Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education, 5: 33–47, 2011
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1559-5692 print / 1559-5706 online
DOI: 10.1080/15595692.2011.534401
Migrant Hispanic Students Speak Up: Linguistic and
Cultural Perspectives on Low Academic Attainment
John W. Schwieter
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
Department of Languages and Literatures, Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada
The Hispanic population and their high school dropout rates in the United States have greatly
increased over the last several decades. This study investigates linguistic and cultural issues that may
have an association with high school abandonment among migrant Hispanic students. Open-ended
interview questions were posed to a bilingual education administrator and four migrant Hispanic
students in a small Midwestern high school in the United States. Participants reported that migrant
Hispanic students are not prepared to live linguistically in the academic setting but merely to survive
in it. From a cultural perspective, the data suggested that migrant Hispanic students can either allow
social and cultural pressures within the school and community to negatively affect their educational
engagement or they can acculturate with the dominant culture to minimize their “differentness.”
During the 1990s, the Hispanic population increased by 57.9% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). In
fact, this minority group has surpassed African Americans to be the largest in the United States,
consisting of nearly 15% of the total population and is projected to skyrocket to 24% by 2050.
This augmentation has sparked interest among researchers to investigate Hispanics in academia.
In particular, many studies have examined a variety of educational phenomena exploring why
Hispanics are less likely to be academically successful and more likely to drop out of high school
(Arbona & Nora, 2007; Ceja, 2004; Collatos, Morrell, Nuno, & Lara, 2004; Corneluis-White,
Garza, & Hoey, 2004; Durán, 1994; González, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003; Harrell & Forney, 2003;
Martínez, 2003; Romo & Falbo, 1996; U.S. Department of Education, 1995). Other studies have
placed particular attention on foreign-born Hispanics who tend to follow a similar pattern, but
perhaps to a much greater degree (Birman, 1998; Bohon, Macpherson, & Atiles, 2005; Derwing,
DeCorby, & Ichikawa, 1999; Fry, 2005; Hovey & King, 1996; Jurkovic et al., 2004; Kao, 2004;
Márquez-López, 2005; Ogbu, 1991; Olatunji, 2005; Reyes & Rorrer, 2001; C. Suárez-Orozco,
1991, 2001). According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2005), the dropout rate
for Hispanics born outside the United States is more than three times the rate of Whites and
twice the rate of African Americans. Laird, DeBell, and Chapman (2006) reported that Hispanics
born in the United States maintain a 23.8% high school dropout rate, whereas their foreign-born
counterparts are looming at 38.4%.
Correspondence should be sent to John W. Schwieter, Department of Languages and Literatures, Wilfrid Laurier
University, 75 University Ave., Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3C5. E-mail: [email protected]
34
SCHWIETER
This study presents theories and empirical evidence of factors associated with the Hispanic
dropout problem. From previous work, it is apparent that at least two issues—cultural and linguistic in nature—merit special attention when exploring what elements may lead migrant Hispanic
students to abandon their schooling.
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
THEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS OF SCHOOL ABANDONMENT AMONG
HISPANICS
A variety of theoretical frameworks have been employed to investigate the Hispanic dropout
problem. These theories have been consistent in specifying both internal and external factors that
may lead to academic abandonment. Natriello, Pallas, and McDill (1986) proposed a conceptual framework that illustrated negative influences on the educational outcomes of students that
eventually contribute to their decision to drop out (see Figure 1).
The two elements to the far left in Figure 1—student characteristics and school processes—
refer to the aforementioned internal and external factors. According to Natriello et al. (1986),
when school processes and student characteristics interact in a negative manner, a cumulative
effect is created on the students’ development and educational future. The negativity of these
issues, in turn, contribute to a decision to drop out of school, subsequently forcing them to live
with the consequences (i.e., lower paying jobs, decreased socioeconomic status, etc.).
Although Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993) theories focused on academic persistence in higher education, a combination of internal and external factors are also predictive of whether students
will ultimately drop out of school. His model consists of several aspects centered on student
backgrounds, goals, commitments, and institutional performance. Tinto argued that a variety of
internal attributes—such as prior educational experiences, academic talent, and motivation—and
external factors—such as insufficient support services, inappropriate placement in courses, and
social disconnections with faculty, staff, and other students—have a direct impact on whether or
not students will stay in school (see also Brown & Robinson Kurpius, 1997; Cabrera, Stampen, &
Hansen, 1990; Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Pascarella, Duby, & Iverson, 1983).
Other researchers argue that many times educational institutions uphold inequalities that
exist outside the walls of the school (Bourdieu, 1973, 1984, 1986; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977;
Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; De Jesús, 2005). These studies discuss the concept of cultural capital in which cultural and linguistic knowledge, skills, and dispositions are passed down from
one generation to another (Heath, 1983; McLeod, 1995; Mehan, 1979). In the case of migrant
FIGURE 1 Decision-making framework (adapted from Natriello,
Pallas, & McDill, 1986).
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
35
Hispanic students, there is a disadvantage to obtain cultural capital due to cultural and linguistic
barriers that exist among these minority students and their families. De Jesús argued that schools
reward students with higher cultural capital and punish the lack thereof, and that students who
are most familiar with the dominant culture earn “educational credentials” and maintain power
over those lacking it.
Social capital also plays an important role in the education of minority students (Coleman,
1988; Coleman & Hoffer, 1987; Kao, 2004; Putnam, 2000). Social capital refers to the connections that humans have with others within a social network. This undoubtedly is important in
the case of migrant families who many times depend on a limited social network to help them
with issues such as where to send their children to school, find seasonal jobs, and access information in their native language. Unfortunately, because migrant families tend to move around
more frequently, they retain very little social capital. This can lead to the misunderstanding
or misconceiving of crucial information regarding the functionality of the American educational system perhaps due to language barriers and prior experiences (Bohon et al., 2005; Kao,
2004).
Internal and External Factors: Language and Culture
Prejudices and stereotypes regarding Hispanics and their cultures create a limiting foundation for
educational opportunities that curtail the success of Hispanic students in the American school
system. Consequently, this contributes to the marginalization of Hispanic students in schools
and leads to feelings of not belonging. Foley’s (1991) longitudinal study in southern Texas
investigated the high rate of academic failure among ethnic minorities and reported on the policies enacted to remedy the problem. In particular, he challenged previous claims put forth by
Ogbu (1981, 1986, 1987), which suggested that academic failure is principally driven by cultural differences. In fact, Foley argues that academic failure among Hispanics could be lessened
by their dramaturgical communicative competence (i.e., sociopragmatic interactionism, as put
forth by Goffman, 1959). This, in turn, would lead Hispanics to not be constrained by the ethnic
oppositional culture and to be less stereotyped as a group surrounded by academic failure.
Haslett (2000) suggested that prejudices and stereotypes have a significant relation to how
Hispanics in a small Midwestern town fare in high school. The misconception that Hispanics
either cannot or refuse to speak English while in the United States created feelings of anger in
the participants in Haslett’s study that affected their perception of Hispanics. Schwieter’s (2008)
study also illuminated a correlation between attitudes from Anglo students toward Hispanics
and the Spanish language. In particular, this study suggested that participants stereotyped most
Hispanics in the United States as having limited English language skills. The study furthermore
demonstrated instances in which nationalistic ideologies underpinned the participants’ comments, serving as the crux of an overall negative perception of Hispanics, their language, and
cultures. One Anglo participant commented:
[Not knowing Spanish] is the one thing about Hispanics that gets to me. If they are out, in the presence
of non-Spanish speakers, I feel they should speak English. This is the U.S. and English is the primary
language. Speaking in Spanish is fine when they’re at home or with all Spanish [speakers]. A lot of
the time, when I’m out and people are speaking Spanish, I, like most people, tend to think they’re
talking about me. (Schwieter, 2008, p. 127)
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
36
SCHWIETER
Although a number of other studies have also examined the relation between negative stereotypes and Hispanic academic struggles (Andrade, 1982; Lockwood & Secada, 1999; Rodríguez,
Guido-DiBrito, Torres, & Talbot, 2000), Villenas (2002) suggested that some social, health, and
educational professionals practice benevolent racism to which many Hispanics are resilient. This
racism consists of compassionate acts that imply that Hispanics are a very needy, economically
challenged group. Although professionals who exhibited these stereotypes seem to “know what’s
best for Hispanics,” Villenas argued that this well-intended treatment is presented incorrectly
and is disabling to Hispanics. In Wortham’s (2002) study, Anglos were particularly generous
and giving toward Hispanics. Because of this, Wortham argued that Hispanics were perceived as
“charity magnets” and, although some participants appreciated such help from Anglos, many felt
uncomfortable and just wanted to be left alone.
Menchaca (2001) and other colleagues argued that the lack of inclusion of Hispanic cultures
in the curriculum may also be associated with pushing Hispanics out of school. Historically, textbooks and teachers have not been supportive in addressing minority cultures (Menchaca, 2001).
Indeed, a number of studies suggest that when the curriculum is culturally relevant, minority
students can relate new knowledge to their own experiences, thus empowering them to build on
their personal background knowledge (Banks, 1994; Barba, 1993, 1995; Schwieter & JaimesDomínguez, 2009; Shore, 2001). One way that has been suggested to increase Hispanic student
engagement is by including cultural projects into the curriculum in a meaningful and consistent
way (California Association, 2001). Penyak and Duray (1999) found that cooperative learning,
discussion groups, and classroom interaction between ethnicities further the acceptance of multicultural peers and cultural inclusion. In García’s (2000) research community, teaching literature
that reflected Hispanic culture led to an increase of participation among Hispanic students.
Although Laird et al.’s (2006) study revealed that newly arrived Hispanics suffer more difficulties in the American educational system, other studies have found that they actually outperformed
their acculturated Hispanic peers (Gibson, 1991; Matute-Bianchi, 1986, 1991; Ogbu, 1991;
C. Suárez-Orozco, 1991). In fact, these studies suggested that when immigrants maintained their
cultural identity while adapting to dominant cultural norms—perhaps as promoted and facilitated by the educational institution—they were less likely to drop out of school. The Central
American immigrant students from C. Suárez-Orozco’s (1991) study had taken on a “bicultural
lifestyle” in which their dual frame of reference and appreciation for both cultures allowed them
to flourish more so than their American-born Hispanic peers. A bicultural identity, indeed, has
been linked to both school and social adjustment (Birman, 1998; Gaspar de Alba, 1995; Rieffel,
1990) and higher self-esteem (Birman, 1998). However, many minority students fail to achieve a
sense of biculturism and fall victim to the pressures of socially fitting in the educational setting.
C. Suárez-Orozco (2001) warned that when acculturation to the dominant culture occurs, one
begins to lose ties with the native culture, leading to detrimental health, more ambivalent attitudes toward school, and lower grades. In fact, acculturative stresses associated with increased
time in the United States further weaken newly arrived Hispanics’ sense of optimism and increase
the possibility of dropping out (Jurkovic et al., 2004).
Gibson (1991) argued that newly arrived immigrants are not accustomed to the cultural
inequalities that they face in the American school system and, thus, suffer from ethnic aggression
educational failure. Gibson further noted that many times when teachers are witness to these cultural or ethnic prejudices, they encourage the student victims to disregard the problem and accept
the instigators’ ignorance. Márquez-López (2005) and Schwieter and Jaimes-Domínguez (2009)
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
37
argued that many teachers are not prepared to deal with linguistically and culturally diverse student populations. In fact, approximately 70% of the teachers surveyed in Márquez-López’s study
admitted that they felt “moderately or not at all prepared to address the needs of students from
diverse backgrounds including students with limited English proficiency” (p. 227).
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
THIS STUDY
This study seeks to further investigate linguistic and cultural issues that may contribute to higher
dropout rates among Hispanics. In particular, it gives voice to migrant Hispanic students, a
minority group that many times goes unheard, by investigating the following question: How are
cultural and linguistic issues—both internal and external—associated with high school dropout
of migrant Hispanic students? By examining migrant Hispanic students’ perceptions of and aspirations in education, one can get a better sense of why migrant Hispanics students may decide to
drop out of school.
Participants
Four migrant Hispanic students in mainstream high school classes and one school–community
liaison individually participated in open-ended interviews. The researcher employed a case study
screening procedure (see Yin, 2006) to query school administrators about potential participants.
According to Yin, this is an important process in which the main goal is to avoid an instance in
which the selected cases do not turn out to be viable. Each participant was assigned a number
(P1, P2, DP, etc.) for the sake of anonymity. In addition to this numbering system, “Plainville” is
used as a pseudonym for the research community. A brief description of each participant can be
seen in Table 1.
The Research Site: The Community and School
In 2000, the population of the rural, Midwestern town of Plainville was 6,611 (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000b); and, over the years, it has seen a significant increase in Hispanic population
(see Table 2). In 1996, Plainville’s meatpacking plant began recruiting migrant Hispanic families
from Mexico and other Midwestern states to create a more “economical” labor force and to assist
the community’s ailing economy. With the growth of Hispanics in Plainville’s community came
an increased student population with limited to no English language abilities: Although nearly 1
decade ago there were no Hispanic students in pre-kindergarten, they now make up 72% of the
pre-kindergarten enrollment.
METHOD
Following Brunn (2002), a case study approach consisting of open-ended interviews was
employed in this study. This method is a good way to (a) clear up or elaborate on any questions that one may have from observing the participants and the classrooms, (b) place less of
38
SCHWIETER
TABLE 1
Participant Descriptions
Name
P1
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
P2
P3
P4
P5
DP
Details of the Participants
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
45-year-old man from El Salvador
Has been living in the United States for 5 years
School–community liaison for migrant Hispanic population
Assists with placement, immigration, and cultural issues
15-year-old girl from Mexico
Has been living in the United States for 10 years
Speaks Spanish at home with family members who do not speak English
Strong indications of finishing high school
16-year-old boy from Mexico
Has been living in the United States for 4.5 years
Speaks Spanish and English at home
Has made a conscious effort to exclusively hang out with Anglo students to be more socially
successful
Has been active in high school football and Homecoming Court
Strong indications of finishing high school
16-year-old boy from Mexico
Has been living in the United States for 6 years
Speaks Spanish at home with family members who do not speak English
Comes from a very poor family that lives in a one-bedroom trailer for two parents and three children
Strong indications of dropping out of high school
18-year-old man from Mexico
Has been living in the United States for 10 years
Speaks Spanish at home with family members who do not speak English
Strong indications of dropping out of high school
17-year-old boy from Mexico
Has been living in the United States for 10 years
Works third shift at Plainville’s meatpacking plant
Comes from a family with many hardships, including abuse and alcoholism
Speaks Spanish at home with family members who do not speak English
Strong indications of dropping out of high school
Participant was dropped from study to avoid potential psychological harm
TABLE 2
Percentage of Hispanics and Their Growth Rates for
Plainville
Variable
State Level
County Level
Town Level
1990
2000
Increase
7.9
12.3
+69.2
0.4
8.5
+19.8
0.6
16.4
+33.9
Note. Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2000b).
a burden on reading and writing skills of participants, and (c) permit rapport with the research
participants and promote closeness with the participants (Fraenkel & Wallen, 2006). After participant and parental consent was secured, the researcher interviewed participants individually at
the school in a manner that was most convenient to the participants’ class schedules, minimizing
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
39
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
the disruption of their everyday routine. The participants were given the choice to conduct the
interviews in English or Spanish.
The researcher transcribed all interviews and employed a content analysis approach that,
according to Marshall and Rossman (2006), is a holistic and systematic way of examining forms
of communication to document patterns objectively. This method is normally used in analyzing
narrative texts such as transcribed interviews as a means to clarify how respondents view and
understand certain issues. Accordingly, the transcriptions were first analyzed thematically and
subsequently coded according to the themes of interest specified in the research question.
FINDINGS
Linguistic Issues
One main theme in the data concerned limited language abilities. According to P1, the English
as a second language (ESL) training that migrant Hispanic students receive in Plainville school
is that of survival English (i.e., students learn only enough English to survive in mainstream
classes). P1 further noted that these students are not able to “live” linguistically in the educational
system, but are merely able to “survive” in it. He believes that survival implies that the students
are guaranteed to suffer a great loss of understanding by living an academic life without all the
elements that make development possible. As such, students survive in the educational institution
without the language abilities that allow them to be able to engage themselves in their own
learning. Furthermore, P1 commented that prior English language learning may be of a different
variety than that of academic English. For instance, according to P1, because P4 has “very, very
poor and street-learned English skills,” he may have difficulties understanding academic English.
P1 has noticed that when P4 is asked a reflective or analytical question, he is not able to answer
because he does not have the required language abilities to comprehend this type of question.
In addition to survival English, the researcher found that other linguistic factors create barriers for migrant Hispanic academic attainment. P1 suggested that culturally and linguistically,
the library is closed to students with limited English proficiency because there are very few
resources that are offered in Spanish. He feels that unless Hispanic students are proficient enough
to fully understand texts in English, they cannot benefit from the materials that their library offers.
When the researcher visited the library to verify this, he found only a handful of texts were in
Spanish.
P3 reported that at one point, his poor English language abilities hindered his ability to participate in school and social activities. He believed that if he did not speak English as well as he does
now, he would not be able to participate on the school’s football team and would be hesitant and
frightened to interact with Anglo students. He recalled that he felt very alone and even terrified
when he first came to Plainville nearly 5 years ago when he knew very little English. He thought
that everyone was talking about him and claimed that he “didn’t have a clue” what was happening. P2 similarly felt that not knowing English would deny her access to certain classes unless,
for example, several language learners petitioned to enroll. Only this would show enough interest
to have a bilingual tutor assist them in the mainstream class. Because of the lack of interest from
other language learners to enroll in certain classes, P2 was very discouraged that she had not
been able to take many of the courses that interested her. Under this assumption, therefore, the
40
SCHWIETER
school contributes to the marginalization of Hispanic students with limited English proficiency
and inadvertently, may support the idea that their educational desires go unheard.
Within the Plainville school, it appeared as though the teachers did not respect the Spanish
language. The participants commented that many times Hispanics were separated in the classrooms because they felt as though teachers were afraid that they would converse in Spanish. P2
claimed that if she is caught speaking in Spanish during class, she is told to be quiet:
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
Out of everyone who is talking during class, the first and only ones to be told to be quiet are always the
Hispanic students because the teachers say that they prefer we talk in a language that they understand.
I think they feel that we are talking about them. They pick on Hispanics a lot.
P1 concurred that there is little freedom to speak Spanish within the school, even between classes:
Hispanics are almost sent to the principal’s office when they are caught speaking Spanish. There is no
punishment for speaking in Spanish, but there have certainly been verbal scoldings from the teachers
saying, “here, in front of me, you will speak English.”
According to P1, mastering a second language is something that takes time. However, P3
felt that second-language mastery can happen much quicker when social pressures to do so
are intense and one undertakes complete immersion. This participant claimed that he heard the
stereotype, “if Hispanics are in the United States, they should speak English,” for so long, that
he finally decided to only speak English. After reflecting on this decision, P3 feels frustrated
because he now finds himself lacking even the most elementary vocabulary in his native language. P1 was concerned with P3’s decision to not speak Spanish as he felt that when language
attrition occurs in the native language, students may begin to lose family communication and
cultural understanding.
Cultural Issues
The researcher observed that differences between the Anglo and Hispanic cultures created barriers for Hispanics to be academically successful in Plainville school. For example, P1 said that for
Hispanics, coming to understand that physical education, driver’s education, and music courses
are as equally important as mathematics (in terms of required credits) is a cultural shock. He felt
that more counseling on the curriculum and what it consists of is essential for culturally diverse
students.
Other cultural factors—even things as simple as the notion of time—emerged in the data.
P3 suggested that Hispanics have the mentality of doing things in a non-punctual manner. For
example, if a teacher assigns homework, P3 believed that many Hispanic students feel as though
they can complete it late without penalties or consequences. Moreover, P1 claimed that because
many of the Hispanic parents work third shift and at other odd hours, Hispanic students do not
have anyone to wake them up or ensure that they have eaten breakfast in the mornings. P1 often
wonders who is making sure that the Hispanic children are brushing their teeth, bathing in the
mornings, or even attending school. In a sad tone, P1 suggested that when some migrant Hispanic
students finally understand the cultural difference of time and punctuality, many take advantage
of it to avoid school. He stated:
When Hispanics are sent home because they just got the suspension they were looking for due to
truancies, they will not find mom and dad because they are at work—and when the parents get home,
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
41
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
they are very tired, asleep, or don’t care . . . this provokes many problems such as early alcohol use,
sexual practices at an early age, and an increased longing to leave school all together. In turn, society
sees them even worse and associates them with gangs, drugs, and other social negativities.
Regarding issues of acculturation, the more “Anglo acting” Hispanic students became, the
easier it was for them to be accepted in the school. Previous work has discussed this notion of
cultural congruity in which students are able to adapt to both their home culture and educational
culture (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 1996, 2001; Huffman, 2001) and cultural incongruity in
which students struggle to adjust to the dominant culture (Huffman, 2001). P3 felt that a migrant
Hispanic student will not fit in unless he or she interacts with and shows interest in the Anglo
culture. If this is true, Hispanics who have limited English abilities will have very little chance
of being accepted in the school—and the fact that these ESL learners rarely venture beyond the
bilingual department area does not facilitate potential interaction. P3 felt that he has become
popular because he has chosen to relate with the Anglos and participate in their sports such as
football. However, he suggested that this interaction forced him to make a decision between one
ethnic group and the other stating, “now all the Hispanics don’t like me because they think that I
have turned my back on them and our culture.” This appeared to be true in the option of P2 who
later commented on P3 in her interview:
Now, [P3] doesn’t even talk to the Hispanics. When he got here he would be friends with the
Hispanics, with all of us. But now he doesn’t talk to us. I mean, the other day [my friend and] I
were sitting with the Spanish teacher, and he just passed by and said hi to her and just ignored us.
It was apparent that this was a delicate and sensitive topic for P2 whoa was genuinely hurt by the
fact that P3 had ceased his interaction with fellow Hispanic students.
P1 concurred with P3’s comments and reiterated that if Hispanics want to be successful, they
have to leave behind their Hispanic characteristics and acculturate with the Anglo culture. He
said, “acculturation dilutes Hispanics by having them quit being themselves to have some sort
of social presence and status in the school.” P1 went on to argue that because the school does
not support bicultural integration, some Hispanics are forced to acculturate themselves as P3
has done. P1 emphasized the difference between cultural integration and acculturation. In his
opinion, acculturation is when one denies his or her first culture to become part of another culture
in hopes to increase his or her fitting in or social status and integration is when there is a certain
amount of acceptance of the minority culture into the mainstream. In passing, one of P3’s teachers
commented to the researcher that for the community and school to open the “acceptance doors”
to Hispanics, they have to begin acting like Anglos. Like P2, the teacher used P3 as an example
in which she felt that he lives the “American dream” and that because he recently was nominated
for the school’s Homecoming Court, he would never again validate his Hispanic roots.
Some saddening information was uncovered regarding the treatment of Hispanics within the
community. P2 explained one example in which many clerks in Plainville’s stores have shown
refusal or reluctance to touch Hispanics when returning their change, as if they were going to
catch some sort of disease if their skin touched. Furthermore, P2 and P5 showed disgust when
talking about some of the negative actions that have been carried out against Hispanics over the
last few years. For instance, the researcher was told by several of the participants that there have
been stones thrown at Hispanics on the street; physical fighting instigated to denounce Hispanics
in the community; acts of arson to Hispanic homes; public displays of burning, defacing, and
tearing the Mexican flag; and instances where Hispanic students have feared being intentionally
42
SCHWIETER
hit by swerving cars when crossing the street. In addition, P4 felt outraged when a group of Anglo
students made White-power t-shirts and “coincidentally” called in bomb threats on Hispanic holidays. He also was hurt when seeing the confederate flag—to him, an overt symbol of racism—on
multiple houses throughout the community. It was apparent that the community’s treatment of
Hispanics fostered an unwelcoming feeling among the participants that contributed to whether
they felt safe and wanted within the school.
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
DISCUSSION
This study sought to explore how cultural and linguistic issues were associated with dropping out
of high school among migrant Hispanic students. This is particularly important within Plainville
school as there has been a significant increase in migrant Hispanic students who arrive with
limited English abilities. This can clearly be seen in the school’s changing demographics in
the last 5 years: Whereas the Anglo student population has decreased by 23%, the number of
Hispanic students has increased by over 130%. Among the Hispanic participants in this study,
overarching themes linguistic and cultural in nature were elicited. A discussion of these issues
is provided in this section and extensions are made to incorporate these findings with previous
work.
Linguistic Perspectives
Both Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993) and Natriello et al.’s (1986) frameworks provided a point of
departure that, when considered with this study’s findings, helps validate the relation that linguistic and cultural issues have with migrant Hispanic students’ decision to drop out of school.
The data from this study suggested that many of the participants felt as though they were not
proficient enough to succeed in classes where no support was given in the native language. P2
mentioned that many times migrant Hispanic students choose to not participate in class to avoid
being made fun of because of their accent and low English proficiency. Overall, the participants
in this study suggested that to be academically successful in mainstream classes, one must have
mastery of academic English. Unfortunately, this may not be obtained from the ESL training
offered in Plainville school. Although many migrant Hispanic students are placed in mainstream
classes after completing the ESL program, P1 suggested that they acquire only survival English.
This proficiency level, as P1 argued, leads to a loss of a true understanding of the content material
being taught. Thus, their role in the educational setting is merely of survival and not one in which
they can actively engage themselves in their own learning process. Limited English proficiency
also affects the extent to which these participants felt that they could participate in extracurricular
school activities, such as football.
Language issues also played a role in the academic support—or lack thereof—available in
Spanish. It was apparent that the school library was a very unlikely place that these students
may get additional help with their coursework. P4 stated, “If I can’t understand the textbook
because it’s in English, why would I want to go to our English-only library?” Overall, P1 claimed
that, linguistically and culturally speaking, the school library essentially was closed to migrant
Hispanic students, which he feels sends the wrong message suggesting that reading—or at least
reading in one’s native language—is not important.
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
43
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
Cultural Perspectives
The participants felt unwelcomed in the community and, consequently, in the school because
of the treatment they received for being an ethnic minority. They consistently commented that
to be socially accepted in school, they must acculturate to the Anglo and dominant culture and,
in the case of P3, make the conscious decision to cease interaction with Hispanic students as if
the groups should not be socially mixed. P3 was the perfect example of this and even admitted
that when he started hanging around Anglo students and quit speaking Spanish, his academic and
social life “took a dramatic change for the better.” P3 admitted to being aware of the social power
that he obtained from speaking English but, unfortunately, has also realized that he has already
begun to suffer a significant loss of his native language. Other Hispanic students according to
P2 were hurt and frustrated by the fact that P3 no longer interacted with Hispanic students and
openly have stated their feelings of “betrayal.”
Although cultural differences between Anglo and Hispanic students exist, this does not imply
that a bicultural and accepting educational environment can not be obtained. One way that social
capital can be achieved among Anglos is through popularity in school. However, other studies
have addressed what social capital entails to a Hispanic student (Quiroz, 2001; Saucedo Ramos,
2003; M. M. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 1995). These researchers have argued that family
obligations and “breadwinning” (i.e., providing economical stability) are similarly important for
Hispanics. This study provided support for this in P5 who admitted his desire to drop out of
school in order to work and to help support his family as DP does. For P5, the quickest way to
obtain social capital was through breadwinning for his family and not through the educational
system.
The participants in this study suggested that a more harmonious atmosphere could be obtained
if the administration would implement stricter rules for students who demonstrated cultural misunderstanding (i.e., those who instigated poor treatment to minority students). However, perhaps
because these participants felt socially (and academically) powerless, they thought that many
of the negative attitudes, stereotypes, and actions against Hispanics go unheard. The participants were discouraged by the school administration who, according to the participants, should
keep a closer eye on how Hispanics were negatively treated in the school and in the “Anglo
world.” Outside of the school, probably some of the most disheartening information focusing on
the treatment of Hispanics was revealed. Many of the participants discussed exactly how they
felt Hispanics were viewed among community members. From these accounts, the researcher
realized the potential grave influence that the community has on the educational attainment of
Hispanic students in the research community. For instance, the participants discussed situations
in which community members purposely burned Mexican flags, Anglo students threw rocks at
Hispanics, and others chanted “go back to where they belong” while waving the confederate flag
proudly in the air at events such as the Cinco de Mayo parade. Although these situations are
participant perspectives of what has happened in their town, care must be taken when inferring
generality. Nonetheless, the findings from this study illuminate these factors and others as having an association with low academic attainment and present them as elements that merit future
research.
To further the research on migrant Hispanics in mainstream classes is of utmost importance.
This study presented a variety of cultural and linguistic perspectives that may have a relation with
lower educational aspirations and attainments among this growing population of students but is
44
SCHWIETER
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
only a small step in exploring these complex phenomena. Future studies may wish to investigate
similar issues to better understand the reasons behind the high dropout rates of migrant Hispanic
students and to improve the quality of education for this very important minority group. This
work will need to address how findings such as those in this study can be generalized to the
larger picture by revealing a connection between participant perspectives and the reality of the
problem at hand. Future studies also should be conducted that incorporate viewpoints of migrant
Hispanics who have already dropped out of school. In addition, research should be undertaken
that compares and contrasts linguistic and cultural perspectives of Anglo and Hispanic students,
their parents, and teachers.
REFERENCES
Andrade, S. J. (1982). Social science stereotypes of the Mexican American woman: Policy implications for research.
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 4, 223–244.
Arbona, C., & Nora, A. (2007). The influence of academic and environmental factors on Hispanic degree attainment.
Review of Higher Education, 30, 247–269.
Banks, J. A. (1994). Education: Theory and practice. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Barba, R. H. (1993). A study of culturally syntonic variables in the bilingual/bicultural science classroom. Journal of
Research in Science Teaching, 30, 1053–1071.
Barba, R. H. (1995). Science in the multicultural classroom: A guide to teaching and learning. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Birman, D. (1998). Biculturalism and perceived competence of Latino immigrant adolescents. American Journal of
Community Psychology, 26, 335–352.
Bohon, S., Macpherson, H., & Atiles, J. (2005). Educational barriers for new Latinos in Georgia. Journal of Latinos and
Education, 4, 43–58.
Bourdieu, P. (1973). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In R. Brown (Ed.), Knowledge, education and social
change (pp. 71–112). London: Tavistock.
Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgment of taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1986). Forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for sociology of
education (pp. 241–258). New York: Greenwood.
Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J. C. (1977). Reproduction in education, society and culture. London: Sage.
Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J. D. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Brown, L. L., & Robinson Kurpius, S. E. (1997). Psychosocial factors influencing academic persistence of American
Indian college students. Journal of College Student Development, 38, 3–12.
Brunn, M. (2002). Policy design as practice: Changing the prospects of Hispanic voices. In S. Wortham, E. G.
Murillo, Jr., & E. Hamann (Eds.), Education in the new Latino diaspora: Policy and the politics of identity
(pp. 193–213). Westport, CT: Ablex.
Cabrera, A. F., Stampen, J. O., & Hansen, W. L. (1990). Exploring the effects of ability to pay on persistence in college.
Review of Higher Education, 13, 303–336.
California Association of Colleges of Teacher Education. (2001). Success for English language learners: Teachers
preparation policies and practices. Teacher Education Quarterly, 28, 199–208.
Ceja, M. (2004). Chicana college aspirations and the role of parents: Developing educational resiliency. Journal of
Hispanic Higher Education, 3, 338–362.
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94, S95–S120.
Coleman, J. S., & Hoffer, T. B. (1987). Public and private schools: The impact of communities. New York: Basic Books.
Collatos, A., Morrell, E., Nuno, A., & Lara, R. (2004). Critical sociology in K–16 early intervention: Remaking Latino
pathways to higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 3, 164–179.
Cornelius–White, J. H. D., Garza, A. C., & Hoey, A. T. (2004). Personality, family satisfaction, and demographic factors
that help Mexican American students succeed academically. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 3, 270–283.
De Jesús. A. (2005). Theoretical perspectives on the underachievement of Latino/a students in U.S. schools: Toward
a framework for culturally additive schooling. In P. Pedraza & M. Rivera (Eds.), Latino education: An agenda for
community action research (pp. 343–371). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
45
Derwing, T. M., DeCorby, E., & Ichikawa, J. (1999). Some factors that affect the success of ESL high school students.
Canadian Modern Language Review, 55, 532–547.
Durán, R. (1994). Hispanic student achievement. In M. J. Justiz, R. Wilson, & L. G. Björk (Eds.), Minorities in higher
education (pp. 151–172). Phoenix, AZ: Oryx.
Foley, D. E. (1991). Reconsidering anthropological explanations of ethnic school failure. Anthropology & Education
Quarterly, 22, 60–86.
Fraenkel, J. R., & Wallen, N. E. (2006). How to design and evaluate research in education (6th ed.). New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Fry, R. (2005). The higher dropout rates of foreign-born teens: The role of schooling abroad. Washington, DC: Pew
Hispanic Center.
García, E. E. (2000). Meeting the challenges of cultural diversity. Principal Leadership (High School Ed.), 1(4),
50–53.
Gaspar de Alba, A. (1995). The alter-native grain: Theorizing Chicano/a popular culture. In A. Dader (Ed.), Culture
and difference: Critical perspectives on the bicultural experience in the United States (pp. 103–122). Westport, CT:
Bergin & Garvey.
Gibson, M. A. (1991). Minorities and schooling: Some implications. In J. Ogbu & M. Gibson (Eds.), Minority status and
schooling: A comparative study of immigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 357–381). New York: Garland.
Gloria, A. M., & Robinson Kurpius, S. E. (1996). The validation of the cultural congruity scale and the university scale
with Chicano/a students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioural Sciences, 18, 533–549.
Gloria, A. M., & Robinson Kurpius, S. E. (2001). Influences of self-beliefs, social support, and comfort in the university
environment on the academic nonpersistence decisions of American Indian undergraduates. Cultural Diversity and
Ethnic Minority Psychology, 7, 88–102.
Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Garden City, NY: Anchor.
González, K. P., Stoner, C., & Jovel, J. A. (2003). Examining the role of social capital in access to college for Latinas:
Toward a college opportunity framework. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 2, 146–170.
Harrell, P. E., & Forney, W. S. (2003). Ready or not, here we come: Retaining Hispanic and first-generation students in
postsecondary education. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 27, 147–156.
Haslett, K. E. (2000, November). Language ideologies of a Midwestern town: Shaping the learning experience of
Latino/a students. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San
Francisco, CA.
Heath, S. (1983). Ways with words: Language, life and work in communities and classrooms. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Hovey, J. D., & King, C. A. (1996). Acculturative stress, depression, and suicidal ideation among immigrant and
second generation Latino adolescents. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 35,
1183–1192.
Huffman, T. (2001). Resistance theory and the transculturation hypothesis as explanations of college attrition and
persistence among culturally traditional American Indian students. Journal of American Indian Education, 40(2),
28–47.
Jurkovic, G., Kuperminc, G., Perilla, J., Murphy, A., Ibanez, G., & Casey, S. (2004). Ecological and ethical perspectives
on filial responsibility: Implications for primary prevention with immigrant Latino adolescents. Journal of Primary
Prevention, 25, 81–104.
Kao, G. (2004). Social capital and its relevance to minority and immigrant populations. Sociology of Education, 77,
172–175.
Laird, J., DeBell, M., & Chapman, C. (2006). Dropout rates in the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of
Education, National Center for Education Statistics.
Lockwood, A. T., & Secada, W. G. (1999). Transforming education for Hispanic youth: Exemplary practices, programs,
and schools. Washington, DC: George Washington University, Center for the Study of Language and Education
Graduate School of Education & Human Development.
Márquez-López, T. (2005). California’s standards movement: How English learners have been left out of the equation
for success. In P. Pedraza & M. Rivera (Eds.), Latino education: An agenda for community action research (pp.
205–230). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (2006). Designing qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Martínez, M. D. (2003). Missing in action: Reconstructing hope and possibility among Latino students placed at risk.
Journal of Latinos and Education, 2, 13–21.
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
46
SCHWIETER
Matute-Bianchi, M. E. (1986). Ethnic identities and patterns of school success and failure among Mexican-descent and
Japanese American students in a California high school: An ethnographic analysis. American Journal of Education,
95, 233–255.
Matute-Bianchi, M. E. (1991). Situational ethnicity and patterns of school performance among immigrant and nonimmigrant Mexican-descent students. In J. Ogbu & M. Gibson (Eds.), Minority status and schooling: A comparative study
of immigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 205–247). New York: Garland.
McLeod, J. (1995). Ain’t no makin’ it: Aspirations and attainment in a low-income neighborhood. Boulder, CO:
Westview.
Mehan, H. (1979). Learning lessons: Social organization in classrooms. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Menchaca, V. D. (2001). Providing a culturally relevant curriculum for Hispanic children. Multicultural Education, 8(3),
18–20.
National Center for Education Statistics. (2005). Table 23-2: Status dropout rates and number and percentage distribution
of dropouts ages 16–24, by selected characteristics: October 2005. Retrieved on July 11, 2007 from http://nces.ed.
gov/programs/coe/2007/section3/table.asp?tableID=700. U.S. Department of Education: Institute of Education
Sciences.
Natriello, G., Pallas, A., & McDill, E. (1986). Taking stock: Renewing our research agenda on the causes and
consequences of dropping out. Teachers College Record, 87, 430–440.
Ogbu, J. (1981). School ethnography: A multilevel approach. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 12, 3–20.
Ogbu, J. (1986). Stockton, California revisited: Joining the labor force. In K. Borman & J. Riesman (Eds.), Becoming a
worker (pp. 29–65). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Ogbu, J. (1987). Variability in minority school performance: A problem in search of an explanation. Anthropology &
Education Quarterly, 18, 312–334.
Ogbu, J. (1991). Immigrant and involuntary minorities in comparative perspective. In J. Ogbu & M. Gibson (Eds.),
Minority status and schooling: A comparative study of immigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 3–33). New York:
Garland.
Olatunji, A. (2005). Dropping out of high school among Mexican-origin youths: Is early work experience a factor?
Harvard Educational Review, 75, 286–305.
Pascarella, E. T., Duby, P. B., & Iverson, B. K. (1983). A test and reconceptualization of a theoretical model of college
withdrawal in a commuter institutional setting. Sociology of Education, 56, 88–100.
Penyak, L. M., & Duray, P. B. (1999). Oral history and problematic questions promote issues-centered education. Social
Studies, 90(2), 68–71.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Quiroz, P. A. (2001). The silencing of Latino student “voice”: Puerto Rican and Mexican narratives in eighth grade and
high school. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 32, 326–349.
Reyes, P., & Rorrer, A. (2001). U.S. school reform policy, state accountability systems and the limited English proficient
student. Journal of Education Policy, 16, 163–178.
Rieffel, L. M. (1990). Biculturalism, self concept and adjustment. Unpublished master’s thesis, Georgia State University,
Atlanta.
Rodríguez, A. L., Guido-DiBrito, F., Torres, V., & Talbot, D. (2000). Latina college students: Issues and challenges for
the 21st century. National Association of Student Personnel Administrators Journal, 37, 511–527.
Romo, H. D., & Falbo, T. (1996). Latino high school graduation: Defying the odds. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Saucedo Ramos, C. L. (2003). Family support for individual effort: The experience of schooling in Mexican workingclass families. Ethos, 31, 307–327.
Schwieter, J. W. (2008). Language attitudes and gender: Descriptors and nationalistic ideologies. Buckingham Journal
of Language and Linguistics, 1(1), 113–127.
Schwieter, J. W., & Jaimes-Domínguez, J. L. (2009). Maximizing indigenous student learning in the mainstream with
language and culture. Contemporary Issues in Education Research, 3(2), 39–46.
Shore, K. (2001). Success for ESL students. Instructor, 110(6), 30–32.
Suárez-Orozco, C. (1991). Immigrant adaptation to schooling: A Hispanic case. In J. Ogbu & M. Gibson (Eds.), Minority
status and schooling: A comparative study of immigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 37–61). New York: Garland.
Suárez-Orozco, C. (2001). Afterword: Understanding and serving the children of immigrants. Harvard Educational
Review, 71, 579–589.
Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 22:24 13 January 2011
MIGRANT HISPANIC STUDENTS
47
Suárez-Orozco, M. M., & Suárez-Orozco, C. (1995). Transformations: Immigration, family life, and achievement
motivation among Latino adolescents. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Tinto, V. (1975). Dropouts from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of Educational
Research, 45, 89–125.
Tinto, V. (1987). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition (1st ed.). Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Tinto, V. (1993). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2000a). Population by race and Hispanic or Latino origin for the United States: 1990 and 2000
(PHC-T-1; Table 4). Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved July 11, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/population/
cen2000/phc-t1/tab04.pdf
U.S. Census Bureau. (2000b). Race and Hispanic origin: 1990 (Tables 3, 5, and 6). Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved
July 11, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/prod/cen1990/cp1/cp-1-15.pdf
U.S. Department of Education. (1995). Hispanic Dropout Project. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved July 11, 2007,
from http://www.ncela.gwu.edu/pubs/hdp/index.htm#hdp
Villenas, S. (2002). Reinventing educación in new Latino communities: Pedagogies of change and continuity of North
Carolina. In S. Wortham, E. G. Murillo, Jr., & E. Hamann (Eds.), Education in the new Latino diaspora: Policy and
the politics of identity (pp. 17–36). Westport, CT: Ablex.
Wortham, S. (2002). Gender and school success in the Latino diaspora. In S. Wortham, E. G. Murillo, Jr., & E. Hamann
(Eds.), Education in the new Latino diaspora: Policy and the politics of identity (pp. 117–142). Westport, CT: Ablex.
Yin, R. K. (2006). Case study methods. In J. L. Green, G. Camili, & P. B. Elmore (Eds.), Handbook of complementary
methods in education research (pp. 111–122). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
John W. Schwieter is associate professor of Spanish and linguistics at Wilfrid Laurier
University. In addition to psycholinguistics and language acquisition, one of his research
areas includes socio-cultural and linguistic aspects of educational attainment among
Hispanics and minority students. He is also interested in instructional strategies that focus
on language and culture and facilitate student learning.