiques
tchadiennes. Paris: SELAF (Bibliothèque, 63–64), p. 186–198.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1979. Présentation du láà:l ou “gori” (Moyen-Chari, Tchad). Unpublished manuscript, CNRSLLACAN, Paris.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1980. Niellim et tula (langues «adamawa»): concordances morphologiques (pluriels nominaux). in L.
Bouquiaux, G. Guarisma, and G. Manessy, Eds. Problèmes de comparatisme et de dialectologie dans les langues africaines.
Paris: SELAF, p. 43-51.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1982a. Deux Etudes laal (Moyen-Chari, Tchad). Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1982b. Quelques questions portant sur la classification du laal (Tchad). in H. Jungraithmayr, Ed. The Chad
languages in the Hamitosemitic-Nigritic Border Area (Papers of the Marburg Symposium, 1979). Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, p.
80-93.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1983. Vestiges de suffixes de classes nominales dans les langues du groupe boua (Tchad, Adamawa-13 de
J.H. Greenberg). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (Actes du 13ème Colloque Annuel de Linguistique Africaniste,
Montréal, Canada). Dordrecht: Foris Publications, p. 3-15.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1985a. La langue lua (“niellim”) (groupe Boua – Moyen-Chari, Tchad). Phonologie – Morphologie –
Dérivation verbale. Paris: SELAF.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1985b. Présentation sommaire du groupe boua, Tchad (Adamawa 13 de Greenberg). in Colloques et
séminaires: Le Milieu et les Hommes. Recherches comparatives et historiques dans la bassin du lac Tchad. Actes du 2ème colloque
Méga-Tchad ORSTOM BONDY, le 3 et 4 octobre 1985. Ministère française de la Coopération & MESRES Cameroun. pp. 275 286.
BOYELDIEU, Pascal. 1986a. La formation du pluriel nominal en kulaal (Tchad): essai de systématisation des documents publiés
par C. Pairault. Afrika und Übersee. Vol. 69(2), p. 209-249.
86
Laal: an isolate language?
REFERENCES
CAPRILE, Jean-Pierre. 1975. Lexique Tumak-Français (Tchad).Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
DIMMENDAAL, Gerrit J. 2008. Language Ecology and Linguistic Diversity on the African Continent. Language and Linguistics
Compass, 2/5:840-858.
EBERT, Karen H. 1976. Sprache und Tradition des Kera (Tschad). Teil II: Lexikon/lexique. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
EBERT, Karen H. 1979. Sprache und Tradition des Kera (Tschad). Teil III: Grammatik. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
JUNGRAITHMAYR, Herrmann. 1966. Internal A in Ron Plurals. Journal of African Languages, 4-2:102-107.
JUNGRAITHMAYR, Herrmann & Abakar ADAMS. 1992. Lexique Migama: Migama-français et français-migama (Guéra, Tchad) avec
une introduction grammaticale. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
MEYER-BAHLBURG, Hilke. 1972. Studien zurMorphologie und Syntax des Musgu. Hamburg: Helmut Buske.
NEWMAN, Paul. 1990. Nominal and Verbal Plurality in Chadic. Dordrecht: Foris. (Publications in African Languages and
Linguistics, 12)
NEWMAN, Paul & Roxana MA. 1966. Comparative Chadic: Phonology and Lexicon. Journal of African Languages, 5-2, 1966:218251.
NOUGAYROL, Pierre. 1980. Le Day de Bouna (Tchad), 2: lexique day-français, index français-day. Paris : Société des Etudes
Linguistiques et Anthropologiques de France (SELAF). 178 pp.
PAIRAULT, Claude. 1969. Documents du parler d’Iro: kùláál du Tchad. Paris: Klincksieck.
PALAYER, Pierre. Esquisse phonologique de la langue tounia. in P.Boyeldieu & P.Palayer, Les Langues du groupe Boua (Tchad).
N‟Djamena: INSH.
PEARCE, Mary. 2003. Vowel Harmony in Kera (Chad). MA thesis, ms. University College London.
SEGERER, Guillaume. 2002-2007. Les marques personnelles dans les langues africaines, [online database].
http://sumale.vjf.cnrs.fr/pronoms/ (as of 30 Oct 2010).
TOURNEUX, Henri. 1978. Le mulwi ou vulum de Mogroum (Tchad), Phonologie - Eléments de grammaire. (Bibliothèque de la SELAF ;
68-69-70.) Paris:SELAF.
87