2016 Senior External Examination
Modern History
Paper Two — Historical sources book
Tuesday 8 November 2016
1 pm to 3:40 pm
Directions
You may write in this book during perusal time.
Contents
• Seen sources (Sources A–L)
• Unseen sources (Sources 1–12)
• Acknowledgments
After the examination session
Take this book when you leave.
For all Queensland schools
Planning space
Note: The spelling of Chinese names may occur in either the older Wade-Giles form or the more
recently adopted Pinyin form, e.g. Guangzhou (Canton), depending on the timeframe of the
origin of the source. Names like Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-tung) are, however, readily recognisable
in either form.
Seen sources (Sources A– L)
Source A
China at the start of the 20th century
A French cartoon from before the First World War. Britain, Germany, Russia, France and Japan are
dividing up China. The caption reads: In China: The cake of kings and emperors.
www.hodderplus.co.uk/modernworldhistory/pdf/maos-china-1930-76.pdf
1
Source B
The Communists and nationalism
The Communists, for their part, after shedding the theoretical internationalism that had hampered their
early efforts, could plausibly claim to be more nationalist than the Nationalists, and indeed the only
real nationalists. Whatever may have been the hidden thoughts and real feelings of the two parties
during the war with Japan and the civil war, the evidence is beyond dispute; it was the Chinese
Revolution, and only the Chinese Revolution that brought the Chinese nationalism to fruition …
Bianco, L and Bell, M (trans) 1971, Origins of the Chinese Revolution, 1915–1949
Source C
The Mandate of Heaven: the basis of imperial rule
The Chinese developed a way to explain these changes of dynasties; they called it the Mandate of
Heaven. They believed that the emperor ruled by the will of Heaven; indeed the emperor was
sometimes called the Son of Heaven and his throne was called the Celestial (Heavenly) Throne. He
had the mandate (authority or permission) of Heaven to rule the people as long as he ruled wisely.
Because the emperor had the authority of Heaven, the people had a duty to obey him. The idea of the
Mandate of Heaven was linked to the teachings of Confucius. He had taught that society was based on
different relationships. In the family the father had authority over his family; in the country the
emperor had authority over his people.
Mason, KJ, Fielden, P, Burgess, C et al 2004, Experience World History: Kingdoms, Dynasties and Colonies
Source D
The contribution of Marxism–Leninism
Marxism–Leninism helped the Chinese for a number of reasons. In the pre-war period it gave them
the confidence and moral support of belonging to a world movement; it claimed to be scientific and
therefore modern; it was disliked by the Western countries and therefore acceptable to Chinese who
felt let down by the West; it was optimistic in its assurance that the stage of feudalism must lead
through capitalism to socialism; it provided a rationale and a programme for putting ordinary people
in the centre of the picture while insisting that an elite group (the Communist Party) must always lead.
Moreover, it fitted into the Chinese traditional pattern of authority-centred society, dominated by an
educated elite held together by a common philosophy and commitment to the service of the state.
Milston, G 1978, A Short History of China
Source E
Mao’s contribution
Mao Tse-Tung’s great accomplishment has been to change Marxism from a European to an Asiatic
form … China is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial country in which vast numbers of people live at the
edge of starvation, tilling small bits of soil … In attempting the transition to a more industrial
economy, China faces the pressures … of advanced industrial lands … There are similar conditions in
other lands of Southeast Asia — the course chosen by China will influence them all.
From a 1946 interview between Shaoqi, L (Head of State, 1959–1968) and Strong, AL in Morcombe, M & Fielding, M 1999, The Spirit of Change:
China in Revolution
2
Source F
People’s tribunal, 1953
A people’s tribunal sentencing a landlord. This man was sentenced to death.
www.hodderplus.co.uk/modernworldhistory/pdf/maos-china-1930-76.pdf
(photo credit: Bettman/Corbis)
Source G
Tung Hsiu-Ching, an original resident, quoted in China Reconstructs, 1973
Before liberation, our land three ‘manys’ — many poor people, many slum houses and many
children …
With liberation in 1949, we working people stood up and became masters of the new society. As soon
as the People’s Liberation Army men entered the city, they got us together and explained the
revolution to us. The people’s government began solving the problem of unemployment and we all got
jobs. With stable monthly wages, our life improved steadily.
Our people’s government thinks of everything for us. More than 100 families have moved into new
apartments or houses. The homes of the others have been well-repaired. The street’s housing
management office always asks for the opinions of the neighbourhood representatives before they
distribute or renovate housing. If anything goes wrong with the electricity, water or drains, we just tell
the office and it sends repairmen right away.
www.johndclare.net/China7.htm
3
Source H
Strengthen the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
http://chineseposters.net/themes/mao-thought.php
4
Source I
Two statements by Deng Xiaoping about the need for reform in China
1978: ‘If we do not carry out reform (political and economic) now, our cause of modernisation and
socialism will be ruined.’
1986: ‘As economic reform progresses, we deeply feel the necessity for change in the political
structure. The absence of such change will hamper the development of productive forces.’
Deng, Xiaoping in Burke, P 1999, Heinemann Outcomes: Studies of Asia
Source J
Has the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) transformed itself since 1978?
Overall, it seems clear that the CCP has undergone a significant transformation since 1978. Many
aspects of the Party including its composition and the declining role of ideology would be
unrecognisable to the Maoist era, whilst Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have emphasised
‘absolute stability at any cost’, a striking contrast from Mao’s chaotic regime. The importance of
maintaining political stability in order to facilitate economic development has become central to the
party’s role, and the declining significance of ideology has resulted in a ‘shift in the party’s
fundamental legitimacy to its capacity to deliver the economic goods’. To a large extent, the
institutionalisation and reform program has achieved this stability, but major problems such as
widespread corruption remain. However, the Party has adopted a dynamic approach to development
and appears flexible in dealing with the challenges of the contemporary world whilst still maintaining
its iron grip on power.
Hawkes, S 2011, Has the Chinese Communist Party transformed itself since 1978?
Source K
The policy of ‘de-Maoisation’
The policy of ‘de-Maoisation’ was accelerated in 1978–81, as the new moderate leadership pushed
further along the paths of modernisation and increased cooperation with the industrial West. The
policy of ‘Four Modernisations’ — in industry, agriculture, defence and technology — stressed
practical achievement. Experts and specialists were again to be respected, education was to have high
priority and material incentives were restored. The policy also implied an inevitable strengthening of
relationships with capitalist powers, which could provide the investment, products and expertise
China needed to achieve these goals. Foreign technology and technical imports were actively sought.
Cowie, HR 1987, Asia and Australia in World Affairs, Vol. 3
5
Source L
Land of hope and opportunity
Chappatte in ‘Le Temps’ (Geneva) 2012, http://globecartoon.wordpress.com
End of Seen sources
6
Unseen sources (Sources 1–12)
Source 1
Nationalism in China: Two historians’ views
‘Chinese nationalism was actually partly a creation of Western imperialism,’ says Minxin Pei, a senior
associate in the China program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Pei says the first
surge of Chinese nationalism was seen in 1919 in what’s now widely referred to as the May 4th
Movement when thousands of students demonstrated against the Treaty of Versailles’ transfer of
Chinese territory to Japan. Some of these student leaders went on to form the Chinese Communist
Party two years later in 1921.
‘The current Chinese communist government is more a product of nationalism than a product of
ideology like Marxism and Communism,’ says Liu Kang, a professor of Chinese cultural studies at
Duke University. Kang says today nationalism has probably ‘become the most powerful legitimating
ideology’.
Pei, M and Kang, L in Bajoria, J 2008, Nationalism in China
Source 2
Mao’s Great Leap to Famine
The worst catastrophe in China’s history, and one of the worst anywhere, was the Great Famine of
1958 to 1962, and to this day the ruling Communist Party has not fully acknowledged the degree to
which it was a direct result of the forcible herding of villagers into communes under the “Great Leap
Forward” that Mao Zedong launched in 1958.
To this day, the party attempts to cover up the disaster, usually by blaming the weather. Yet detailed
records of the horror exist in the party’s own national and local archives.
Access to these files would have been unimaginable even 10 years ago, but a quiet revolution has been
taking place over the past few years as vast troves of documents have gradually been declassified.
While the most sensitive information still remains locked up, researchers are being allowed for the
first time to rummage through the dark night of the Maoist era.
www.nytimes.com/2010/12/16/opinion/16iht-eddikotter16.html?_r=0
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Source 3
Chairman Mao visits a homemade blast furnace, 1958
http://chineseposters.net/posters/pc-1958-007.php
Source 4
The Hundred Flowers Campaign of 1957
Known as the Hundred Flowers Campaign, Mao’s new policy had a dramatic effect. For the next
several weeks, China’s intellectuals answered the chairman’s call for criticism with a vengeance
derived from years of CCP oppression. Finding itself the subject of serious criticism, the Party soon
repealed its newly adopted liberal policy and placed the intellectuals under even more strict control.
Despite its early demise, however, the Hundred Flowers Campaign had far-reaching effects on the
direction of the People’s Republic of China and the CCP’s view of intellectual debate. Under Mao’s
leadership, these policies hindered China’s modernisation efforts and would eventually culminate in
the disastrous Cultural Revolution.
Jackson, JM 2004, An Early Spring: Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese Intellectuals and the Hundred Flowers Campaign
8
Source 5
The Cultural Revolution, 1967
The caption reads: Chairman Mao teaches us: It is up to us to organise the people. As for the
reactionaries in China, it is up to us to organise the people to overthrow them. Revolutionary Rebel
factions unite to wage the Proletarian Cultural Revolution to the end!
http://chineseposters.net/posters/pc-196b-002.php
9
Source 6
Long live great Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
During the cultural revolution, the representation of Marx played a great role in the attempts to
position Mao Zedong as the last living — and therefore most relevant — contributor to Marxism.
http://chineseposters.net/themes/marx.php
Source 7
Official view of Mao, post-Cultural Revolution
Before and after the convocation of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, the
Party led and supported the large-scale debate about whether practice is the sole criterion for testing
truth. The nationwide debate smashed the traditional personality cult of Chairman Mao Zedong and
shattered the argument of the ‘two whatevers’*, the notion pursued by then Party Chairman Hua
Guofeng after the death of Chairman Mao. The erroneous notion included that whatever policy
decisions Mao had made must be firmly upheld and whatever instructions he had given must be
followed unswervingly. The statement first appeared in an editorial entitled ‘Study the Documents
Carefully and Grasp the Key Link’, which was published simultaneously in the People’s Daily, the
Liberation Army Daily and later in the monthly journal Hongqi, or the ‘Red Flag’. The debate upheld
again the ideological principles of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts and brought
order out of chaos.
* ‘We will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made, and unswervingly follow
whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave.’
The Central People’s Government of The People’s Republic of China, 1978
10
Source 8
The four modernisations
The [Party] Centre believes that in realising the four modernisations in China we must uphold the four
basic principles in thought and politics. They are the fundamental premise for realising the four
modernisations. They are [as follows]:
1.
We must uphold the socialist road.
2.
We must uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat.
3.
We must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party.
4.
We must uphold Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.
http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ps/cup/deng_xiaoping_uphold_principles.pdf
Source 9
Deng — The present situation and the tasks before us (1980)
‘First is essential to follow a firm and consistent political line. We now have such a line. In his speech
at the meeting in celebration of the 30th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic,
Comrade Ye Jianying formulated the general task — or, if you will, the general line — as follows:
Unite the people of all our nationalities and bring all positive forces into play so that we can work with
one heart and one mind, go all out, aim high and achieve greater, faster, better, and more economical
results in building a modern, powerful socialist country.
The socialist system is one thing, and the specific way of building socialism another. This superiority
[of the socialist system] should manifest itself in many ways, but first and foremost it must be
revealed in the rate of economic growth and in economic efficiency. Without political stability and
unity, it would be impossible for us to settle down to construction. This has been borne out by our
experience in the more than twenty years since 1957 …
In addition to stability and unity, we must maintain liveliness … when liveliness clashes with stability
and unity, we can never pursue the former at the expense of the latter. The experience of the Cultural
Revolution has already proved that chaos leads only to retrogression, not to progress …’
http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ps/china/deng_xiaoping_present_situation.pdf
Source 10
Modernisation
Given China’s backwardness, modernisation would require assistance from foreign countries. During
the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government had put up barriers against influence from outside
and its foreign relations were in general very constricted. But Deng Xiaoping instituted the slogan
‘openness to the outside’ (duiwai kaifang) and set about improving relations with foreign countries,
especially those which he believed were in a position to help China’s modernisation.
Mackerras, C, Taneja, P & Young, G 1994, China since 1978: Reform, Modernisation and ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’
11
Source 11
China’s economic performance
Note: Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is a measure commonly used to determine the economic
performance of a country.
www.china-mike.com/chinese-history-timeline/part-15-deng-xiaoping
Source 12
How long can the Communist party survive in China?
How long the heirs to Mao’s 1949 revolution can hang on to power has been a perennial question
since the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Many dire
predictions of imminent collapse have come and gone but the party has endured and even thrived,
especially since it opened its ranks to capitalists for the first time a decade ago. These days the
revolutionary party of the proletariat is probably best described as the world’s largest chamber of
commerce and membership is the best way for business people to network and clinch lucrative
contracts.
In less than five years the Chinese Communist party will challenge the Soviet Union (69 or 74 years in
power depending how you count it) and Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (71 years until
2000) for the longest unbroken rule by any political party. Modernisation theory holds that
authoritarian systems tend to democratise as incomes rise, that the creation of a large middle class
hastens the process and that economic slowdown following a long period of rapid growth makes that
transition more likely. Serious and worsening inequality coupled with high levels of corruption can
add to the impetus for change.
www.ft.com/cms/s/2/533a6374-1fdc-11e3-8861-00144feab7de.html
End of Unseen sources
12
Acknowledgments
Seen sources
Source A
Hodder Education Group, www.hodderplus.co.uk/modernworldhistory/pdf/maos-china-1930-76.pdf.
Source B
Bianco, L and Bell, M (trans) 1971, Origins of the Chinese Revolution, 1915–1949, Stanford
University Press, California, USA.
Source C
Mason, KJ, Fielden, P, Burgess, C et al 2004, Experience World History: Kingdoms, Dynasties and
Colonies, McGraw-Hill Australia Pty Ltd, Sydney, NSW.
Source D
Milston, G 1978, A Short History of China, Cassell, Sydney.
Source E
Morcombe, M and Fielding, M 1999, The Spirit of Change: China in Revolution, McGraw-Hill
Australia, North Ryde, NSW.
Source F
Hodder Education Group, www.hodderplus.co.uk/modernworldhistory/pdf/maos-china-1930-76.pdf.
Source G
Clare, JD, www.johndclare.net/China7.htm.
Source H
Landsberger, SR and the International Institute of Social History, The Netherlands, political poster,
http://chineseposters.net/themes/mao-thought.php.
Source I
Burke, P 1999, Heinemann Outcomes: Studies of Asia, Heinemann, Melbourne.
Source J
Hawkes, S 2011, ‘Has the Chinese Communist Party transformed itself since 1978?’, www.e-ir.info.
Source K
Cowie, HR 1987, Asia and Australia in World Affairs, Vol. 3, Thomas Nelson Australia, Melbourne.
Source L
Chappatte in ‘Le Temps’(Geneva) 2012, http://globecartoon.wordpress.com.
13
Unseen sources
Source 1
Bajoria, J 2008, Nationalism in China, Council on Foreign Relations, USA, www.cfr.org.
Source 2
The New York Times Company, Mao’s Great Leap to Famine, 16 December 2010,
www.nytimes.com/2010/12/16/opinion/16iht-eddikotter16.html?_r=0.
Source 3
Landsberger, SR and the International Institute of Social History, The Netherlands, political poster,
http://chineseposters.net/posters/pc-1958-007.php.
Source 4
Jackson, JM 2004, An Early Spring: Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese Intellectuals and the Hundred
Flowers Campaign, http://filebox.vt.edu.
Source 5
Landsberger, SR and the International Institute of Social History, The Netherlands, political poster,
http://chineseposters.net/posters/pc-196b-002.php.
Source 6
Landsberger, SR and the International Institute of Social History, The Netherlands, political poster,
http://chineseposters.net/themes/marx.php.
Source 7
The Central People’s Government of The People’s Republic of China, History, China Factfile, http://
english.gov.cn.
Sources 8 and 9
Deng, Xiaoping, Uphold the Four Basic Principles, 30 March 1979, speech excerpt, Asia for
Educators, Columbia University, New York, http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ps/cup/
deng_xiaoping_uphold_principles.pdf.
Source 10
Mackerras, C, Taneja, P and Young, G 1994, China since 1978: Reform, Modernisation and
‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’, 3rd edn, Longman Pearson Education, Sydney.
Source 11
China Mike, www.china-mike.com/chinese-history-timeline/part-15-deng-xiaoping.
Source 12
The Financial Times Ltd, How long can the Communist Party survive in China?, 20 September 2013,
www.ft.com/cms/s/2/533a6374-1fdc-11e3-8861-00144feab7de.html.
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been omitted or incorrectly acknowledged.
14
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