1
COHORT ANALYSIS AS A TOOL IN
ETHNO
THC$: HISTOMCAE
PROFILES OF E k D E m FROM EIGHT
ETHNIC POPUU TdONS IN THE
UNITED STATES
Second Edition
Gwen Ye@?
P m
Nanq Haoyedaf MPH
MeIen McBa.def
PhD
$00- Young Chin, PhD
MqE&andsf P m , %Y6
Levame Hen*?
MSNP
Working Paper Series Number 12
S u p p o ~ e dby a gmnt &om the Bureau o f Health Pmfessionas for
Geriatric Education Centers.
I
COHORT ANALYSTS AS A TOOL IN ETHNOGERIATRECS:
HISTORICAL PROFILES OF ELDERS FROM
EIGHT ETHNIC POPUMTIONS I N TI-IE UNnED STATES
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Background
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.
African American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.
American Indian Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Chinese American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Japanese American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Filipino American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Korean American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Mexican American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Vietnamese American Elders
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Conclusion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56
References
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
.
COHORT ANALYSIS AS A TOOL IN ETWNOGERIATRIGS:
HISTORICAL PROFILES OF ELDERS FROM
EIGHT ETHNIC POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES
Gwen Yeo, PhD
Nancy Hikoyeda, MPH
Melen McBride, RN, PhD
Soo-Young Chin. PhD
Mary Edmonds, PhD, PT
Levanne Hendrix, MSN, ARNP
Background
In developing insights into the impact of ethnicity on health and mental health care
for elders, an understanding of the historical events experienced by individuals in the older
ethnic cohorts is important. This paper presents an approach for examining the cohort flow
through history since the influence of historical events, such as immigration patterns and
discrimination, is reflected in the values, health beliefs, illness behaviors, self-image,
degree of trust, and expectations of providers he!d by the older persons. The historical
profiles of elders from various ethnic backgrounds which result from applying this approach
may be used as an educational aid in programs training health care providers in
gerontology and geriatrics, and also as a tool for organizing history taking and recording
in clinical health and mental health settings.
Historical profiles for each population are created by listing significant events and
periods experienced by the cohorts of interest during specific age periods (childhood,
adolescence, young adulthood, middle age, and older years) in their life course. At the
Stanford Geriatric Education Center (SGEC), we are particularly indebted to three scholars
for introducing this approach to the analysis of influences on ethnic elders and for
pioneering its use in the educational setting. Dr. Jose Cuellar, an ethnogerontologist and
an original member of the SGEC Core Faculty, developed a model analyzing the influence
of different historical periods on varying cohorts of Mexican American elders and
suggested that the model might be applied lo other popuiaiions. He emphasized the
importance of analyzing different generations over time within ethnic groups, pariicularly
Mexican American populations, in order to more accurately determine current and future
needs for services. We are also indebted to Dr. F.M. Baker, a.psychiatrist with strong
expertise in ethnogeriatrics, who has emphasized the influence of historical experiences
during key developmental stages in the life cycle on the mental health of African American
elders as well as other groups. Using Dr. Baker's work, Dr. Julee Richardson, an
ethnogerontologist and member of the SGEC core Faculty, piloted the use of cohcrt
analysis in teaching ethnogeroniology.
For this approach to be useful, it is necessary to consider events specific to
individual ethnic groups, and not to overlook significant historical differences between
groups by using broad categories which lump many groups together (e.g., the category of
"Asian/Pacific American Islanders" which encompasses over 30 different subgroups). For
this second edition of the working paper, infonation on the four largest ethnic populations
of elders of color and culture in California in the first edition has been supplemented by
information on four additional groups. This allow us to present cohort analyses for the
largest ethnic groups in each of the four federally designated ethnic minority categories
including: American-bom African American elders, Mexican American elders, Ameriwn
Indian elders, Chinese American elders, Japanese American elders, Filipino American
elders, Korean American elders, and Vietnamese American elders. Admittedly this choice
reflects a bias from the Western part of the United States since it does not include elders
of color from some of the largest East Coast populations such as Cuban and Puert.0 Rican.
Undoubtedly, there will be some disagreement with details, terms, and
~nterpretationschosen for the following profiles. The major sources for each population
are listed in the References section; consultation with knowledgeable scholars was also
used to select the major events and trends. Readers are encouraged to use the framework
to adapt the informaion to their own needs (while giving appropriate credit to the present
authors, of course) and also to communicate feedback and comments to the authors. The
differences in number of events listed are not intended to imply differences in importance
or emphasis between the ethnic populations.
It should be emphasized that not all @Idemwho identify themselves as
members of the populations described will have been irrfluenced by the histoflca!
events in the analyses. While these events are considered major in the literature
reviewed and likely to have affected large proportions of the groups involved, there is vast
diversity of experience within each of the ethnic groups.
In demonstrating this cohort approach, two types of charts are included which can
be used as guides for education programs or clinical history taking. The "cohort
experiences" charts (which can be used as overhead transparencies) show rough
approximalions of generational periods across the top, assuming that generations falf into
approximately 20 year spans. Under each designated period a few major events or
influences are listed which are given in more detail on the "significant dates and periods"
chart and the text. Considering the effects of the historical events on lives of individual
elders, it is impoFtant to consider the elder's life cycle phase during the specific historical
periods. For example, the effects of specific experiences on a person's self-image or trust
of the health care system might vary based on whether or not i t happened during
childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, middle age, or older adulthood.
A&WIG&N ANlEWlCAN ELDERS
The African American elders of the 20th century have witnessed many changes in
such variables as socioeconomic status, health status, cultural origins, religious afiiliation,
political persuasion, and the environmental climate to name a few. African Americans,
being a heterogenous population, have been impaded differentially depending on their life
situations. One such variable of significance was the name by which they were identified
in specific periods of time. At the turn of the century'the name associated with African
Americans had been changed from former slave to Colored. Since then the name has
changed several times from Negro to Black and currently to African American.
Interestingly, it was not until African Americans were called Black, and the "Black is
Beautiful" theme began to emerge, that Blacks began to affirm, overtly, their blackness
as having value. Each name change reflected a different perspective of the African
American of that time period.
In the late 1800s when many of the parents of the current cohort of African
American elders were growing up, the "Jim Crow Laws" and the "Separate but Equal
Doctrine" prevailed, making it impossible for Coiored people to attend the White schools.
During that period several Historically Black Colleges (HBCs) were founded in the South
by White religious organizations and philanthropic societies from the North and committed
Coiored churches and organizations in the South. For example, Spelman College in
Atlanta was founded for Colored girls and women in 1881. The same year, Booker T.
Washington, a Black American leader, founded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Many
HBCs founded at the turn of the century still flourish today and have graduated several
generations of African Americans who have made significant contributions to the world.
As today's African American elders were growing up, they heard hear(breaking
stories about slavery, the Civil War, and the Reconstruction period. The Reconstruction
period was marked by racial violence which affected the lives of almost every Colored
family in the South. After the Civil War and emancipation, many families who became
separated during slavery were reunited. For the first time in the South, there were
thousands of legal marriages performed.
The violence continued in the 1900s, and the Ku Klux Klan became highly visible
and active. They burned schools and lynched over 3,000 people between 1889 and 1921.
As a result of these atrocities, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP) was founded in 1909 by Black and White leaders. This organization
gave the Colored people and Whites sympathetic to the cause an opportunity to begin lo
address issues of social justice. Many African American elders today remain active
members of the organization. Though their philosophies differed, two founders, W.E.B.
DuBois and Booker T. Washington both developed approaches that helped the colored
mmmunities in their efforts to gain civil rights. During the same era George Washington
Carver found practical uses for the peanut and the sweet potato, thus providing
employment lo many after the boll weevil destroyed much of the cotton crop in the South.
He then developed many products that could be manufactured.
There was an initial migration of approximately one half million Negroes from the
South to northern cities seeking better jobs and educational opportunities for themselves
and their families. The NAACP was instrumental in Fighting for the rights of Colored people
during the migration. During this period, the data indicate that the two-parent family
household was the norm, and intact families were more likely involved in the migration.
The Black church became one of the major socializing agent for the migrants. The Urban
League was founded in 192 1 to assist migrants vvho lacked marketable job-related skills.
The League also helped with housing, warned of urban dangers and taught life skills.
m s a turning point for the 100,000 Negro soldiers vvho fought
World War I(WI)
overseas. Many were honored for their valor, including a parade on New City's Fifth
Avenue. In 1919, hovvever, veterans (sometimes still in uniform) were assaulted, pulled
from buses, dragged from their homes, and viciously beaten by rampaging white mobs
in Chicago, Omaha, Washington, D.C., and Texas, in a period referred to as the "Red
Summer." Thousands of today's elders who survived the influenza epidemics of 1918 and
1919 lost relatives and friends in these riots.
In the 1920s. M e n today's elders were children and young adults, the KKK claimed
to have 5 million members in the U.S. In 1925, 40,000 robed Klansmen marched in
Washington, D.C. An additional 1 million Negroes migrated to the North and West where
they found growing recognition of the arts. The Harlem Renaissance began featuring the
arts and music, especially the birth of jau. Marcus Garvey emerged as leader of the
Universal Negro lmprovemsnt Society, Wich preached racial pride and advocated for a
"Back to Africa" movement . Although no one went back to Africa, the solidarity of the
movement left a legacy of racial pride which undoubtedly enhanced a positive self-image
for the elders of today.
The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porlers, supporled by A. Phillip Randolph,
became an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in q928. This is significant
because this was one occupation where young college men could gain funds to continue
their education at the HBCs during the summer months and vacations. Mary McLeod
Bethune, founder of Bethune Cookman College in Florida, became the President of the
10,000 member National Association of Colored Women (NACVV)which fought for federal
anti-lynching legislation and job training for rural women.
In the 4930s the Depression affected the Negroes more profoundly than Whites as
hundreds of thousands lost their urban jobs in the North. Sharecroppers in the South
suffered enormously. One result of the Depression was the integration in the labor
movements (e.g. the1'TenantFarmer's Union"), led by A. Phillip Randolph. Negro political
leaders who w r e in the New Deal Cabinet became very influential. For example, Robert
C. Weaver became Secretary of Mousing and Urban Development and Mary McLeod
Bethune was an advisor to both Presidents Roosevelt and Truman. In 1934, this political
influence helped obtain New Deal relief for 3.5 million Negroes by providing work on
government projects. In 1935, the National Relations Act was passed which resulted in
racial integration of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial
Organizations (CIO), but this legislation excluded the defense industry where many
Negroes were working prior to WII.
In 1936 Social 'Security legislation was enacted that has benefited many African
American elders. In the same year, the boxer Joe Lewis became an idol for many
Negroes. Jesse Owen's victory in the 1936 Olympia in Berlin is still remembered by many
of today's eiders as a source of pride in spite of Adolph Hitler's racist ideology. In 1939,
contralto Marion Anderson was denied permission to perform a concert in Constitutional
Hall because she was a Negro. The Secretary of the Interior, Harold lckes, invited her to
sing at the Lincoln Memorial instead where 75,000 people attended.
In 1941, A. Phillip Randolph organized a non-violent demonstration of Negro mass
power in Washington. Before it began, Executive Order 8802 was issued which banned
discrimination in all national defense contract plants. For the first time since Abraham
Lincoln was president, a mandate was issued which protected Negro rights. This resulted
in a massive migiation of Negroes to nationa! defense centers in the North and West.
Women had the opportunity to work in the defense factories. Many of the elders today
were among those workers.
In the health field, Dr. Charles Drew, the first Negro physician to receive the Doctor
of Science in Medicine degree, developed blood plasma, methods of preservation of the
plasma, and the procedure for blood transfusions.
Although over a million Negro men and women sewed in World War II, all were in
segregated units. These units had White officers, although the data showed that morale
was h~gherand troops fought better with Negro officers. Many Negro soldiers performed
with valor. One such group was the 332nd fighter group, the Tuskegee Airmen, who won
900 medals and the Distinguished Unit Citation praising them for "outstanding performance
of duty." Of all the bombers they escorted, they never lost one to enemy fire. It was not
until 7 948 that the armed forces were fully integrated.
It was ironic that these troops were fighting for a free Europe and Asia yet returned
home to face inequality and segregation in education, housing, employment, and health
care services in almost all cities and towns, legally segregated businesses and public
facilities, poll taxes (to discourage voting), and anti-miscegenation laws in the South.
Many of today's elders are veterans who returned home to face inequalities and heip to
build the momentum for the era of civil rights.
The G I . Bill enabled many veterans to get a college education. A few Negroes
moved into professional. managerial: clerical: and sales jobs expanding the ranks of the
Negro middle class. In 1947 Jackie Robinson became the first Negro baseball player to
play in the ma!or leagues, and became an idol for the Negro. The 1954 Brown vs. Board
of Education decision, argued successfully before the Supreme Court by Thurgood
Marshall, ended the "Separate but Equal Doctrine" in education.
The 1955 Montgomerj Bus Boycott, triggered by Rosa Park's refusal to move to
the back of the busand led by Martin Luther King Jr.: began the non-violent resistance
movement. By 1958 the non-violent lunch counter "sit-ins began, in which many current
elders participated.
President John Kennedy and his brother: Robert, both supporters of civil rights for
all citizens, were assassinated in 1963 and 1968 respectively. In 1963, the Civil Rights
March on Washington, keynoted by Martin Luther King Jr.: highlighted the need for jobs
and freedom. In the same year, four little girls attending Sunday School in a Black church
in Burmingham, Alabama, were killed when their church was bombed. President Lyndon
B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964; which provided complete integration of
public facilities and schools; but its revisions are still being debated today. In 1965 he
signed the Voting Rights Act.
After a period of growing influence of the Nation of Islam in urban Black
communities in the North. Malcolm X. one of its most charismatic leaders. broke with the
organization in 1964 and formed the Muslim Mosque. Inc. where he encouraged violence
to protect human rights. In 1965 Malcolm X was assassinated. His autobiography is
considered a classic in the Black Power literature.
In 1964; 1965 and 1966 there were riots in northern cities and ghettoes, as well as
the Los Angeles neighborhood of Watts; they culminated in both white backlash and the
"Black Pride" movement. The era of "Black Pride" affected not only today's African
American eiders but influenced elders from all racial and ethnic backgrounds. Support for
recobnition of Black artists and their contribution to Black History led to a movement for
cultural pluralism which set the tone for greater recognition. Berry Gordy, Jr. introduced
a new sound and produced many musical stars at Motown. Many Black elders become
nostalgic just listening to the Motown sound. The number of elected Black officials
increased in ma!or cities and states, giving Blacks a sense that they might finally have
some political influence. Meanwhile Medicare legislation was implemented to provide
health insurance for the elderly, and the wide distribution of the Salk and Sabin polio
vaccines was saving lives or minimizing the effects of the disease for many of today's
African American elders.
In the 1970s, African American Studies emerged as a legitimate curricular program
or department in institutions of higher education. Many of today's Black elders were
instrumental in fighting for Black Studies as well as designing and implementing the
courses. Black soldiers participated in the unpopular War in Vietnam. The TV miniseries;
"Roots." galvanized the viewing audience and provided a visual image for Black elders of
many of the oral histories they had been told by their parents and grandparents. It also
provided a long overdue history lesson for the world.
Affirmative Action decisions flourished in the 1980s and assisted many African
Americans to gain equal opportunity in education and employment. This is pariicularly
significant to African American elders vdho tend to continue to work after retirement for
economic reasons. African Americans continue to be under-represented in white collar
occupations and are over-represented among union workers. The Cosby show introduced
to the nation a functional, upwardly mobile Black family vvith positive family values.
In 1984 and 1988,Jesse Jackson ran for the nomination of president of the United
States. He enhanced the politial povver and influenw of the African American community
and forged the Rainbow Coaiition that highlighted issues for all minority causes. He made
African Americans realize that they, too, could compete at the highest levels of
government, thus raising the aspirations of future generations of African Americans. The
'80s and '90s saw African Americans assuming more responsibility for their destiny. In
1995 the Million Man March in Washington, D.C. instilled a new spirit of worthiness in
African American men. The Million Woman March, October, 1997 in Philadelphia was an
affirmation for African Americans of the positive aspects of African American womanhood.
Women, students, and children all stood in a gesture of love and solidarity. The themes
were to teach responsibility to children, uplift the Black family, fight for social justice, and
learn self-love.
Severat African American astronauts participated in space missions which were a
source of pride for all Americans in the 1980s and 1990s. Dr. Ronald McNair was the
second African American to fly into space in 1984 on the Space Shuttle Challenger. On
January 28, 1986, he and six crew members died in an explosion on the Challenger. Dr.
Mae Jemison, the first w m a n of color to go into space, flew on the space shuttle Endeavor
on September 12, 1994, and conducted medical experiments.
In 1990-91 African American soldiers, many of M o m were grandsons,
granddaughters, and other relatives of elders, served with distindion in the voluntary
armed services during the Iraqi war, Desert Storm, and its preparation. Desert Search.
Two events focblsing on African Americans had strong emotional impacts during the
deeade of the 1935s. The beating of Rodney King by three M i t e policemen was captured
on videotape; the acquigal of the policemen caused a four day riot in Central Los Angeles,
and African Amerisans of all ages were appalled. O.J. Simpson's acquittal for the double
murder of his ex-wife and her friend polarized the nation and caused a deep racial split.
Affirmative Action statutes were voted out in the work place and in educational
institutions in California in the late 1990s. Other states are considering rescinding
Affirmative Action statutes, as well.
Health has always been an issue in the African American community. As health
dictates the quality of life, it has greater significance as one grows older. The health of
Black Americans was targeted for improvement in the U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services "Healthy People 2000," published in 1990. The draft of "Healthy People
2010" gives less attention to the health of minorities as specific targets. The 1996 data
from the National Center for Health Statistics indicated that the leading causes of death
for African Americans, especially for elders, continue to be chronic diseases, cancer, and
cerebrovascular diseases. For example, it was noted that African Americans with cancer
are less likely than Whites lo survive five years. A considerable difference in survival can
be attributed to differences in stage at diagnosis. Cancers among African Americans are
more frequently diagnosed after the cancer has been metastasized. This supports the fact
that African Americans tend to get into the health care system later, are sicker on entry and
die at an earlier rate than their White counterparts. The racial crossover phenomenon,
based on data from prior decades, indicate that if African American females lived to be 80
years old, they tend to outlive their White counterparts. However, data in the late 1990s
found that this was no longer true.
The present cohort of African American elders has survived in spite of early
negative experiences many of them endured in segregated health care systems in the
South, lack of easy access to appropriate health care facilities, and other factors that
militate against healthy lifestyles. In the late 1990s more attention is being directed to
mental health issues in the African American elderly communily. Alzheimer's disease, its
etiology, pathology, and possible cure is also under scrutiny.
'
AFRICAN AMERICANS
SIGNIFICANT DATES AND PERlODS IN RECENT KlSTORY
YEAR
PERIODS AND EVENTS
Late 1800s
i n Era in South; legal marriages, families united after emancipation; violence
Chaos of ReconsCNc%o
toward Colored people; Ku Kiux Klan founded, schools for freedmen burned; "Separate but Equal
Doctrine" legalized inequality; Jim Crow Era began; Tuskegee Institute founded by Booker T.
Washington, and other Historically Black Schools and Colleges founded; first Colored graduate from
West Point
1900 - 1909
NationalAssociation forthe Advancement of Colored People founded by leading members of While
and Colored communiijes, including W.E.B. DuBois; initial migration of Colored people from the
South to the urban North
-
The Urban League was founded to assist migrants; Wl included 100,080 Negro soldiers who
fought overseas: Golored units honored for their valor; Ku Klux Klan (KKK) active; "Red summer"
when GIs and others victims of bloody anti-colored rioting
1910 1919
POPUMION
9,800
1920s
M U claimed 5 million memben; 40,000 robed Klansmen marched in WashinGon, DC; one million
Negroes migrated from the South to the urban North; rise of arb and music, especially jan, centered
in Harlem; Marcus Gawey preached racial pride and "Back to Africa"; labor and radical political
movement emerged; Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters affiliated with AFL
1930s
Depression: thousands lost jobs and sharecroppers destitute; Negro poliica! !eaders assisted in
ham~ngNew Deal; poll tax, segregated schools and anti-miscegenation laws existed in South; de
facto segregation in North; trackstar Jessie Owen won Olympic gold; Marion Anderson denied right
to give concert; Social Secunty legislation enacted; Hiner invaded European countries; boxer Joe
Lewis became an idol for Negroes
11,800
Over a million Negro men and women sewed in segregated armed forces in World War II;Tuskegee
Airmen fought with distinction; Executive Order 8802 banned discrimination in defense plants
prompting migration to North and West; armed forces oficially desegregated
12,900
Korean War; Brown vs. Board of Educa~onSupreme Court ruling ended "Separate but Equal
Doctrine" in education; Montgomev Bus Boycott began nonviolent Civil Rights Movement; lunch
counter sit-ins and civil disobedience began; Jackie Robinson first Negro baseball player in major
leagues
March on Washington; President Kennedy assassinated; President Johnson signed Civil Rights Act
and Voting sights Act; Medicare legislationenacted; Vietnam War began; Martin Luther ffing, Jr. and
Robert Kennedy assassinated; riots in Northern cities resuBng in While backlash
18,900
Affirmative Action implemented gradually; increasing number of eiected Black officials; increasing
psliticai consentatism; W series %oats" taught Black hi*ory
Jesse Jackson ran for the nomination for President of the U.S. twice: Rainbw Coalition established;
Dr.Ronald McNair died on the Space Shuttle Challenger; rise of the Black Muslims
28.900
War with Iraq; Healthy People 2000 set goal to improve minow health; Dr. Mae Jemison was first
Black female to fly in space; Rodney King beaten, Ahican Americans riot in Los Angeles; Million Man
March, Million Woman March; aFfirmative action legislation reversed
30.000
-
COHORT EXPERIENCES AFRICAN AMERICAN ELDERS
1900-?920
Urban migration
NAACP and
Urban League
founded
Ku Klux Klan
active
WWI and the
"Red Summer"
1920-1940
1940-1960
WWII. segregated
troops; factory work
in North &West
Harlem
Renaissance
Marcus Gamey's
Back to Africa
Movement
Klan marched on
Washington
Desegregation in
plants, schools, and
military
Civil Rights
Movement & Law
Jesse Jackson ran
for President
Dr. Martin L. King,
Black Muslims
Jr, led non violence
then assassinated
Rodney King trial
Affirmative Action
Montgomery Bus
Boycott
Million Man &
Woman Marches
Political activism
Depression
Jesse Owens &
Joe Lewis
Jackie Robinson
Kennedys
assassinated
Declining
Affirmative Action
AGE AT HlSTORICAL EXPERIENCE
QURRENT
4GE
COHORTS
85+
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young
Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
M~ddleAged &
Young Old
Children
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
AMERlCAN lNBlAN ELDERS
To understand the historical experiences of the current cohort elders' from
American lndian backgrounds, it is important to understand some of the underlying factors
that have influenced their lives. The American lndian (Al) experience is different from
other ethnic minority groups in that 1) they were here first, 2 ) health care, education, and
social programs were bought and paid for with ceded land, and 3) each elder is defined
by the experience of the tribe (or tribes) to which he belongs (whether officially enrolled
or not) and that tribe's klationship with the federal government. There are 535 federally
recognized tribes and Alaska Native villages, and 126 tribes trying to get federal
recognition or re-ce~ifisationfrom previous "termination" of the tribe's relationship with the
federal government.
Nothing about contemporary lndian life is simple. There is no legal definition for a
"tribe," and no one legal definition for the term "lndian." Couds have used a two-part
definition, in the absence of definition by Congress, for being indian: I ) that the person
must have some identifiable lndian ancestry, and 2) that the lndian community must
recognize this person as an indian. At the tribal level, each tribe determines the criteria
for enrollment, and there is considerable concern about the dilution of lndian blood through
intermarriage. The issues of being indian, at an individual level, center around the
artificially imposed concept of "blood quantum" levels - i.e, how much ancestry is needed
to enroll in a given tribe; 112, 114, and 118 "lndian Blood" are fairly standard measures, but
it varies from tribe to tribe, and the Cherokee Nation accepts anyone whose ancestor's
name appears on the Dawes Roll (a list drawn up by the federal government during the
Allotment Era of indians receiving a 160-acre "allotment" of land as their portion of the
lndian Territory in Oklahoma). The U.S. Census category includes anyone who
self-identifies as "lndian."
The term "lndian Country" refers to all reservation lands (there are 278 federally
recognized reservations),dependent lndian communities, and all-Indian allotments within
the borders of the United States. In general, slates have no legal jurisdiction in lndian
country, and therefore tribal and federal law govern in both criminal and civil cases.
Divorce, inheritance, taxation, and contract disputes often get mired in this complicated
legal system.
The lives of today's lndian elders are likely to have been influenced not only by the
factors listed above, but also by the history of repression experienced since North America
indian "Elders" are considered those 55 years ol. age and older by most lndian Health Service
(IWS) service uniis. However, the term "Elder" in the indian communw denotes a position of leadership,
based on experience. spi&uality, and community service, rather than chronological age. Therefore, there
are elders in the~r40s and 50s, which need to bbe distinguished from "old Indians".
was colonized by Europeans. The disenfranchisement, the tradition of extermination, the
broken treaties, and the forced marches of the 18th and 19th centuries were all part of the
context of the world and family experiences in which many spent their childhood. In
addition there were specific events that made dramatic impacts on individual lives. One
of the most powerful influences was that of the lndian Boarding Schools.
lndian Boarding Schools were started as early as 1812 with the first Congressional
appropriation of $10,000, continued through the opening of the Carlisle lndian Industrial
School for lndian youth in 1879, and continue to operate today. An Act of Congress in
1882 set aside vacant army posts and barracks for use as industrial training facilities for
the "civilization" of lndian youth. The federal government had educational responsibility
by treaty for many lndian tribes, and discharged these responsibilities by requesting that
Church Societies run the schools , with tribal appropriations of money. Most of the lndian
students were shipped to schools that were purposely geographically distant from tribal
lands in order to inhibit communication with family and to discourage running away.
Missionaries in the early period of the schools expected rapid conversion to
Christianity and "civilization" by their lndian charges, meaning farm work and domestic
service. The conditions in the schools were spartan, discipline was harsh, and manual
labor occupied any "free time," as well as being used for punishment. Attendance was
mandatory, with children frequently being rounded up by Bureau of lndian Affairs (BIA)
personnel and literally dumped on trains. When children arrived, some as young as two
years old, their lndian clothes were burned and their traditionally long hair was cut, which
was very traumatic, especially for those from tribes that believed that members could not
pass over into the next world without their braids. Children were severely punished
physically and mentally for speaking an lndian language, or participating in lndian culture.
There were no family members or visits, sometimes for years. The absence of nurturing
and w a n human contact was replaced with the necessity of attending church on a regular
basis, converting to Christianity, and the task of learning to read and write English and do
sums. Not until 1934 and the passing of the lndian Reorganization Act by Congress were
lndians given the right to determine where their children attended school, and emphasis
was placed on reservation day schools.
Education in the early years of Boarding Schools was geared toward teaching a
trade to boys and domestic service for girls. (Carlisle, one of the largest boarding schools
in Pennsylvania, was estimated to provide an 8th grade education.) As with later
vocational training programs during the "relocation" period, the training often did not fit any
employment opportunities within the Indians' communities, whichwere mostly agricultural
tabor. In addition, upon returning to the reservation, many lndians were distressed to find
that they no longer felt they belonged to the community they left. The young adult was
uncomfortable in the once familiar surroundings, and the lndian community was suspicious
and distrusting of the indoctrinated youngster dressed in Western clothes. Many Indians
left the reservations for extended periods of time, or made lives elsewhere. Many of today's
older American lndians (especially those 60 years old and older) saw their family's lands
soid due to poverty: foreclosure; and intrusion of the white farmer.
Despite the harsh realities of life in the Boarding Schools. most lndian Elders
interviewed by the author {LW)felt that it was a necessary experience to gain an education,
and an understanding of the dominant society. These Eiders were able to survive under
the cruelest of conditions, take a positive position, and make meaningful and productive
lives for themselves and their families. They continue to be involved members of the
American lndian community: and take their responsibilities as "Elders" seriously.
During World War i l (WWII) young men from American lndian tribes, especially
Nava!o, were recruited to serve in the communication units since they could send
messages in lndian languages between American troops without enemy forces being able
to break their code. Over 25,000 American indians served in WII,many with distinction.
After the World War l'iyears, Indians; who had been treated with dignity and respect while
serving in the armed services came home to discrimination, racism; unemployment, and
deplorable conditions on the reservations. The women had also been involved in the war
effort, and many left the reservations for the first time in their lives.
The 1950s and 1960s was the "Era of Termination and Relocation" when the BIA
"terminated" the official designation of ovei 100 tribes and ended the federal trust
responsibility to them. BIA also attempted to force the assimilation and acculturation of
indians to the mainstream culture by moving thousands of lndians off of reservations to
urban relocation sites such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Jose, and Oakiand,
California, and the Detroit area. The BIA relocation programs looked at least hopeful to
lndians for a better future, and most intended to eventually return to the reservations.
Meanwhile, over 42;000 lndians again answered the call to military duty during the War
in Vietnam and are still honored in Pow Wows for their service.
The 1960s were marked by grim realities of lndian life on the reservations: average
death age of40 due to disease, alcoholism, and malnutrition; unemployment rate 10 times
higher than the national average; highest teen and ore-teen suicide rate in America; liver
disease from alcoholism five times higher than the white population, and lndians under 24
years old dying from alcoholism at a rate 28 times the national average; and more than
50.000 lndian families living in unsanitaw shanties or abandonedcars. Urban lndians
suffered the same racial discrimination and inner city dysfunctions as other minorities.
There was a post-war generation of college educated and articulate lndian students who
often found themselves at odds with the "old guard" triba! po!.iticos who espoused
deference to the existing power structure and numerous non-Indian experts. These
deplorable conditions led to the AIM activism of the '70s; including the occupation of
Alcatraz. Most of the militant AIM activists who are still living (many died under mysterious
circumstances) are now in their 60s.
An interesting panern developed after the radical activism of the "Red Power" era of
the '70s, in that lndians all over the country became interested in their cultural heritage
and spiritual traditions. This trend tended to be an individualistic and introspective pursuit
rather than the explosive political action of the '60s and '70s. This period also saw a
migration to the urban centers for the education of lndian lawyers, doctors, nurses. social
workers, and business people, and for educational opportunities for the children that were
not available on rural reservations.
intergenerational conflicts often developed between middle-age children who felt
their parents "copped-out" on traditional lndian ways, and their parents who were taught
to "act White" in the Boarding Schools and were trying to make a decent living and fit in
with the dominant society. Activism in the '70s engaged many of today's 50-60 year olds,
as did alcohol and the Vietnam War. Many sided with the Traditional lndians remaining
on the reservations in disputes with the "half-breeds" or "mixed bloods" who were running
the tribai councils. Unresolved political disputes and familial feuds @om the "home"
reservation, that may have decades of history and "story," affect the daily lives of any
urban lndian community.
In the late 1970s and T980s American lndian lawyers quietly shifted their fight to the
courtrooms where they were claiming treaty violations and the undervaluing of tribal lands.
The Nixon administration pushed through the lndian Self-Determination and Education Act
of 1975, and the next twenty years would see tribal development through many growing
pains, but with the unmistakable flavor of self-sufficiency. Many lndians believe that
"self-determination" is another disguise for "termination," in that the federal government
is attempting to terminate its responsibility for providing health care and other services
promised by treaty, legislation, and judicial review.
Since 1980 many of the reservation communities have focused on economic
survival and self-sufficiency through gaming, tourism, and management of natural
resources. There has also been a strong focus among individual Indians, whether on the
reservation or in urban areas, on preservation of traditional values, especially the spiritual
values. Spirituality is a pervasive aspect of lndian culture. Belief in the interconnectedness of all things leads to a profound relationship with nature, the family, and the
community, as well as the conduct of one's own life. Traditionally, healing, religion (as the
Western world defines it), and community were not separated, but often the spiritual
leaders of the community were medicine people, and it took a whole community to effect
a healing. Causes of illness were considered to be an "imbalance between the spiritual,
mental, physical, and community interactions of the individua1,in .most tribal traditions.
Healing is considered sacred work and cannot be effective without considering the spiritual
aspect of the individual. Many contemporary lndians use "White man's medicine" to treat
'White man's diseases" (for example, diabetes, cancer, and alcoholism), and use lndian
medicine to treat lndian problems (e.g. pain, and disturbed family relationships resulting
in physical symptoms).
Many Boarding School graduates are Christian, both by training and by second and
third generation heritage since the Boarding Schools were run predominantly by Christian
Missionaries. Geographical area of origin is impor?ant in that Christian Missionaries from
different Protestant and Catholic denominations divided up the reservation and tribal lands
amongst themselves, so as not to "compete for converts." Therefore the geographic
religion of origin is likely to be the religion of preference for converted lndian families, and
denominational support is ofien solicited at the time of family crisis or serious illness. A
survey conducted by the lndian community in 1992 in Santa Clara County, California,
indicated that 35% of ttie 158 adult lndian respondents considered themselves "Christian,"
27%stated that they followed both traditionai American lndian and Christian religion, and
16% stated that they followed only an lndian religion.
There are now more people who identify themselves as lndian in urban areas (62%)
than on reservations and other rural areas, according to the 1990 census. In this urban
lndian subculture many of today's elders have been part of the development of a PanIndian movement, where individuals from many different tribal backgrounds band together
to try to preserve their heritages and develop culturally relevant services and programs.
Being "lndian first and tribal second" is being promoted. These urban eiders are more
likely to live alone than their reservation counterparts but less likely to live in poverty.
The 1990 Census indicated that: 84% of American lndian elders reported income of
less than $20,000, the highest percentage of any ethnic group; 19% of American lndian
elders receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI), proportionately higher than any other
ethnic group; one in ten American lndian elders reports some mobility limitation but not
self-care limitation; one in five American lndian elders lives in housing without a telephone;
and, one in every eight American lndian elders received less than a fifth grade education.
The number of older Als increased 69% beween 1980 and 1990 and is projected to show
an even more dramatic jump in the 2000 census.
Unfortunately, the Indian Health Service does not have a funded program for the
organization dgeilatric services for the growing numbers of elders. In addition, there is
considerable concern in the lndian community that the health care system built over the
last 20 years to address the needs of American Indians in a eulturaily competent delivery
system will disappear with the advent of managed care contracting for Medicare and
Medicaidfunding. ft is estimated that 30% of all lndians are utilizing Medicare or Medicaid
coverage, but that less than 0.5% of any state Medicaid funding is spent on services to
indians. The cancem is that with the "invisibility" of the urban lndian population, managed
care by assignment to non-culturally sensitive providers will fufiher reduce utilization;
especially by elders who would not seek needed services, rather than be treated "rudely"
by staff. The economic impad of increased health care cost occurs when older Als do not
seek treatment until they are in severe distress.
The following description of the history of the American Indian experience taken
from the San Francisco Bay Area Indian Community Strategic Plan in 1995 summarizes
some of today's elders' perspective:
Before the Europeans came, the First Generation of our ancestors lived
peaceably on the lands that bordered the San Francisco Bay. The Second
Generation was exposed to English, Spanish and Russian seafarers,
missionaries and conquerors. They were decimated during the American
settlement of fhe west. The K i r d Generation was herded on to reservations
and struggled to retainknowledge of the ancient sacred traditions. The
Fourth Generation turned to alcohol to deaden the pain caused by the
destruction of their culture and many migrated to urban areas as part of the
federal relocation program. The Fiffh Generation rediscovered the Red
Road and became the bridge between the old ways and Western culture.
The Sixth Generation adjusted to urban life and developed a comprehensive
network (of) community-based organizations and human services. The world
now belongs to our children, the Seventh Generation, a new generation that
is revitalizing American Indian culture, spreading the message that we need
to heal ourselves and help each other (pp. 4-5).
SIGNIFiCANT DATES AND PERIODS IN HISTORY OF AMERICAN INDIANS
(WITH EMPHASIS ON THOSE FROM THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA)
YEAR
PERIODS AND EVENTS
AMERICAN
INDIAN
Pop (in 1000s)
Backqround Periods
50,000BC
-1492AD
Indians dispersed throughout Americas; 1009 unique languages
spoken
est. No. America pop: several million
1769-1834
Missionary Period in California: lndians forced into slave labor
at Spanish Missions, pop. declined by 72% in the missions
CA Mission Al pop.: 53.6 to 14.9
U.S. Congress acknowledges the "sovereign integrity" of
lndian tribes.
1787
1830
U.S. Congress passes lndian Removal Act: forced removal of
all eastern tribes to west of the Mississippi
1831
U.S. Supreme Court holds that Indian tribes are not foreign
nations but "domestic dependent nations".
1838
Cherokee Trail Of Tears: 4,000 Cherokee lost their lives in the
forced migration.
1848
U.S. defeated Mexico; California became part of U.S
1849
California Gold Rush: mass genocide of California Indians.
1864
Navajo "Long Walk" to Bosque Redondo: thousands died on forced
migration.
1876
Custer defeated at Battle of L'ile Big Horn.
1879
Carlisle Indian School established in Pennsylvania beginning the era of
Boarding Schools to force assimilation and de-culturation of Indian children
1880s-1934
Era of Suppression and Repression of American lndian culture.
Also called "Reservation and Assimilation" era due to forced confinement of
Indians to reservations, and forced assimilation in Boarding Schools.
CA Al pop.: 12.5
CA Al pop.: 72
.
,
General Allotment Act (Dawes Act) forced individual ownership of'.
tribal land by indians. Of 140 million acres of land owned by tribes in
1887, only 50 million were left in 1934 when allotment was abolished.
Wounded Knee Massacre: 350 Sioux on their way to a "Ghost Dance" were
killed by U.S. Troops.
20th Century
1900-191 0
Era of the "Vanishing American"
1914-1918
World War I: lndians fought and died defending "lndian L a n d
1921
Snyder Act: Dept. of Interior empowered to expend monies on lndian
health, education , and social services
U.S. Al pop.: 237
Cikenship Act of 1924: lndians given U.S. citizenship
California i'ndian Census completed (authorized by Congress in 1852)
CA Al pop.: 23.5
lndian Reorganization Act gave lndians the right to self-government
World War 11: 25,000 lndians on active duty; warriors
honored. First forced urbanization of lndians took place
Era of Termination and Relocation: over 100 tribes "terminated"
from federal Rust responsibility. BIA moved lndians off
reservations to force urban assimilation in to Los Angeles,
San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, and Detroit
Vietnam War: 42,500 American lndians sewed in Southeast Asia.
Veterans are honored at all Pow Wows today.
Era of Activism and Self-Determination: Militant groups such as
the American lndian Movement (AIM) brought attention to the health,
educational, employment, and cultural needs of Indians. Occupation
of Alcatraz in San Francisco Bay protested denial of religious freedoms for
lndians and continued desecration of lndian burial sites and advocated
for return of ancestral artifacts.
lndian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act: authorizes
tribes to "assume responsibility" for dire& operation of health, education,
and social service programs.
lndian Health Care Improvement Act: affirmed legal rights of lndiam to
certain health services; lHS can "contract" for services for reservation
and urban lndians.
Attention focused on economic survival of tiibes and selCsufficiency
through gaming, tourism, and management of natural resources.
Also an individual focus on preservation of traditional values . Aclfvism
turned to litigation and education of more lndian professionals. Number
U.S. A1 pop.: 1,400
of urban Indians surpasses reservation and rural.
Era of Pan-lndianism, especially in urban areas where there are
lndians with many tribal afiliations, the unity of the lndian community as
U.S. Al pop.: 1,900
"Indian first, tribal second" is befng promoted.
COHORT EXPERIENCES - AWlERlCAN INDIAN ELDERS
1900-1920
1920-1940
1940-1960
1960-2 980
Reservations
Citizenship
World War II
Service
Vietnam War
Education of
Professionals
"Vanishing
American"
Adoption of Indian
Children by Whites
Relocation by 81A
to Urban Areas
Indian Activism
Litigation
Forced Boarding
Schools
Loss of Land by
Allotment System
Termination of
100 Tribes
Youths Return to
Traditional
Practices
Self-Determination of
Tribes
Traditional
Culture "Bad"
Forced Assimilation
Forced Assimilation
Urbanization for
Education & Jobs
Urban Pan-lndianism
Law Banned
Spiritual
Practices
Boarding Schools
Reservation Gaming
AGE AT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE
85+
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young
Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged & Young
Old
Children
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults & Middle
Aged
CHlNESE AMEWiCAN ELDERS
When looking for major effects on the lives of the older cohorts of Chinese
American elders (those 75 and over), one must consider what was happening during their
childhood (the first 20 years of the 20th century). Chinese children in the U.S.. or even
those born in China, would probably have heard stories of mass immigration to California
or "Gold Mountain" (the translation of the Chinese character for California) from
Kwangtung Province in southern China during the Gold Rush. This period is referred to
as the "Chinese Diaspora," when emigration occurred in great numbers to all parts of the
world. Although there may have been a few scattered individuals of Chinese ancestry on
the east coast, by 1860 there were 30,000 Chinese in the U.S., almost ail in California, and
almost all relatively young males. They were called "Sojourners" because most intended
to make their fortunes and return to China. In 1890, the gender ratio was 27 Chinese
males to 1 female, as very few men brought wives. Most men came to work voluntarily in
the mines, on farms, or railroads. Many came on the "credit ticket system." In Hong Kong,
a man could borrow the equivalent of $70 ($50 for passage and $20 for expenses) and
obligate himself to repay $200. The stories told by parents in the early 20th century could
have included details of the brutality encountered by the Sojourners; in 1871, atrccities
were committed in Los Angeles where a number of Chinese were hanged or burned to
death. The blasting work assigned to Chinese men during the building of the railroads is
said to have been so dangerous it inspired the saying, "He doesn't have a Chinaman's
chance."
Anti-Chinese sentiment finally resulted in the Exclusion Act of 1882 banning
Chinese laborers, which drastically curtailed immigration. Many individuals went back to
China because of discrimination.
If today's Chinese elders grew up in the U.S. in families started before the early
1900s, they probably lived in an urban environment in one of the growing Chinatowns,
although the population had been almost completely rural 20 or 30 years earlier. Their
parents may have worked in the traditional Chinese occupations in restaurants, grocery
stores, and laundries and probably moved to the cities for protection or because of the
scarcity of rural jobs. During those years, migration continued back and forth between
China and California in spite of very restrictive legislation. There was a phenomenon of
immigration known as "paper sons." If one could document naturalization as a U.S.
citizen, and went back to China and fathered a son, he would be eligible to bring that son
into the U.S. Many earlier immigrants who had returned to China were able to bring boys
or men, declared as their sons, if their own claim to naturalization.could not be disputed.
The destruction of records in the 1906 earthquake and fire helped such claims since it
provided some freedom to make up documents which could not be confirmed. According
to the immigration laws, merchants and family members were allowed to immigrate (only
laborers were excluded), but they were detained, sometimes for weeks, in the infamous
"shed" on Angel Island until two "credible" non-Chinese witnesses could testify they were
legitimate merchants (sometimes called "treaty merchants").
Although the structure of the Chinese American communities began to take shape
around traditional extended families and clans (which were extensions of village life in
China), many Chinese residents belonged to Chinatom bachelor societies. Current elders
may have grown up with "extra" grandCathers or uncles who were single males without their
own family relationships. Children in the early part of the 20th century undoubtedly knew
of the powerful organizations or 'Yamily associations" which ran the Chinese communities.
They were not only influential in business and economic development but also served to
resolve disputes and represent the community to the outside world. Many present day
elders may have turned to their family associations for jobs. During this time, secret
societies or "tongs" were organized to support revolutionary movements and other antiestablishment activities.
Even as late as the 1930s there were four times as many married Chinese men as
married Chinese women in the U.S. Some of the older cohorts experienced long periods
of separation from their wives and families resulting in "mutilated families." Observers
have suggested that bachelor societies and the discrimination they encountered provided
little incentive for individuals to assimilate into the larger society, thereby maintaining the
Chinese ianguage and culture much longer than wou!d be expected.
As today's young old Chinese Americans were being socialized into their world, the
strongly negative image of the Chinese in the U.S. began changing, largely due to the
novels of Pearl Buck, the daughter of a missionary to China. Her books, and the movies
made from them, portrayed Chinese peasants as heroically resisting the Japanese
invasion. It was largely the result of pressure from influential citizens headed by Roger
Walsh, Pearl Buck's husband, which persuaded Congress to repeal the Chinese Exclusion
Acts in 1943. During WWII, 16,000 Chinese Americans served in the Armed Forces.
A more influential, but less heralded, piece of legislation was passed after the war
in 1943 allowing "alien wives" of permanent residents or citizens to immigrate to the U.S.
Over 9,000 women came to the U.S. in the next six years, prompting a large spike in the
birthrates among Chinese families at the same time as the baby boom in the U.S. Many
current elders undoubtedly participated in this massive reunification of Chinese families.
The post-VJorld War II years were marked by increased acculturation, especially
among the young, even though employment discrimination remained. There was
increasing distrust of the Chinese during the McCarthy Era, when Chinese in the U.S,were
suspected of being Chinese Communist sympathizers. The 1950s saw the advent of the
Cold War and ' k o " Chinas; communist China and the China of Chiang Kai-Shek. In 1953,
Asians became admissible refugees, and 2,000 people per year were permitted to enter
the U.S. with the consent of the government of Taiwan. In 1965, a new immigration act
favored persons with family members in the U.S. as well as those with professional and
entrepreneurial abilities. Discrimination in unionized employment, however, continued into
the 1960s.
As the present cohort has moved into elderhood, diversity within the Chinese
American population has increased. Some elders and their families have become well
educated, acculturated, and influential suburbanites who are admired as a "model
minority." Other elders are isolated, have little education and low incomes, speak little
English, and frequently live alone in crowded one-room apartments.
To add to the diversity, new immigrants to the U.S. from Chinese ancestry in the
past few decades have come after they are already in "retirement" ages. One source
includes those who came from Hong Kong before the 1997 transfer of authority from
Britain to mainland China, either with, after, or before their adult children. Chinese families
including older adults have also immigrated from Viet Nam with the unique experiences
of having lived there for one or more generations. Another major source of new Chinese
American elders are those who continue to come as "followers of children" from Taiwan.
Between 1989 and 1992, over 23,000 immigrants over 60 came to the U.S. from mainland
China, over 3,000 from Taiwan, and an estimated 780 from Hong Kong. Continued
immigration assures that there will be a high percentage of foreign-born Chinese elders
(84% in 1990) over the next few cohorts which will make it necessary to continue to
provide language services in Mandarin and Cantonese, although subpopulations speak
Toisanese and Taiwanese as well.
Scholars, scientists, and affluent business men and women are common among the
famllies of new Chinese American elders. Although three-generational households are
much more common among these families than among most older Americans, it is not
clear whether or not the elders will continue to choose to live with their children in large
numbers in the future. Senior housing programs in a number of California communities
have experienced relatively large numbers of applicants from Chinese elders who prefer
to live apart but near their children and grandchildren.
Although not the only target group, Chinese elders felt the influence of a general
bias against immigrants in the U.S. in the mid-1990s. This sentiment fueled changes in the
law that made welfare benefits unavailable to non-citizens. As a result, large numbers of
Chinese elders who had lived in the U.S. for decades became naturalized.
Two important continuing cultural influences that will undoubtedly affect the
utilization and acceptance American senior services and care by ChineseAmerican elders
and their families are the concept of filial piety and the use of herbal remedies. Among
Chinese families, filial piety influences lines of authority, the expectations of the elders for
care, a sense of obligation towards elders among younger generations, and feelings of
guilt if those obligations are not met. in the Chinese culture, traditional Chinese medicine
is highly regarded. In Taiwanese hospitals, the depaftments of Chinese and Western
Medicine coexist, and both are available to patients as legitimate health care options.
Elders integrate herbal remedies into their everyday iives, not just for medicinal purposes,
but frequently to create harmony and balance--the basis for the traditional Chinese
concept of good physical health.
CHINESE AMERICANS: SlGNlFlCANT DATES AND PERIODS IN BMNslGWTION AND HISTORY
YEAR
PERIODS AND EVENTS
"U.S.POP.
(in 1000s)
Sojourner male immigration from Southern China to Gold Mountain
Brutality and violence; discriminatory legislation
California ConsHution adopted with antCChinese pro*:isions
Chinese Exclusion Act banning immigration of Chinese laborers
Declining immigration; deciine oiagriculture, mining, and railroad
occupations; rise of urban sewice occupations; immigration of "paper
sons" and "treaty merchants" through "the Shed"
Rise of family associations and "tongs" (secret societies)
Immigration restrictions eased slightly
Pearl Buck novels portray Chinese peasants as heroes resisting
Japanese invasion; "mutilated families"
16,000 Chinese Americans served in Armed Forces
Repeal of all 15 Chinese Exclusion Acts; quota set at 105 per year
Law passed allowing "alien" wives to immigrate
Over 9,000 wives immigrated; increased educational attainment;
continued discrimination; high birthrates
Cold War, two Chinas; fear of Communist threat from Chinese
Americans; half of Chinese Americans are American born; increased
accuituration
Refugee status available for 2,000 if approved by Taiwan government
Continued discrimination in unionired employment
1965
New Immigration Act passed, persons with kin in W.S. favored
1970s
Two Chinese American communities: one suburban, well-educated; the
other with little education and low income; immigration of Chinese from
Vietnam
436
1980
Image of "model minority;" heavy immigration from mainland China,
Hong Kong and Taiwan including older adults
812
1990
Anti-immigrant bias; increasing diversity within Chinese Am. communiv
1,079
* Not counting Hawaii until aRer i t i statehood in 1959, when there were 38.000
-
COHORT EXPERIENCES CHINESE AMERICAN ELDERS
1960-1980
1980-Present
1920-1940
1940-7960
Chinese
exclusion act in
effect
1924 immigration Act
excludes all Asians
Repeal of Exclusion
Act
New immigration
act favors family
members
Continued heavy
immigration, from
Taiwan, Wong
Kong, & Vietnam
Urbanization
Families emerge in
Chinatowns
Chinese Americans
in WWII
Increased
educational
opportun~ties
Seen as "Model
Minority"
Continued
discrimination in
union employment
"Followers of
Children"
1900-1920
Family Associations
Immigration of
"Paper Sons"
Pearl Buck novels
Immigration of
wives
Predominantly
male
"Mutilated" families
Fear of Chinese
Communists
Anti-immigrant
bias
AGE AT KlSTORlCAL EXPERIENCE
CURRENT
AGE
COHORTS
85+
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young
Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Children &
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults 8.
Children
Adolescents
Middle Aged
To understand the past experiences of Japanese American elders, a brief
description of significant Japanese generational and cohort terms is in order. The current
older cohort includes: (1) lssei, who are the early immigrant pioneers from Japan; ( 2 )
Nisei, who are the American-born children of the lssei; (3) older Sansei, the Niseis'
offspring; (4) Kibei, young Niseis (usually sons) sent overseas for a Japanese education;
(5) Shin-lssei, the post-1965 Japanese immigrants; and (6) Post-war brides (Senso
Hanayome) of American servicemen. Nikkei is a relatively recent term which is used to
refer to Japanese Americans as a whole.
Several factors led to U.S. immigration from Japan. The earliest history of
Japanese in America begins in 1868 when the first few immigrants, both men and some
women, from Japan amived in Hawaii as contract laborers to work on the sugarcane
plantations. Because of this influx, the Japanese became the dominant population on the
islands. In 1882, the U.S. passed the Chinese Exclusion Act which barred fudher
immigration of Ch~nesefrom China and led the way to expanded immigration of Japanese
to the U.S. mainland. It is thought that thousands of young Japanese male laborers came
from Hawaii and Japan in 1885 to work on railroads, to pick fruit and vegetables for
canneries, or to work in industries such as logging, mining, and meatpacking. Most of
these young men hoped to make their fortunes and retum to Japan. World War I was also
responsible for increased Japanese immigration because of the need for agricultural
laborers. More than 70,000 Japanese immigrants entered the U.S. between 1910-1920.
The lssei laborers were primarily from farming backgrounds but were educated and
middle class by Japanese standards. They were desirable workers because they worked
for low wages, were industrious, and did not complain. However, these traits often made
them unpopular with other employees. Unable l o achieve upward mobility in these
occupations, many lssei tumed to the agricultural, floral, and fishing industries. About half
of the total population lived in West Coast cities (Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle)
while the remainder clustered in rural areas considered marginal for farming.
Because of an increasing "Japanese problem" due to the large numbers of
immigrants, the U.S. entered into the Gentleman's Agreement with Japan in 1907. The
Japanese government agreed they would no longer issue passpo~sto the U.S. to skilled
or unskilled laborers, however, laborers who had already been to America might return to
Japan andlor passpods could be issued to their parents, wives, and children. This
legislation had the exact opposite effect by causing the Japanese population to more than
double; about 90% of the population was male at this time but thousands of lssei men
would many (frequently by proxy) and send for their wives. This era became known as the
period of summoning families or yobiyose-jidai.
Proxy marriages were often based on photographs alone, which were legal under
Japanese law. The young "picture brides" faced many hardships beginning with the long
boat trip. In addition to the anticipation and anxieties associated with meeting their
spouses for the first time, many became homesick or physically ill. When the young
women arrived, many found that their husbands were older than their pictures sr that
personal informatiori sent to Japan was exaggerated. Once here, out of necessity, the
women abo labored in the fields or other menial jobs. In spite of these adverse conditions,
the numbers of Japanese families began to increase adding to U.S. cultural paranoia and
bigotry.
Traditional Japanese families were male-dominated and vertical in structure with
interadions based on clearly prescribed roles, duties, and responsibilities. An emphasis
was placed not on religion (although families were members of Japanese Buddhist temples
and various Christian denominations), but on ethical behavior and how one acts towards
parents, friends, and strangers. Children were raised to practice the Confucian values of
19th century Japan during the reign of Emperor Meiji (Meiji era). For example, arranged
marriages required adaptation to a foreign country, crowded and inferior housing, poverty,
and deprivation, yet, divorce, desertion, or separation were rare alternatives. This was
due to Japanese expectations which emphasized stoicism or "sticking things out" (gaman)
out of duty and obligation. Gin is a moral obligation towards others, whereby, shame or
guilt (to lose 'Yace") is felt not only by the individual, but shared by the family and the
Japanese community. This attitude fostered conformity and decreased social deviance.
Another fundamental term, oyakoko or filial piety, represents an absolute reciprocal
obligation from parent to child and child to parent (which forms the basis for family
caregiving).
lssei families encountered many hardships and discrimination. At that time, Asians
were categorized as "Mongolians" and Japanese immigrants faced a growing hysteria of
"yellow peril." They were denied the right to become citizens, to own land, or to marry
outside of their race. They could not purchase homes in certain areas and were barred
from jobs in some industries. Some parents were forced to send their children to
segregated schools.
In 19f 3, the California Alien Land Bill was passed in which all "aliens ineligible for
citizenship" were prohibited from owning land and limited land, leases to three years.
Since only "free White persons" were eligible for naturalization, the Nikkei were viQuaily
excluded. However, since many of them were married, property ownership was often
placed in the name of Nisei children or Caucasian friends. A later amendment to the bill
prohibited aliens from leasing land and, as a result, many families began truck farming.
The period from 1924-1941 has been described as the pre-war era characterized
by growing anti-Japanese hostilities. As World War I factory workers lost their jobs and
the soldiers returned home, antagonism toward those of Japanese descent escalated. For
example, because of their success in agriculture, the Japanese Americans were accused
of having secured the richest and most desirable farm land while the truth was exactly the
opposite.
Due to housing and employment discrimination, Japanese towns (nihon machi) were
established in Japanese communities to encourage social and economic independence.
Gakuen or Japanese language schools taught the Niseis about formal Japanese culture
and were believed to provide an economic advantage assuming that employment would
be in the ethnic economy, although few students actually learned proficient Japanese. By
1924, urban lssei began to open businesses such as restaurants, laundries, cleaning
establishments, grocery stores, service stations, theaters, and barber shops. Tanornoshi
groups were formed to provide financial assistance to members and friends; they were
frequently comprised of people from the same prefecture or ken in Japan. This group
solidarity was critical as it provided not only money, but customers and employment.
Contract gardening became an important and common occupation because of a growing
demand; gardening called for little capital and provided substantial autonomy.
During the Depression, the Nisei who graduated from high schools and colleges
also met with limited job opportunities due, in large part, to discrimination. Most worked
on farms, at fruit stands, in Japanese businesses, or the service industry. They were
taught about equality and freedom but were denied access to public recreational facilities
and some schools; they encountered threats, assaults, and property damage.
The period from 1941-1945 was the most significant time in the lives of the majority
of mainland Nikkei elders for it marks the wartime evacuation and internment of all people
of Japanese descent from the West Coast to inland relocation centers. When Japan
attacked Pearl Harbor, Hawaii on December 7, 1941, there were rumors of sabotage and
espionage committed by Japanese Americans. Although the FBI and others said the
rumors were false, the government did nothing to dispel the rumors. Within hours, many
lssei homes were ransacked or searched without warrants. Prominent Nikkei leaders (i.e.,
priests and ministers, language teachers, officers of community organizations, newspaper
editors) were arrested and taken to unknown destinations to face an Enemy Alien Hearing
Board. They were treated like "enemy aliens" and prisoners of war. Restrictions were
placed on German, Italian, and Japanese residents, including Niseis who were citizens by
birth, even though not a single act of sabotage or espionage occurred.
On February 18, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066
authorizing the Army to designate military areas from which any persons may be excluded
and all persons of Japanese descent on the West Coast were to be evacuated. Although
the order never mentioned the word Japanese, only those of Japanese ancestry were
moved; Italian and German Americans were exempted.
The Japanese Americans had no charges brought against them; there was no
hearing; and they did not know where they were going, how long they would be there, what
conditions they would find, or what would happen to them. Families had 48 hours to
dispose of all their possessions and property and to gather only those household and
personal items fhey could carry. Pets were not allowed. Families were registered and
given numbered tags to identify themselves and their possessions.
The Japanese Americans obeyed the evacuation orders and were loaded onto
trucks, buses, and trains and sent to one of 15 temporaw "Assembly Centers" set up in
converted race tracks and fairgrounds. Many were forced to live in horse stalls near open
sewers or hastily constructed barracks. Families were crowded into a 20' x 20' room
separated from other families by paper thin walls. Toilet and bathing facilities were
communal and lacked privacy. The facilities were surrounded by barbed wire fences and
armed guard towers. Families were then transported to permanent facilities, one of 10
War Relocation Authority internment "camps" located in isolated inland deserts or swamp
lands. These, too, were heavily guarded and overcrowded. Families lived in single rooms
with furniture made from scrap lumber or purchased from catalogues.
Schools, cooperative shops, and other essential services were soon established.
The War Relocation Authority (WRA) went to great lengths to provide recreational
aciivities to dispel the monotony and quell any rebellion. But family life deteriorated and
parental authority diminished because communal arrangements for nearly all activities
encouraged children to spend time away *om the family and home. Education was
generally inadequate, with no classroom furniture and discarded textbooks. Caucasian
teachers were recruited from the outside, aided by internees with college backgrounds.
By the end of 1942, those who could work or go to school were allowed to leave.
The government issued short-term passes and student leaves to the outside but not to
restricted zones where their homes were.
Ironically, in January, 1944, the WRA reinstated the draft far Japanese Americans.
While some Nisei men resisted the draft because their families were "prisoners," a number
volunteered for the army. Many volunteered to prove their loyalty to the U.S. Several
thousand men served in the all Nisei42nd Regimental Combat Team (RCT) and together
with the 10Uth infantry Battalion, including Japanese Amerimns from Hawaii, they fought
brilliantly in Europe and sdered tremendous casualties. For iis size and length of service,
the 100th Infantry Baealion1442nd Regimental Combat Team became the most highly
decorated unit in U.S. history. Nisei also served in the Pacific War as translators and
interpreters in the Military Intelligence Sewice (MIS) and Nisei women served in the
Women's Auxiliary corps (WACS).
On December 17, 1944, following Japan's surrender, the government ended the
mass exclusion order against Japanese Americans and on March 20, 1946, the last of the
ten major detention camps was closed.
The post-war period of resettlement began in 1945 and continues to the present.
Many families permanently relocated in the East and Midwest after locating jobs there.
Others returned to the West Coast, often finding their homes or property vandalized or
neglected, and suffering
continued discrimination in housing and employment.
. ,
From 1945-1947 approximately 45,000 war brides from marriages between
Japanese women and American servicemen were admined to the U.S. Very little
information has been documented about this cohort. However, these women faced not
only a new home in a foreign country, but many families in Japan "disowned" them for
marrying men who were not Japanese.
In 1952, the Walter-McCarren Act enabled lssei and other Asian immigrants to
become U.S. citizens. In 1965, over 48,000 Japanese immigrants became naturalized
citizens.
In the 1960s, Nikkei college students began to take an active interest in the
treatment of Japanese Americans during World War \I, particularly the constitutional
issues involved in the mass evacuation. This concern sparked an unprecedented national
campaign for judicial, legislative and grassroots political action. In 1980, Congress
created the Commission on Wartime Relocation and internment of Civilians (CWRIC) to
review Executive Order 9066 and its impact. The Commission held 20 days of hearings
across the country and heard testimonies from over 750 former internees and government
officials. tn 1983, the Commission concluded that the incarceration had "not been justified
by military necessity and was based on racial prejudice, war hysteria, and failure of
political leadership." The Commission recommended that Congress pass legislation which
recognized the grave injustices done and offer the nation's apology as well as a restitution
of $20,000 to each of the approximately 60,000 survivors. In November, 1989, an
appropriations bill was signed which contained a redress payment provision to be paid
from October,1990 through 1993 beginning with the oldest survivors first. Although
redress could never fully compensate the survivors for the tremendous monetary loss of
property, humiliation, and psychological trauma, Japanese Americans gained some relief
from a great burden and rekindted pride.
Since 1980, a relatively new cohort of Japanese immigrants have entered the U.S.
They are known as "Shin Isser" and include skilled workers, students, relattves of
permanent residents, and businessmen and their families. The number of Japanese
elders in this population is not known.
The lssei and Nisei placed their faith and hopes in the success of their children to
insure that they had oppoeunilies that were denied them. They emphasized hard work,
responsibility, and respect for authority. As a result, Japanese Americans are considered
the most acculturated and assimilated Asian subgroup and they have been characterized
as a "model minority." But in spite of their overall success and achievements, many factors
may hinder successful aging for today's diverse older Japanese American population:
e
Older Japanese Amerisans are a heterogeneous group. For example, elders from
Hawaii were not an ethnic minority and did not face discrimination like those o n the
mainland.
s
Circumstances and time of immigration are also important eonsiderations as are
substantial rurallurban differences.
s
Many Nikkei elders, partkularly large numbers of single women, live near or below
poverty.
e
Older Nikkei face intergenerational conflicts as Sansei and Yonsei become more
assimilated and outmarry (nearly 50%), diluting the time-honored Japanese values
such as oyakoko and family care.
D
These elders again face escalating anti-Asian sentiment
r
Little is known about the health status of Japanese Americans because very few
studies have been done among this population.
D
Many older Nikkei continue to harbor a distrust of the U.S. government and its
bureaucracy because of past treatment.
The perception of the group as a "model minority" has hurt this cohort in terms of
creating or receiving governmental services or assistance because they are
perceived as "caring for their own."
All these situations and experiences should be carefully considered if we aspire to help
Japanese American elders to grow older with respect and dignity.
JAPANESE AMERICANS
SlGNlFiCANT DATES AND PERIODS IN IMMIGRATION AN8 HISTORY
PERIODS AND EVENTS
U.S.POP.
Japanese immigrants to Hawaii as contract laborers
141
Japanese immigrants arrive in California; Wakamaku Colony on Gold Hill
Chinese Exclusion Act, stops immigration from China; increased demand for JA
immigrants to West Coast; population of married women jumps from 410 in
1900 to 22.193 in 1920
San Francisco School Board places children of "Mongoloid" ancestry in
segregated schools
Primary period of Japanese immigration to the U.S
Gen#emanisAgreement, Japan will not issue visas to Japanese laborers; but
wives, children, and families are allowed
California, "aliens ineligible for citizenship" prohibited from land ownership; only
"free white persons" eligible for cithenship; 3 year limit on land leases; similar
laws in ten other slates
Cable Act, anyone marrying an lssei loses citizenship (repealed in 1936)
Immigration Exclusion Act ends all Asian immigration except Filipinos
U.S. breaks off relations with Japan after invasion of Nationalist China
Japan attacks U.S.fleet and military base in Pearl Harbor; U.S. declares war on
Japan, Germany, Italy; incarceration of JA communrty leaders
JA of draff age declared "enemy aliens"; Pres. Roosevelt signs Executive Order
9066, JA exclusion from West Coast; incarceration of 120,500 JAs in
"relocation centers"
Military recruitment for all-JA combat unit, 442nd RCT activated; internees
denied right to vote; confusing loyalty questionnaire administered in camps
causes family conflicts; 250 men convicted and sentenced to 3 yrs in prison for
refusing induction
45.000 Japanese war brides enter the U.S.
U.S. drops atomic bombs on Hroshima/Nagasaki, ends war with Japan; JA
resettlement on West Coast; meet with hostilitylhousingshortages
Walter-McCarran Immigration and Naturalization Act passed, Asian immigrants
allowed to become naturalized &ens; repeal of Alien Land Laws in California
Hawaii becomes 50th slate; First JA, Daniel Inouye, elected to Congress
Commission on Wartime Relocationhternment of Civilians reviews Executive
Order 9066 conslitutionalrty, reports "personal justice denied" - .
Civil Liberties Act, apologylpayment of $20,000 to 60,000 survivors
First apologies and redress payments sent to su~ivors,oldest first
847.500
(105,900 are
65+)
-
COHORT EXPERIENCES JAPANESE AMERICAN ELDERS
1908
Gentlemen's
Agreement;
picture brides
1924 Immigration
Act; slops all Asian
immigration
WW 11: non-citizens
are "enemy aliens";
1952 nationalization;
war brides arrive
1965 Immigration
Act: Negligible
numbers of
Japanese
1980: Increased
numbers of
Japanese
nationals
Agricultural
success; create
ethnic economy;
nihonrnachis
Family & ethnic
businesses grow
Nisei determined to
succeed, integrate;
"make no waves"
Asian American
movement;
Redress
1988: Redress
awarded
Seen as too
industrious,
hard-working
JA's considered
inscrutable
Perceived as threats
to national security;
incarceration in
internment c,amps
"Model Minority"
label begins
"Model Minority"
perception
continues
Strong antiJapanese
sentiment
Continued hostility
towards JAs
Dispersal of JAs
after incarceration
Sansei enter
mainstream
professions
High rates of
outmarriage
AGE AT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE
CURRENT
AGE
85+
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Adults
Young Old & Old
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents & Young Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Adults
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Children
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Adolescents &
Young Adults
The first Filipino settlers in the U.S., known as "Manila men," had escaped slave
labor from Spanish galleons on their way to Mexico in the 17th and 18th century. A few
hundred men established themselves in bayous outside New Orleans building successful
fishing and shrimping industries. Joined by a handful of Filipino travelers, their
descendants, the Filipino Cajuns are now in their eighth generation. Although they
influenced the immigration of some bachelor Filipinos who were the preferred spouses of
their women, the resulting community has little historical link with the majority of Filipino
Americans who arrived following the Spanish American war in 1898 when the Philippines
became a U.S. protectorate.
Immigration to the U.S. from the Philippine Islands in large numbers began in the
early 1900s. Traveling with U.S. passports and not technically considered "aliens" when
they immigrated, individuals were not eligible for U.S. citizenship and were classified,
instead, as "nationals" until 1935 when the Philippines became semi-independent. Unable
to vote or to own real estate or businesses, creating permanent communities was an
unlikely prospect for these early migrants to U.S. shores.
Although a few women had immigrated as Spanish American war brides, the first
large group was the pensionsados, including some Islamic Filipinos, who came to the U.S.
as students. Supported by the Pensionado Act passed by Congress, they matriculated at
Harvard, Stanford, Cornell, and the University of California, Berkeley; founded Filipino
organizations, some of which are still active today; and returned home to take up
leadership roles. Their success stories inspired other young Filipinos to seek education
in the U.S. but many would-be students ended up destitute, eventually working in low
paying jobs in the West Coast farms, Hawaii plantations, and Alaska canneries. in 1910,
2,700 Filipinos were counted as living in the U.S., but only 406 lived outside of Hawaii.
The largest mainland group (109) was centered in New Orleans; only five lived in
California. An estimated 14,000 students attended universities well into the 1930s even
after the pensionado program officially ended. Many who failed to complete their
education settled permanently in the U.S., and a few of today's oldest Filipino Americans
may have been among these students or may have grown up in their families.
A large portion of today's oldest living Filipino elders are likely to have been
recruited by the Hawaii Sugar Plantation organization to fill the dwindling supply of other
ethnic workers and to replace striking Japanese and Chinese workers, or hired l o work on
California farms or in Alaska fisheries. The peak of immigration of laborers for Hawaii
plantations reached 11,621 in 1925. A total of 119,470 Filipinos, 'mostly from rural areas
of Northern Luzon, worked in the sugar fields and mills from 1906 to 1934. Calling
themselves "sakadas" or contract laborers, they were paid less than the Chinese and
Japanese for doing the same job; had the poorest housing; and lacked the traditional
family life. The resulting heavy gender imbalance was later addressed by encouraging
Filipino women and families to immigrate thus forming a stable community in the 1920s
for the second generation of Filipino Hawaiians, Union organizing began as early as 1910
with their participation in labor negotiations and strikes with other ethnic workers.
Today's handful of the oldest old Filipino cohort were also called "manong" (older
brother) or old timer. On the mainland they competed with White men and women for jobs
and experienced blatant discrimination and language bamers. Lacking resources due to
the Depression, many went into migrant fami work, domestic employment, or day work in
restaurants and other low paying temporaty jobs. Their physical stature stereotyped them
as fit for "stoop labor." Reacting to racial slurs such as "brown monkey" or "goo goo" due
to their skin tone andethnic accents, they rapidly mainstreamed their children, forbidding
them to speak any language other than English, forfeiting the pleasure of passing on
many cultural beliefs and practices. Despite this self-imposed cultural alienation, values
associated with family, filial piety, respect for elders, and interpersonal relations flourished
in Filipino households.
This group of laborers labeled by scholars and writers as the "second wave" of
Filipino immigrants was overwhelmingly male (94% in 1930), and most of the "Pinoys," as
they called themselves, intended lo return to their villages or send enough money back
home to pay a mortgage or buy land. However, as the U.S. economy worsened in the late
f 920s and 1930s, discrimination and violence were increasingly directed against Pinoys.
Events such as Filipino laborers being driven out of the Yakima Valley (Washington) and
Filipino unionizing activities in the bread basket regions of California created tensions
fueled by discriminatory rhetoric of public opinion in newspapers and union halls. Pinoys
were labeled the "Third Oriental horde to invade the U.S."
The most explosive incident occurred in January, 1930, near \Natsonville, Califomia
where farmers depended heavily on Filipino contract labor. Residents complained about
Filipino transients who "spent money on flashy clothes and new cars in order to attract
White women." The local Chamber of Commerce and a respected judge declared that
"Filipino workers possessed unhealthy habits and were destmctive to the living wage
scale." White vigilante groups attacked Pinoys on the streets and in the dance hall where
a dozen White women had been hired as professional dance partners. A more violent
attack was directed towards their Camp of tents and makeshat shelters leading to the
shooting of a 22-year old laborer while lying on his bunk. Filipino teenagers and children
trapped in this maelstrom undoubtedly can recall today, as members of the young old
cohort, memories or stories of that turbulent period.
Increasing legal restrictions were imposed against Filipinos, such as expansion of
the anti-misceaenation laws in Calaomia and other states which restricted interracial
marriages inel;ding unions betvveen Filipinos and Whites. Originally, California law
considered Filipinos to be "Mongolian." Later, the California Supreme court ruled that
Pinoys and second generation Filipinos were members of the "Maiay" race and couid
intermany with Whites. A prompt reply from the California legislature changed the civi!
code to inciude people of the Malay race in the target groups for the anti-miscegenation
law. Other states followed, and it was onty in 4948 when the law was ruled unconstitutional
in California.
Other legal maneuvers further confused the classification of Pinoys and their
relationship to the U.S. Passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act in 1934 abruptly changed
the Filipino immigrants' status from "nationals" to "aliens." imposed a 50 people per year
limit to immigration; and paved the way for the Filipino Repatriation Act of 1935. An
estimated 2,200 Filipinos left the U.S. with free transportation under this Act and were
subject to the quota system if they intended to re-enter the U.S. From that time until the
I (WWII), the numbers of Filipinos living in the U.S. declined. and
beginning of World War 1
family unification was halted, keeping many Pinoys waiting for years to see family
members. A legal change occurred in 1943 allowing Filipinos in the U.S. to lease land,
most of which had been owned by Japanese Americans who were in internment camps.
After the war erupted in the Pacific, the U.S. Army and Navy became very interested
in recruiting Filipinos, particularly as scouts in the Philippines and as mess stewards in the
Navy, where they obtained ranks as high as Petty Officer. The segregated Army enlisted
Filipinos in the U.S. to the U.S. Armed Forces of the Far East (USAFFE) creating the First
and Second Filipino Infantry Regiment. As an incentive, Filipino military recruits from the
U.S. and the Philippines were promised U.S. citizenship, but the promise was revoked by
the 1945 Rescission Act which also formally devalued their contribution to the war efforts.
The elusiveness of citizenship was dealt with in various U.S. courts with some successes
for a few cases, leaving thousands more waiting for their reward. The present cohort of
Filipino males aged 75 and older includes many of the thousands who served in VWV Ii.
When independence was granted to the Philippines in 1946, the Filipino
immigration quota was doubled to 100 giving full rights of citizenship to Filipino immigrants.
The increased immigration among family members and veterans marked a beginning of
a future generation of American-born posl-War Filipino elders. Added to the quota was
the arrival of 16,000 war brides of Filipino and American military personnel which helped
to revitalize the Filipino American community. While there is little documentation on the
lives of this cohort of current aging war brides, some anecdotal reports suggest mixed
sociopolitical, economic, and personal experiences linked perhaps to varying availability
of support systems, particularly during the transition years. Recently, local community
newspapers reported on a small member of older women who survived the harrowing
experiences as "comfort women" in Japanese military camps during WII. The second
generation of Filipinos from these families are members of the American baby boom
. .
generation today.
The 1965 Immigration Law relaxed quotas, and family members were given
immigration preference. Since that time, the numbers of Filipino American families have
grown dramatically, and they make up the group sometimes referred to as the "Third
Wave" of Filipino immigrants. This cohort was predominantly from upper socioeconomic
backgrounds forming a group of well educated immigrants. It is estimated that about twothirds of third wave imm~grantsfall into the category of professionals. They also differ from
prior Filipino immi~rantsas they are more likely to be female.
Between 1968 and 1975, 25% of Filipino immigrants admitted to the U.S. were
health professionals, engineers, lawyers, and accountants. The "brain drain" effect on
Philippine society became a serious concern for policy makers. In the U.S.,
their entry into
the Filipino American community may have contributed to the "identity movement" of the
1960s. Debates on politically correct labels for Filipinos included the use of "P" or "F" as
the first letter. Proponents of "P'ilipinos argue that there was a need for a symbolic break
from Phiiippine-Spanish colonial history (the "F" sound representing King Philip of Spain
for whom the Philippines was named) , and that the pre-Hispanic alphabet did not have a
letter "F." Sympathizers to the use of "F" state that members of the second and later
generations have called themselves Filipinos and this label embody part of the essence
of the Filipino experience in the U.S. before 1965. The debate is far from over. In
California, users of "Pilipino" tend to be activists, and users of "Filipinos" tend to be
members of the earlier cohorts of immigrants and U.S.-born Filipinos, although some of
the elders may orally make the " P sound when speaking the word. This is associated
with ethnic accent rather than a statement of preference. The Philippine government,
however, officially uses "Pilipino" in reference to the national language--Tagalog or
Filipino--and to label the 80 or more ethnic languages in the country as "Pilipino
languages." These languages include Tagalog, Ilocano, Bicolano, Cebuano,
Kapampangan and other regional languages spoken by different cohorts of Filipino elders
in the U.S.
As the immigrant professionals established roots in the U.S.,older parents
immigrated to help raise grandchildren and help manage households when both parents
work. Safety of family members was another incentive for family reunificationwhen martial
law was declared in the Philippines in 1972. Very little is known about these new elders.
I-lowever, we might reasonably assume if they are similar to the "followers of adult
children" found in other populations, they could be at risk for considerable isolation in a
foreign world because of imposed dependence on their families.
Although
intergenerational Filipino families emerged from this trend, the dynamics are quite different
from similar traditional households in the Philippines. The adjustment can be difficult and
accessing communiw resourms for assistance may no?be considered, even by those who
are fluent in English. Preserving the family's public image is a higher priority than
attending to one's personal needs, although many '"fellowers of adult children" are
becoming frail. Their primary aregivers may be their middle aged or aging children who
were taught filial piety and respect for elders. Most likely, the caregiving experiences of
this group of Filipino professionals will influence their choices of aging services and
resources for themselves.
In the early 1990s, another distinci cohort of Filipino elders arrived in the U.S.
Under the 1990 Immigration Act, Section 405, Filipino Wll veterans were granted
immediate U.S. citizenship without the usual benefits received by Ai-iierican veterans. lt
is estimated that close to 4,000 veterans ages 62 and older have been naturalized, arriving
in the U.S. by themselves or with a spouse or an adult child. These newcomer WWll
veterans are attempting to overcome social, economic, health care, and political hurdles
to establish a new life in urban areas of California to pave the way for family reunification.
The majority receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and Medi-Cal, live in
substandard housing', obtain meals from senior centers and soup lines. and contend with
physical and psychological challenges of being a "homeless" person. Comprehensive data
is not yet available; although a few newcomer veterans are known to be successfully
adapting, deaths, medical emergencies, and return trips to the Philippines in an embittered
state are often reported in the Filipino American community. The struggle to obtain
benefits which older Filipino veterans believe are due them has been taken up by
advocacy groups in the form of legislation-the Veterans Equity Bill; its future is uncertain.
The post-1980 immigration also includes Filipino American families who relocated
due to the imposition of martial law and the closure of the U.S. military bases in the
Philippines, and correspondence brides in search of a better life through "mail order bride
catalogs" or broker services. Part of the impetus for the latter group has been the
economic decline in the Philippines during the martial law regime and the continuing lack
of opportunity for those in the lower socioeconomic class. With the lifting of martial law
in the Philippines in 1986, new immigrants are a much more diverse group of well
educated, upper class young Fiiipinos and a mixed age group of less educated lower
socioeconomic class. They immigrate to fulfill their dreams or support their family in the
Philippines Overseas Contract Workers (OCW). Through their networks of established
Filipinos, many from the less educated group find work in nursing homes and residential
care homes, or contract with agencies as live-in caregivers for homebound elders.
institutions where large numbers of Filipinos are employed have reacted to the influx with
English-only policies in the workplace under the threat of being fired. Through court
interventions and proactive institutional programs, tensions have abated. However,
cultural competency in service settings continues to be a priority issue, and this cohort of
post-1980 immigrants may be part of ihe future ethnic elders of color in the 21 st century
who have experiences with new and effective strategies to advocate for a responsive
multicultural work environment.
In summary, the cohorts of older Filipino Americans expected to be mostly
immigrants well into the 21st century (95% of those aged 65and over who identified
themselves as Filipino in the 1990 census were born outside the U.S.). The surviving
oldest old cohorts are heavily male, but will soon be replaced by more typical gender ratios
for older adults. The rapidly diminishing number of the less acculturated Pinoys are found
in California, Hawaiian inner cities, and some agricultural communities. Except for the
newcomer veterans, the more established Filipino Wll veterans and their spouses make
make up another large group of elders today, and they are more likely to have the support
of extended family and kin. Filial piety, respect for elders, and reciprocity (utang loob), i.e.
giving back what one has received, may account for the strong familial support for
Filipino elders today. However, as second and third generation of Filipino Americans grow
old, expectations based on these traditional cultural values may weaken. On the other
hand, with continued migration between the Wo countries, cultural ties may continue to
remain strong and have significant influence on the physical and mental health care of
older Filipino Americans. As information accumulates on the health risks and health
beliefs of older Filipinos, linking them to these cultural ties would allow for increased
understanding of this population.
FlblPlNO AMERlCANS
SIGNIFICANT DATES AND PERIODS IN IMMIGWTION AND HISTORY
PERIOD
EVENTS
17-18th Century
Spanish Galleon Trade. Louisiana settlement
1900-1920
Post Spanish-American War Brides
Pensionado Act
Workers to Hawaii and Alaska
1910:
3
3
1920:
27
21
Workers to West Coast and Alaska ("stoop" labor)
Yakima Valley incident (1928)
Depression
Watsonville Strike (1930)
Tydings McDufly Act (1934)
Filipino RepatriationAct (1935)
Cannery Union (1937)
Anti-Miscegenation Laws (1933)
1930:
108
63
1920-1940
US POP
HAWAII POP
WWll enlistment to USAFFE
(First and Second Infantry Regiment)
Post WII War Brides
Philippine Independence
Options for citizenship available for immigrants
Rescission A d revoking promise of
citizenship for enlistees in W l l
Land lease available (1943)
California miscegenation law repealed (1948)
1980 to present
1950:
123
61
Immigration quota abolished (1965)
Professional immigration
Filipino American identity movement
Followers of children immigration through family
reunification program
US military personnel intermarriage
Martial law regime in the Philippines
1960:
181
69
1970:
337
95
Immigration Act Section 405 granting US
citizenship to Wll Filipino veterans (1990)
Court decisions denying Veterans benefh
Older veteran immigration
Correspondence brides
End of martial law in the Philippines (1986)
Enaiish onlv in work~lace(19891
los sure of US military basks in Philippines (1992)
1980:
774
109
1990. 1407
169
-
CQMQRT EXPERIENCES FILIPINO AMERICAN ELDERS
lmmigration of
"Pensionados"
(students)
Male worker "Pinoys"
immigrated to West
Coast and Alaska
Wll enlistment in
US and Philippines
Immigration quota
abolished
lmmigration of
older followers of
children
Workers
recruited to
Hawaii and
Alaska
Discrimination &
Violence
Post WWll War
Brides
Heavy immigration,
especially of
professionals
immigration of
older WWII
veterans with few
benefits
Anti-miscegenation
laws
Anti-miscegenation
laws repealed
Family reunification
program
End of martial taw
(Philippines)
Tydings McDuffy Act
sets immigration
quota of 50 per year
US Citizenship
allowed for the first
time
Filipino American
identity movement
CURRENT
$59
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young
Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old & Old
Young Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Children
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
After the immigration of a small number of ginseng salesmen and students who had
graduated from missionary schools in Korea in the late 19th century, the first large group
of Koreans to arrive in the U.S. were recruited to Hawaii to work in the sugar plantations
between 1903 and 1905. Ninety percent of the over 7,000 immigrants were male; most
were young and uneducated. About 40% were Christiani having been encouraged by
missionaries to come to Hawaii because it was thought to be an easier place for
Christians. These early immigrants established the foundation for the church as a primary
institution in Korean American communities. Over 1,000 of these Koreans in Hawaii
migrated to the West coast of the U.S. mainland beween 1902 - 1907.
Korea became a protectorate of Japan in 1905, and in 1910 Japan annexed Korea;
as a result Japan took over Korea's foreign affairs, and almost all of the immigration to the
U.S. was stopped. Exceptions were picture brides and political asylum seekers. Single
males in Hawaii and the West Coast would have their families in Korea arrange marriages
with women in Korea, most of whom were young women from impoverished families.
Marriages would take place by proxy in Korea, and the women would then immigrate as
00 Korean
wives of the husbands they had never met. Between 1907 and 1924, about 1,I
women joined their husbands, 900 of them in Hawaii.
Over 500 political activists critical of Japan's annexation of Korea were allowed to
immigrate to the U.S. as student refugees between 1910 and 1924. But the Immigration
Act of 1924 effectively cut out even the small immigration from Korea and other Asian
countries by denying immigration to all aliens ineligible for naturalization. From that time
the small Korean communities in Hawaii and the West
until after World War II (WII),
Coast remained relatively stable in size except for the natural increase from the families
that had been established. A major focus of these communities was independence of
Korea from Japanese occupation. The small number of U.S.-born older Korean Americans
in the current cohort (9% in 1990) grew up in those communities.
After Japan was defeated in WWII, Korea was occupied again, this time by Russia
in the North and United States in the South. It was not until the 1950s that immigration
from Korea began increasing again. Two major groups were included in the
approoximateiy 14,500 Koreans who immigrated between 1951 and $964. Korean wives
of U.S. servicemen stationed in Korea accounted for 6,500, and 5,500 were war orphans.
Because both groups were dependents of U.S. citizens, their situations were significantly
different from previous groups than later Korean immigrants, but both had their own unique
adjustment and identity iissues. The wives of servicemen are.known to have had low
levels of education and occupational skills; they also experienced high levels of family
conflict and divorce. They tended to be isolated from both the U.S. dominant society as
well as the Korean American communities due to the stigma of their status that implied a
certain lifestyle prior to immigration. As a result they wre cut off from significant souces
of support. The Korean war orphans were adopted primarily by EuroAmerican families all
over the country at relataively young ages, so they also were not connected to Korean
American communities.
The remaining 2,500 who immigrated during this period were professionals: skilled
workers, and students who settled in communities all over the U.S. and tended to be
integrated into the mainstream. Hence they were less likely to be major participants in the
Korean American communities that had been established by Korean immigrants in the
earlier part of the century.
It was after the change in the immigration law in 1965, however, that the U.S.
experienced largest wave of immigration from the Korean peninsula, and those who have
come since then make up over 90% of the current population of Korean Americans. These
newcomers were 'fferent from prior waves in that they came of their own volition, were not
dependents of U.S. citizens, and intended to settle in the U.S. permanently. Most were
urban, educated, young, middle class and predominantly female. From 1965 until 1970,
slightly less than 20,000 immigrated per year, then after 1970 numbers increased with the
family reunification process in full swing. A major portion of immigrants since the mid1970s have been "followers-of-children," older Koreans who come to the U.S. to be with
their adult children. Over 8,000 over age 60 immigrated from 1989-92 alone.
One of the consequences of these different phases, motivations, and characteristics
of immigration from Korea during the 20th century has been vast heterogeneity within the
population of older Korean Americans, who numbered over 35,000 in 1990. Some who
have lived in the U.S. the longest and are the most acculturated are from lower educational
and occupational backgrounds than those who have immigrated !-nore recently. Even
among the relatively well educated followers of children, there are variations in education,
with women not uncommonly having fewer years of schooling. The newcomers are less
likely to speak Engiish or to be familiar with the American culture; 80% of Korean American
elders said that in 1990 they did not speak English well, and 53% were judged to be
linguistically isolated. Aging women who came as wives of the servicemen in the 1950s
and '60s may have had very different experiences and faced different challenges than
those who have lived in close-knit families in Korean American communities.
While well developed communities exist in Cos Angeles, the San Franciscol San
Jose area, NewYork, Honolulu, and the Chicago area, older Korean Americans also live
in small towns and cities throughout the country where there are few others from similar
backgrounds. While they are more likely to live in multi-generational households with
their adult children and grandchildren than the larger population of older Americans, some
choose to live in senior housing instead. Most are Christian, and many are in families who
earn their living from self-employment, but there are also those from Buddhist backgrounds
and many with a great vanety of occupations. Providers would do well to be familiar with
the inherent heterogeneity among the backgrounds of this major growing population of
older Americans
-
COHORT EXPERIENCES KOREAN AMERICAN ELDERS
1900 - 1920
1920 - 1940
1940 - 1960
1960 - 1980
1980 - Present
1902 immig. to
Hawaii; after 1906,
picture brides
1924 Immigration
Act stops picture
brides
1950-1953 Korean
War; war brides
and war orphans
influx of Koreans
after 1965 lmmig.
Act; 1970: 69,190
1980: 354,600
Continued influx;
1990: 800,000+
10 men for each
woman in
4 men for each
woman
Equal numbers of
men and women
More women than
men, 10 to 7
More women than
men
Laborers move to
West Coast
Some families,
small communities
in Hi and CA
Lumped with other
Asian groups as
"Oriental"
Awareness of war
brides and orphans
as fallout from
Korean War
Stereotypes: liquor
store operators &
green grocers
Post- Rodney Kin$
decision focuses
Korean Am.
L~vedin rural areas
and Ch~natowns
Slow move out of
Chinatowns
Korea towns
emerge in urban
areas
Increased
fractionalrzatton
among Koreans
CURRENTCOHORTS
85+
Educated, middle
class immigrants
BGE AT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE
Children &
Adolescents
Young Adults &
Middle Aged
M~ddleAged &
Young Old
Young Old & Old
Old
75-85
Children
Adolescents & Young Young Adults &
Adults
Middled Aged
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents & Young Young Adults &
Middle Aged
Adults
Children
Children &
Adolescents
Adolescents &
Young Adults
Young Old & Old
Middle Aged &
Young Old
Young Adults &
Middle aged
MEXICAN AMERICAN ELDERS
Mexican Americans have a long history in what is now the United States. The late
1500s to early 1800s saw a gradual colonization of Northern provinces in what was once
"New Spain," which became Mexico after independence from Spain in 1821. People from
the eastern part of the U.S.gradually conquered and claimed the Northern provinces of
Mexico during the Texas Revolution and the U.S.-Mexico War. In the mid-9th century,
about half the territory belonging to Mexico with a population of about 80,000 Mexicans
was annexed to the U.S. and became the Southwestern states. When today's older
cohorts were children, they might have heard about their families' losing the land given
them through Spanish or Mexican land grants io clever lawyers and land companies, even
though their rights were supposed to be protected by the Treaty ending the U.S.-Mexico
War. Some cases of disputed land rights were still pending before the U.S. Supreme
Court as late as the 1970s.
Immigration during the last half of the 1800s was relatively informal; and there was
a great deal of movement back and forth across the U.S.-Mexico border. The Gold Rush
brought increased immigration to California, and workers arrived in droves to work on
ranches and f a n s in Texas and Arizona. A pattern of widespread discrimination grew in
jobs, housing, education, and voting rights. The "Tejanos" (Mexicans in Texas) suffered
outright repression from the Texas Rangers, who were known as the "Mexicans' Ku Klux
Klan."
Very old Mexican American elders may remember the chaos of the 1910 Mexican
Revolution which caused political and economic upheaval and violence in Mexico, and
spurred massive immigration to the U.S. including upper and middle class families.
Individuals of that generation remember long family discussions and conflicts about
whether to return to Mexico or remain in the U.S. following the revolution.
Many older Mexican American citizens may have come to the U.S. as children
during the period from 1920 to 1928 when immigration reached its peak and 500,000
people came on permanent visas and thousands more entered the country informally. It
is estimated that three percent of Mexico's entire population moved to the U.S. during that
time. Because of restrictions on Chinese and Filipino immigration, California agriculture
became increasingly dependent on Mexican labor. Due to the massive immigration,
attempts were made to create barriers such as the Border Patrol. Elders, especially males,
may remember the "Coyotes" (professional labor contractors paid to smuggle people
across the border),who still operate in some border regions. '.
Mills and factories in Detroit, Chicago, Gary, and the western railroads became
magnets for Mexican workers and their families. By 1930, 15% of the Mexican-born
population lived outside of the Southwest; 30% lived in California; and 20% resided in
Texas. Although 44% of the Mexican labor force was still engaged in agriculture,
increasing numbers of families began moving into urban "barrios." Women entered the
labor force and worked for very low wages--many worked in domestic service and food
processing occupations. Elder Mexican Americans were probably children, or perhaps
young parents, during this time of inaeased immigration and growth in the barrios. where
they continued to experience widespread discrimination.
The Depression reversed immigration dramatically; a forced repatriation program
returned 500,000 residents without legal documents to Mexico. U.S.-bornspouses and
children of repatriates had to choose between separating their families or moving to
Mexico.
By the late f 930s and 1940s the migrant farming life had become well-entrenched.
Many of today's elders probably have vivid memories of riding with their families for long
hours in the back of a truck, picking fruit or cotton, and having the entire family sleep in a
small room with no plumbing, electricity, or running water. A casualty of the lifestyle was
any opportunity for a significant education for the children. The older cohorts of today's
Mexican American populations have comparatively low educational levels and frequently
had little opportunity to learn to read either in English or Spanish. When they were able
to attend school, it was not uncommon for them to be punished for speaking Spanish at
school even, in some instances, with playmates outside the classroom. This and overt
discriminatory practices undoubtedly did not engender a strong desire to attend school
regularly even if they did have an opportunity.
In 1942, the Bracero program was organized in response to the labor shortage
caused by the war industries. Braceros (Mexican laborers) were allowed to enter the U.S.
as short-term contract workers. The Bracero program fluctuated; it was discontinued at
one time and was then reinstituted during the Korean War. Because a number of today's
elders may have entered the U.S. under informal immigration practices, many who were
eligible for naturalization may not have applied for citizenship out of fear of deportation.
The WW I I years brought recognition for over 350,000 Mexican Americans who
served with honor in the Armed Forces. f-iowever, increased tensions between law
enforcement agencies and Chicanos resulted in conflicts within urban barrios between
uniformed Anglo soldiers and young men called "zoot-suiters" because of their attire.
Today's young old may have lived in the barrios as teenagers, or may have been
among the returning GIs who encountered discrimination in housing, jobs, and politics.
The G.I. Forum was organized to oppose the discrimination and,became the foundation
for civil rights efforts in the Mexican American community. Later, the "Chicano Movement"
of the 1960s became an even stronger political force for Mexican American civil rights.
During the 1970s when the present cohort of elders were middle aged, some were
part of the immigrating influx in which there were more women than men. There are two
probable reasons: wives and families of previous immigrants were given priority to
immigrate: and immigration was easier for Female domestic workers because of the great
demand for them. During this time, the urban population increased from 60% to 85% of
Mexican Americans due to the decline of agricultural jobs and economic shifts in the
Southwest toward more professional and technical employment. Urbanization and
employment opportunities also increased migration from Texas to the Midwest, East, and
Northwest.
In the 1970s, Mexican Americans pressed to secure their civil rights using political
activism and economic reform. The Chicano movement, through groups such as the
Mexican American Political Association and the Political Association of Spanish-Speaking
Organizations, enmuraged voter registration and emphasized the recruitment of Mexican
American poliiical candidates. Organizations such as the United Farm Workers
championed economic reforms. Social reforms emerged from the Catholic Church, as
evidenced in the appointments of Hispanics to positions of authority, increasing sensitivity
to Chicano community needs, ethnically sensitive parochial education, and support of the
amnesty program for undocumented laborers. Among younger cohorts, there was also
growing interest and pride in Mexican American culture and language, resulting in wider
representation in the arts and media. The 1980s witnessed increasing support for
educational reforms and commitment to bilingual education. These reforms evolved, in
part, from a commitment to make life better for future cohorts of Mexican American elders
since the "ancianos" of that decade found that many social reforms came too late to
change their own experience.
In the late 1990s however, this commitment to bilingual education eroded as the
Mexican American community, as well as the mainstream population in California,
engaged in heated debate about the most effective way to teach English and other
academic skills to Spanish speaking children.
The 1990s have continued to see great increases in the size of the Mexican
American population and diversity within its many generations. Civil Rights reforms of the
previous decades allowed strong political leadership to emerge in many cities with large
Mexican American populations. They were also represented in many state legislatures,
in Congress, and in the Cabinet appointments on the national level.
The decade has also witnessed increased tensions about illegal immigration from
Mexico, with resulting anti-immigrant bias, increased border patrols, and init~ativesin
California to disallow education, health, and welfare benefits to those who cannot prove
they have ~mmigratedlegally. The set of "Welfare Reform" legislation af the late 1990s,
however, probably had the strongest impact on older Mexican Americans. After a period
of amnesty for undocumented residents in which they were allowed to apply for citizenship
along with all legal immigrants who had not been naturalized, Supplemental Security
Income (SSI) and Medicaid benefits were lo have been cut off for all non- citizens. The
rush to become naturalized created massive bureaucratic delays. Many very frail elders
who had lived in the U.S. for decades and their families were fearful of losing health care
andlor their small SSI benefits. In some cases, nursing home residents who could not
learn English or pass the citizenship tests were in danger of having to leave the facilities.
Shortly before the deadline, however, the categories of exemption to the statute were
expanded to include elders who had been in the U.S. over five years and with disabilities,
diffusing the crisis to some extent. The deadlines for non-citizen benefit cancellation were
extended, but the possible exclusion of benefits sometime in the future still looms large
for many older Mexican Americans who have not been naturalized. The confusing
changes in the laws relating toeligibility foi SSI benefits continue to be sources of great
anxiety for many immigrant elders and their families.
Today's population of Mexican American elders are very heterogeneous. Some
have been victimized by repeated family separations during the periods of deportation and
immigration. Indiscriminatedeportations still continue and remain a source of anxiety and
humiliation for many older Mexican Americans who fear that their families may become
separated or that their own citizenship may be questioned, in spite of recently legislated
amnesty programs. Some are not strongly acculturated and maintain their familial,
cultural, and religious traditions. More acculturated Mexican Americans may participate
fully in accessing available services and benefits while those less assimilated may feel
alienated from opportunities supposedly available to all Americans. As Maldonado (1985)
emphasized:
If older Hispanics are understood as essentially products of the precivil rights era, it is important to note that they are entering old age in the
post reform era. If they perceive themselves as not belonging and therefore
as not sharing in the benefits and entitlements of this society, then it is
understandable that they tend to underutilize.....the social programs and
benefits that are available (p. 25).
Jose Cuellar suggests that one can identify the generations by the era in which they
were socialized. The children or adolescents born from 1900 to 1920 were the
marginalized generation because of the widespread discrimination they endured; their
ethos was opportunity, and they called themselves "Mexican." Those born in the 1920s
to 1940s lived during the Depression,'weremost concerned with survival, and referred to
themselves as "Spanish." The 1940s through 1%0s saw the GI or Pachuco generation,
proponents of freedom from discrimination, who called themselves "Mexican Americans."
The current generational ethos is that of equity, and younger cohods.may call themselves
"Chicano," "Latino,"or "Hispanic" (see Table below).
Generational Differences Among
Mexican Americans
Period
Generation of
Adolescents or
Ethos
1900-1920
Marginalized
Bppo~unity
Mexicans
1920-1940
Depression
Survivors
Spanish
1940-1960
GI or
Pachucos
Freedom
Mexican
Americans
1960-Present
Chicano
Equity
Chicano
Latino
Source: J. Cueliar, 1988
Designated
Name
MEXICAN AMERICANS
SIGNIFICANT DATES AND PERIODS IN IMMIGRATION AND HISTORY
PERIODS AND EVENTS
YEAR
*US. POP.
-
Late 1500s
Early 1800s
Gradual colonization of Northern provinces of "New Spain"
Mexico's Independence from Spain
Conquest of Northern Mexico by U.S. and annexation of terriiories of U.S. Southwest
80
Increased immigration to California for Gold Rush and to Texas and Arizona ranching
and farming; anti-Mexican laws, wage discrimination, segregation, and invalidation of
title for many Mexican land-grant holders
381 to 562
Mexican Revolution folfowed by political and economic chaos, spurring immigration to
the U.S.
500,000 entered on permanent visas, and thousands more informally; "Coyote"
industry; establishment of the Border Patrol; increased employment in railroads, and
manufacturing, some In Midwest; development of urban barrios
Immigration reversed dramatically due to Depression and dust bowl; forced
repatriation of 500,000 residents to Mexico; family-oriented migrant farming;
segregated housing and social organizations, including labor unions
350,000 Mexican Americans sewed in World War II; increased immigration to fill warrelated industrial labor shortage; first Bracero program; anti-Mexican press coverage
of conflict between "zoot-suiters" and the servicemen and police
Ex-GIs organize for civil rights; declining agricultural jobs, increasing urbanization and
education in highly segregated communities; documented immigration of 273,000 in
the 1950s; periodic raids and mass depoitations of undocumented residents
lmmigration and Nationality Act setting 20,000 ceiling on annual immigration and
favoring family members of U.S. permanent residents
Chicano Movement; increased immigration of women
85% urban; migration from Texas to Midwest, Northwest, and West; greater political
organization and power; greater recognition of Mexican Americans in U.S. Catholic
Church; bilingual education; widescale deportation of undocumented workers
6,000
Emphasis on education; continuation of Mexican heritage and Spanish language
through arts and media; amnesty program; continued deportations
Growing political power; anti-immigrant movement: welfare reform legislabon
targeting legal as well as undocumented residents
*Estimated; census data highly unreiiable in most years.
13,300
Compared with older Americans from most other ethnic backgrounds, those from
Vietnamese backgrounds have come to the U.S. much more recently. Consequently, much
more of the historical experience of this cohort would likely be in their country of origin. in
1990, 97% were born outside of the U.S., and most did not speak English well or at all.
It is difficult to characterize their likely experiences during their childhood and early
adulthood since they were a very heterogeneous group before coming to the U.S.
,
,
They are likely to have been influenced very heavily, however, by the circumstances
that prompted their emigration from Vietnam, and that was in almost all cases, the War in
Vietnam and its consequences. The immigration to the U.S. took place in two (or three,
according to some scholars) waves.
The First Wave occurred just after the fall of Saigon in 1975, which prompted a
chaotic evacuation, not only of American service personnel stationed there, but also of
many thousand Vietnamese, many of whom were affiliated in some way with the U.S.
troops. The U.S. Congress passed special legislation in 1975, the Indochina Migration
and Refugee Assistance Act, allowing the President to admit 130,000 Vietnamese and
Cambodian refugees who "because of persecution on account of race, religion or political
opinion" fled their countries and could not return due to fear. Although the intent of the
legislation was to allow individuals who had worked with the U.S. forces to come as
refugees to escape being persecuted by the Communist government that took control of
Vietnam, in reality others came in the First Wave as well, including farmers, fishermen, and
students.
These first refugees are described as being generally welt educated, urban, largely
Catholic, in relatively good health, and in the company of family members. Because many
had worked with Americans, they tended to have high expectations of life in the United
States.
The elders who experienced the evacuation are likely to have vivid memories of that
traumatic time. There was little planning for the evacuation, and little time for the refugees
to prepare to make their long journey to their new home. In a 1975 survey of Vietnamese
in a resettlement center at Camp Pendleton described by Liu and Associates (1979), 62%
said that they had less than 24 hours notice before they had to evacuate. Many of the
hasty evacuations were by helicopters from staging areas in Saigon; others came by sea
lift or found their own way out of the chaos at the end of the War..
The Second Wave consisted of a much more heterogeneous population which
arrived in much more diverse circumstances. Although diverse, they have been described
as generally less well educated and literate, less healthy, and less familiar with Western
traditions and the Engiish language, compared to those in the First Wave.
The Second Wave included not only a great number of poor and illiterate refugees who
had not worked with Americans and did not have access to evacuation during the fall of
Saigon, but also middle class, educated Vietnamese and ethnic Chinese who fled Vietnam
as a consequence of purges in the late 1970s.
Their escape from Vietnam occurred in 1979 or later and was in response to the
post-war political repression and economic hardship. They have been called the "Boat
People" because most attempted to leave on over-crowded, small, unseaworthy boats in
often adverse sea conditions. They were frequently unsure of their directions or final
destination when they escaped, and many faced hunger, starvation, and even death.
Those who were foftunate enough to reach the shores of Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand,
Indonesia, Hong Kong, or the Philippines had to wait months, or even years, in
overcrowded refugee camps before they were picked up by a third country for permanent
resettlement. The longer they were in the camps, the more likely they were to suffer
poorer physical health. The traumatic circumstances that were endured by the current
cohort of Vietnamese American elders who were part of this Second Wave undoubtedly
affected their lives dramatically, and in some cases, continue to do so.
Some authors refer to third and later waves with the continuing immigration of
Vietnamese and Chinese who had lived in Vietnam since the mid 1980s, either directly
from Vietnam or from the refugee camps where they had been confined after escaping.
As travel and trade restrictions between the U.S. and Vietnam are decreased in the future,
it is expected that immigration may continue, especially in the provisions of the Family
Reunification Program.
The reaction of the American people to the immigration of the waves of Vietnamese
refugees was at times very negative. Fears of overburdened tax and welfare rolls and job
displacement, and feelings that there were already too many Asians in America fueled
strong negative statements about the refugees by some in public and private positions.
As a strategy to diffuse the fears, the refugees were dispersed to communities throughout
the U.S., often separating families. They sought employment wherever they could find it,
with those in the Second Wave being generally more willing to take lower level jobs than
those who had come with higher expectations in the First Wave, although many well
trained professionals took employment substantially below their level in Vietnam.
Eventually there was a tendency For individuals with similar ba&grounds to move
to the same geographic area to facilitate the forming of.communities that supported the
adaptation of their members to life in the U.S. The experiences of the Vietnamese adults
who are now the elders in their new homeland were extremely varied, based to some
extent on the skills, resources, and social support they had on arrival, and the level of
trauma they endured in the immigration process. While some, such as fishermen and their
families in the Gulf Coast of Texas and Louisiana, experienced severe discrimination,
other families have seen their children and grandchildren excel in the American
educational system. All have had to adjust to radically different lifestyles where their
expectations of deference and care in old age as part of the strong cultural tradition of filial
piety are not always met, and sometimes clearly disappointed. Many express their
concern with the lack of preservation of the Vietnamese cuiture among their children, and
especially their grandchildren. Some see their grandchildren adopting what they perceive
as the negative parts of American culture as very distressing, but feel that they have little
of the power elders might have had in past generations, so they cannot prevent it.
in the years since they arrived in the U.S. the middle aged adults who were part of
the first two waves are becoming part of the cohort of aging Americans. Immigration of
other older adults from Vietnam is also continuing as part of the family reunification
program. Between 1989 and 1992, for instance, over 16,000 people 60 years of age and
older arrived from Vietnam. The total population of individuals 65 and over from
Vietnamese ancestry in the U.S. increased from 4,585 in the 1980 census to 18,084 in
1990 and an estimated 41,537 in 1995 based on deaths and immigration. The 1990
census attested to the heterogeneity of their backgrounds: 56% had less than a ninth
grade education, while 13% had been to college. In 1990 18% were naturalized citizens,
but a large number became U.S. citizens in the mid-2990s as they were facing the
implementation of the Welfare Reform Act and other legislation decreasing benefits to
legal immigrants who were not citizens. The prospect of losing Supplemental Security
income (SSI) andlor Medicaid benef~swas extremely traumatic to many older Vietnamese
refugees who, according to Vietnamese service providers, felt that they were not able to
pass the citizenship examination, and the eventual possibility still looms in the future, even
tRough the deadline was extended. In 1990, 9% were in the labor force, and the income
of 18% were at the poverty level or below.
Unfortunately very little is known about the health status of this growing population
of older Vietnamese Americans, but geriatric health care providers will likely see them as
their patients with increasing frequency. Since many Vietnamese elders and their families
have been found to have a great deal of difficulty using nursing home or even non-family
home health services, a particularly critical policy issue will be providing culturally
appropriate long term care services for Vietnamese elders as more become older and
more frail. Providing support for stressed family caregivers who are trying to comply with
the cultural expeclation to honor their elders by providing care for them will involve working
with the Vietnamese mmmunity to develop models of care that are culturally acceptable.
CONCLUSION
Based on the brief descriptions provided by the above analyses, one can conclude
that a large proportion of today's cohorts of elders from the populations discussed have
most likely experienced massive discontinuities during their lifetimes. If one considers the
probable effects of those discontinuities and the associated adversities, it is clear there
may be significant influences upon the elders' sense of self-esteem, their attitudes toward
health and service pr'oviders, and their trust of individuals and officials in the larger society.
It is important, however, to recognize ihe diversity within each population which reflects
many different experienws that impact on physical and mental health, and to explore with
each elder his or her own history and its influence.
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Aging.
N.(1995). Demoaraphic and socio-economic characteristics of elderlv
Seattle: National Asian Pacific Center on
c. "Creative Coping with Caregiving: Clinical and Policy Issues,"
February 2 & 3, 1989. Dolores Gallagher-Thomnpson, PID, Marita Gsudzen, MtIS and
MaryEn~Wallace, PhD, RN, FNP (Eds). Two-day national conference featuring
researchers, clinicia~ls,and policy makers involved in caregiving. Ethic variations
highlighted. SGEC Working Paper #8.
$6.00
I
d. "Health Care for Elders: The Cultural Context," September 22, 1988. Lela Llorens,
PhD, OTR, FAOTR, and GwenYeo, PlD (Eds). One-day regional co~lferencefor
geriatric educators and health care providers reviewing the clinical i~nplieationsof
ethnic differences among elders. Roundtables focused on 13 different etlulic groups.
SGEC Working Paper #7.
e. Differential Assessment and Treatment of Mental Health Problems: African
American, Latino, Filipino, and Chinese American Elders, Gwen Yeo, P1D and
Nancy Hkoyeda, MPH (Eds) 1994. Conference presentation froill "Ethnicity: Inxpact
on Mental Health Care for Older Adults." SGEC Working Paper #I3
I
4. Controlling Your Frustration: A Class for Caregivers
D. Gallagher Thon~pson,J. Rose, M. Florsheim, P. Jacon~e,S. Del Maestro. L. Peters, D.
Arguello~C. ~oluls&,R.S. ~oorehead,T.M. ~olich,M. ~hesney,L.W. Thon~pson,1992.
Teaching manuals available as a four volume set with Leader aod Participant Mauuals in
English and Spanisll.
$6.00
1
$7.00
i
, $30.00
i
5. Ethnogeriatric Curriculum for Different Disciplines: (1996 New Releases)
Medicine, Nursing, Nutrition, Psychology, Rehabilitation, Social Work and Ge~leralHealth
Professions (See Etln~ogenatricCurriculum List)
B. EDUCATIONAL VIDEOTAPE
1. "Geriatric Assessment: A Functionally Oriented Ethnically Sensitive Approach to the
Older Patient," 1991, Eleanor Segal, MD, Producer.
ofthe components of comprehensive functional
A 20-minute discussio~~deinonstration
geriatric assesslnent using a mnultiethnic context. Includes teaching guide with resource
materials.
2. "The Need for a Culturally Competent Model of Long Term Care,"
Lecture by Gwen Yeo, PhD, in AAIQ Series 0x1 Etlmic~tyand Long Tenn Care, 1997
I
$7-16.00
$150.00
i
$20.00
For additional information about SGEC activities, materials, or bibliographic searches, please call (650)
494-3986 or Fax (650) 494-3617. To order the above materials, circle the item(s) desired, indicate
quantity on the line provided, and return with payment to: Stanford Geriatric Education Center, c/o
VAPAHCS, 3801 Miranda Avenue, Building 4, (182B-SGEC), Palo Alto, CA 94304.
All Orders Must Be Pre-Paid. (Prices include tax and postage). SGEC should send the materials to:
city-.
State
zip -
-
lETWNOGERIATRIC CURRICULUM
FOR DIFFERE.NT DISCIPLINES
Price
A. MEDIClINE
Wealth Care for Ethnic Elders: Health Status. Communication, and
Ethics: A curriculum in Ethnogeriatrics for Physicians in Training,
Terry Will, MI) 1996.
*Accompanied by SGEC "Cohort Analysis as a Clinical and Educational
Tool in Ethnogeriatrics: Historical Profiles of Chinese, Filipino, Mexican,
and African American Elders," Second Edition, 1996
$16.00
1
B. NURSING
1. "Ethnogeriatric Nursing in the Context of Rehabilitative Care:
Caring for the Emerging Majority," Irene Daniels Lewis, RN, DNSc,
FAASc' and Melen McBride, RN, PhD, 1996.
I
2. "Introduction to Ethnogeriatric Nursing Care Principles, A
Curriculum Module for Nurse Assistant, Vocational Nurse, and
Associate Degree Nursing Programs," Ruth Madalena, MA, 1996
$7.00
3. '"thnogeriatric Module for Family Nurse Practitioner and
Physician Assistant Programs," MaryEm Wallace, PhD, RN, FNP
and Melen McBride, RN, PhD, 1996.
$10.00
C. NUTRITION
'Wutrition and Health of Ethnic Elders, Curriculum Guide, Course
Outline and Instructor's Manual," Normal Jean Downes, MA, RD,
1995. Recommended for use with "Nutrition and Wealth of Ethnic Elders,"
Norma Jean Downes, MA, RD, 1995. SGEC Working Paper #l4 (Please
see the SGEC materials list. Price $12.00)
1i
I
$10.00
.
1
I). mBABILIT*TION
"Concepts of Eldercare and Ethnogeriatric Rehabilitation," Lela
Llorens, PhD, OTR, FAOTR, 1996.
$10.00
i
E. SOCIAL WORK
"Ethnogeriatric Social Work: An Ecological Model for Practice,"
Juliette S. Silva, PhD, 1996.
$10.00
---
F. GENERAL HEALTH PROFESSIONS
"Eldercare in a Multictrltural Society, a Model Course for Health
Professions Students," Debra David, PhD, 1996.
$7.00
ADDITION.4L GERIATRIC RESOURCES
G. Ethnic Minority Elderly and Ethical Dilemmas: A Cultural
Perspective," Celia J. Orona, PhD, 1995, SGEC Working Paper #15.
-
$10.00
H. Demographics & Health Risks of Ethnic Minority Elders: A
Curriculum Module Resource Packet, Gwen Yeo, PhD, 1996.
$10.00
I. "Cohort Analysis as a Tool in Ethnogeriatrics: Historical Profiles of
Elders from Eight Ethnic Populations in the United States: Gwen Yeo,
PhD, Nancy I-Iikoyeda, MPH, Melen McBride, RN, MPH, Soo-Young
Chin, PhD, Mary Edmonds, PhD, PT, and Levanne Hendrix, MSN, ARNP.
1998 Second Edition. SGEC Working Paper #12.
!
$12.00
J. Core Curriculum in Ethnogeriatrics, Second Edition.
Developed by the members of the Collaborative on Ethnogeriatric
Education. October 2000.
$20.00
K. Ethnic Specific Modules for the Ethnogeriatric Core Curriculum Second
Edition.
$35.00
For additional information about SGEC activities, materials, or bibliographic searches, please
call (650) 494-3986 or Fax (650) 494-3617. To order the above materials, circle the item(s)
desired, indicate quantity on the line provided, and return with payment to: Stanford Geriatric
Education Center, c/o VAPAHCS, 3801 Miranda Avenue, Building 4, (182B.-SGEC),Palo Alto,
CA 94304. All Orders Must Be Pre-Paid. (Prices include tax and postage). SGEC shouid send
the materials to:
Name:
--
Address:
City
State
Zip