University of Gdañsk – Department of Regional Development Geography
COASTAL
REGIONS
6
ECONOMIC, GEOPOLITICAL AND SOCIAL
PROBLEMS OF CO-OPERATION BETWEEN
KALININGRAD AND POLAND
edited by T. Palmowski, G. Fedorov, V. Korneevets
Gdynia–Pelplin 2003
Scientific Committee:
Roger Bivand (Bergen), Marek Dutkowski (Szczecin), Gennady
M. Fedorov (Kaliningrad), Valentin S. Korneevets (Kaliningrad),
Tadeusz Palmowski (Gdynia), Jerzy J. Parysek (Chairman, Poznañ),
Eugeniusz Rydz (S³upsk)
Editor’s address:
Tomasz Michalski (secretary)
Department of Regional Development Geography
University of Gdañsk
Al. Marsz. Pi³sudskiego 46
81–378 Gdynia
phone: +48 58 660–16–32, fax +48 58 661–64–70
e–mail: [email protected], http://www.kgrr.univ.gda.pl/
Reviewer:
Marek Sobczyñski
Publication financed by the Faculty of Biology, Geography and
Oceanology of the University of Gdañsk
© by Authors
Wydawnictwo „Bernardinum”
ul. Bpa Dominika 11, 83-130 Pelplin
phone: (058) 536 17 57, fax (058) 536 17 26
e-mail:[email protected]
Printed in: Drukarnia WDP „Bernardinum”
ISBN 83-7380-137-5
Contents:
Preface ............................................................................................................. 5
Jan Wendt
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical
position of the Kaliningrad district ............................................................. 7
Gennady Fedorov
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district
as a region of Trans-European co-operation ............................................ 16
Roman Szul
The changing international economic and political
situation and its impact on the perspectives of co-operation
between Polish regions and the Kaliningrad district of Russia ........... 28
Maciej Tarkowski
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size
of the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie
and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie voivodships in the years 1999–2015 ........ 36
Tomasz Komornicki
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections
between Poland and the Kaliningrad district
of the Russian Federation ........................................................................... 50
Ma³gorzata Pacuk
Chosen aspects of the economic co-operation between
Poland and the Kaliningrad district ......................................................... 61
Sergey Tarkhov
Transport system of the Kaliningrad district
in the context of current transport development of Russia ................... 69
Tomasz Parteka
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment
of the Via Hanseatica zone (the Sapphire Arc) ........................................ 74
Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
External conditions affecting the development
of the Elbl¹g harbour .................................................................................. 87
4
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Development of new forms of co-operation
between the Tri-City and the Kaliningrad district ....................................... 100
Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
Improving urban competitiveness: Polish–Russian
co-operation on the example of Gdynia and Kaliningrad ............................ 115
Natalia Klimenko
The role and methodology of territorial zoning
in the course of spatial planning development
in the Kaliningrad district ............................................................................. 123
Tomasz Michalski
The enlargement of the European Union vs. epidemiological
safety (case study of the northern aspect of the integration) ........................ 130
5
Preface
The Department of Regional Development Geography of the University
of Gdañsk conducts wide research on the Baltic integration process. One
sphere of studies relates to social and economic transformation processes
in the contemporary Kaliningrad district. The studies are also connected
with the close proximity of Gdañsk and Kaliningrad — cities located close
to each other on two sides of Gdañsk Bay. The direct relations of outstanding specialists from Kaliningrad State University in the year 2000 gave
a strong impulse for further studies. In result of joint meetings and seminar, several papers and publications appeared in both Kaliningrad and
Gdañsk. In 2002, an international conference was held in Kaliningrad devoted to the development of cross–border co–operation between the Kaliningrad district and north–eastern Poland.
The subject was further developed during the conference held in 2003
in Gdynia. The volume of scientific interactions resulted in signing, at the
end of the year 2003, an agreement on co–operation between the University of Gdañsk and the Kaliningrad State University.
The agreement provides a good environment for conducting further
research, developing co–operation, student exchange programmes, etc. The
outcome of co–operation up to date also takes on a practical dimension in
joint projects effected by local and regional self–governmental bodies on
both sides of the border.
The following edition of ”Coastal Regions” is devoted to social and
economic issues of the Kaliningrad district and the functioning of the district in the new geopolitical position, as well as various aspects of Polish
and Russian cross–border co–operation. The studies included in this edition have been prepared by an international team of authors (Gdañsk,
Warsaw Olsztyn as well as Moscow and Kaliningrad district centres), and
are of spatial nature presenting a geographical or planning approach to
the issues presented.
The edition opens with an article by Jan Wendt, devoted to the changes
in the geopolitical position of the Kaliningrad district. The paper, a good
introduction to the issues in this edition, presents changes in the political
map of the region from the historical perspective and the resulting consequences.
The paper by Gennady Fedorov refers to the regional strategy of the
Kaliningrad district as a region of European co–operation and is of geo-
6
graphical and planning nature. Similarly, the paper by Roman Szul on
changes in the international economic situation and their impact on the
perspectives of co–operation between Polish voivodships and the Kaliningrad district shows certain features of a planning approach.
The next paper by Maciej Tarkowski is a prognostic detailed demographic analysis referring to spatial differentiation in the population of the
Kaliningrad district as well as the Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodships in the period 1999–2015.
The paper contributed by Tomasz Komornicki, refers to the spatial diversification of social and economic relations between Poland and the
Kaliningrad district. The author analyses the cross–border transport structure, border traffic and extent of international trade, touches on the Russian proposal of establishing a communication corridor through Poland
and Lithuania and its geopolitical impact.
Ma³gorzata Pacuk deliberates on selected aspects of economic co–operation of Poland and the Kaliningrad district, with particular attention
paid to changes in volume and structure of the district’s foreign trade and
foreign investments as a significant factor in regional development.
The following three papers are contained within the geographical communication area. The paper by Sergey Tarkhov is an analysis of the transport and communication network of the Kaliningrad district and the
transport links with neighbouring countries and the Russian territory.
A decisively planning approach is depicted in the paper of Tomasz Parteka
on the scenarios projecting regional zone impact of the planned communication route Via Hanseatica. Krzysztof Luks and Dariusz Waldziñski deliberate on the external conditioning of the development of the port of Elbl¹g.
The authors of papers on development of new forms of co–operation
between the Tri–City and Kaliningrad district, i.e. Tadeusz Palmowski and
Renata Anisiewicz, start with historical origins, numerous scientific and
cultural relations of Gdañsk and Królewiec, and present the latest examples of Tri–City’s international co–operation.
The paper by Ewa Depka and Marcin Wo³ek deals with the competitiveness of towns. The analysis involves the international relations of Gdynia, one of the most active towns in international co–operation, including
Polish–Russian co–operation.
In the paper devoted to the assumptions on spatial development
strategy of the Kaliningrad district Natalia Klimenko deliberates on the
territorial zoning methodology and its role in developing spatial planning in the district.
The edition ends with the paper by Tomasz Michalski, on epidemiological safety in view of the extended EU and the northwards progressing
integration (Baltic States and Russia).
7
Jan Wendt
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical
position of the Kaliningrad district
The terms political geography and connected with it geostrategy and geopolitics are highly discussed. However quite large number of research
workers and mass media as well, use these terms interchangeably often.
The political geography is a kind of scope, which deals with geographical
spare and political processes’ interactions. It’s also described as an investigation of political phenomenon in spatial contexts or as spacious stadium of differences and similarities. Geopolitics begins there, where we
deal with political prediction in the aspect of space which includes the
economical and demographically potential of the country. Geopolitics is
a kind of science, which tie up the geographical surroundings which the
political processes. It is based on a wide geographical foundation, especially, political geography as knowledge showing political organisations
of the space its structure’s. Geopolitics wants and must be ”a geographical
soul of the country” (J. Wendt, 1999). First of all, in geopolitics, we investigate how one country is depended on another one in consideration
of political and strategically aims, which in fact means dependency, and
this is the easy way to do any geographical researches. Just the geographical positions, in obvious to have influence on the political position’s character. The moment, when we begin to consider only military aspects of
geopolitical position we have to come into — so called by some scientists
— geostrategical researches. From the foreign policy point of view, geostrategy that differs from geopolitics and classical military geography,
is occupied in investigations of geosurroundings’ circumstances in own
country and countries in neighbourhood. This fact, rather places geo–
graphy simultaneously in classical geopolitics’ frame than in military
geography. But we must also remember, that so far, many scientists, particularly American, have used both names: geostrategy and geopolitics sometimes using them in changeable way. In many works, we can meet some
models, which present the geopolitical development identified with geostrategy.
8
Jan Wendt
During last one hundred years geostrategical and geopolitical positions
of Kaliningrad district (former part of East Prussia) have changed several
times. From historical point of view, first time the fundamental change in
geopolitical and geostrategical position of Prussia (future Kaliningrad
district) took place in the first part of XIII century, when Polish Prince
Conrad of Masovia has invite Knights of Teutonic Order to settle in
Chelmian Land at North Poland. They were to protect the country against
the Old Prussian tribes. During Herman von Salza’s governing, the
Teutonic Knights formed a union with the Order of Chevaliers of the Sword
which has already settled in Livonia at the time. That was the reason the
Teutonic Order Decided to occupy Zmudz and Lithuania which were
divided the Teutonic’s areas. By the end of XIII century the Teutonic Knights
had succeeded in conquering the territories occupied by Old Prussians.
At the beginnings of XIV century they annexed Gdañsk and whole region
of Pomerania. The Teutonic Order established his own administration on
his lands and started to build lots of castles, villages and towns. Knights
settled new people in their territories, the people mainly arrives from
Germany. All the borders changed after thirteen years war between Poland
Kingdom and Teutonic Knights in half of XV century. By the treaty
concluded in Toruñ, Gdañsk Pomerania and surrounding area returned to
Poland as, so called Royal Prussia. The area that remained, stay under
Teutonic administration. The Polish relations with the Teutonic Order
changed after secularisation of the Knights Order by the Great Master
Albrecht von Hohenzollern. In the XVI century, ”the Gold Century” of
Polish Republic, a period of economical and cultural development took
place in Royal Prussia and the Great Duchy of Prussia. At the beginning of
XVII century, thanks to the weakness of Poland, the Great Duchy of Prussia
and Brandenburgia made a personal union what let them in future created
a Kingdom of Prussia, where Frederic the First became a King of it. Weak
Poland has been still losing its political independence and in the middle
of XVIII century, Austria, Russia and Prussia made the First Partition of
Poland. The next two Partitions led to the total liquidation of Polish country.
Prussia takes Gdañsk Pomerania but without its capital during the First
Partition and started calling it ”West Prussia”. Thanks to annexation of
Pomerania, Prussia gets a good link between the Grand Duchy of Prussia
and Szczecin Pomerania. In XIX century and the beginnings of XX century,
there have been established very good train and railway connections
between western Germany and East Prussia, which have been cut after
I WW by Polish borders.
The geopolitical position of East Prussia change next time after I WW,
when completely new border has been established at the region. The Versailles Treaty decided that Poland, which got back its independence, got
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical position of the Kaliningrad district
9
an access to the Baltic Sea, dividing in this way Weimar Republic and the
III Reich later from East Prussia. Once more, the Free City of Gdañsk (Danzig) was created and Klaipeda (Memel) was given under the world —
power control. The borders were on their places for the next twenty years.
East Prussia, part of Germany stay a region with out land connections
with rest part of country, which caused many transit and transport problems for Poland and Germany, which sign down a special transit agreement about transit corridors between Germany and East Prussia. This
time East Prussia has very important geostrategical position as well. The
Polish–German border has been situated only 120 km north from Warsaw, what give the German Army possibilities to reach Polish capitol very
quickly in a case of war.
The borders at the region have been changed after annexation of Klajpeda by the III Reich and German aggression on Poland, which began II
WW. Gdañsk Pomerania, the Free City of Gdañsk, and the South part of
Mazury were incorporated to the Reich, and also Germany created a General Government from a part, which was left. The winning of Alliance,
and the Potsdam conference led to change border in the former East Prussia Region. Poland, as a recompense for losing ”former East part of Poland”, got a wide access to the Baltic Sea from Szczecin to Gdañsk and
Braniewo. The German East Prussia has been divided between USSR and
Poland. Poland got the south part of East Prussia on the line of Braniewo
— Go³dap in the South. It seems that the problem of East Prussia, German
corridor has been definitely closed. The north part of East Prussian was
given to USSR and Kaliningrad (Polish — Królewiec; German — Königsberg) district was created. Today it covers an area of 15.1 thousand km2,
where 1692 km2 are part to the water basins of Vistula Bay and Curonian
Bay. The population of almost one million inhabitants comprises nearly
80% of Russians (see Table 1).
Tab. 1. Nationality structure of Kaliningrad district
Nationality
% of population
1959
Russians
1989
2000
77.6
78.5
78.1
Belarussians
9.4
8.5
7.6
Ukrainians
5.8
7.2
7.5
Lithuanians
3.5
2.1
1.9
Jewish
0.7
0.4
0.0
Germans
0.1
0.2
0.6
Poles
0.5
0.5
0.5
Other
2.4
2.6
3.8
Source: P. Eberhardt, 1996; Kaliningradskaya oblast v tsifrakh 2000, 2000.
10
Jan Wendt
After collapse of USSR Kaliningrad district administratively belonged
to Russia. Kaliningrad district, as Russian enclave on the Baltic remained
closed to foreigners, totally isolated from the West up till the year 1991.
Flight connections looked solely eastwards, the port host only Russian
ships, while many international railway routes ended abruptly on the
Polish border. This situation stemmed from the strategically importance
of the district as the base of USSR’s Baltic Navy force, as well as infantry
and air force of the so called ”second offensive line”. To the end of the
eighties the Kaliningrad district, as the most westward reaching and strongly military part of the Russian Federation, separated from the main motherland by Baltic republics, remained a taboo subject as if it were ‘non
existent’ on the political map.
After 1989, far reaching changes in geopolitical situation took place in
the Baltic Europe next time. The disintegration of the Soviet Union caused
the region, which had remained closed for decades to become the focus of
political discussions. After Lithuania gained independence the district was
cut off first by one and next by several states (Latvia, Belarus). The final
shape of the district was defined on December 8, 1991 with the
disappearance of the Soviet Union, when Kaliningrad district gets a new
geopolitical position between new Baltic State, Belarus and Poland.
Formations new countries and restitution of earlier existing countries have
broke previous economic connections, especially same trade routes and
communications connections, and completely changed Russian position
at the Baltic Region. The range of hinterland situated by the Baltic Sea
ports has also changed. Same new economic needs and geopolitical
circumstances determinate the necessity of making same alternative or
even new carriage and transit connections. Getting freedom by the Belarus
Republic and getting back by the Republic of Lithuania was cased by the
breaking of the direct land connection between Russia and its Kaliningrad
district. Because the experiences teaches us that the geopolitical aspect
has the all–important role when we are talking about the transport
infrastructure, we can not ignore the role and thinks it was only in the past
and not in present. And we should understand how important it is for the
future. Because the role and geopolitical position of Kaliningrad district is
strictly connected with Russian influence in Central Europe, its position
changes after Belarus join CIS. However the deep economic crisis in Belarus
and its depends on Russian gas and petrol, with pro–Moscow politic of
the Belarus President (after September 2001 elected for the next cadence),
taking this country to the totally economic subjection of Russia. Of course
it is normal, from Russian point of view that Belarus has an important
meaning in the region because the shortest transit connections with
Lithuania, Poland and Kaliningrad is just there, in Belarus territory. And
11
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical position of the Kaliningrad district
the Kaliningrad district is one of the most important and also the important
military base of the Russian Federation. So, it not only has economic —
but also military sense (see Table 2).
Tab. 2. Military potential of states situated at South and East Baltic Region (2001)
Countries
Kaliningrad district
Military Personnel (MP)
Demographic Index
Territorial Index
in thousand
MP* per 1000 inhabitants
MP* / 100 Km
2
25
26.42
165.56
100
9.88
48.17
1 450
9.85
8.49
Poland
165
4.27
52.88
Estonia
5
3.58
11.06
Latvia
5
2.06
7.76
Lithuania
5
1.36
7.81
Belarus
Russian Federation
* Military personnel (MP) according to CFE treaty. For Lithuania has been taken the military potential at the
„Peace– time”.
Source: The Military Balance 1997–1998, 1999; Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Poland 2002,
2002.
Up today Kaliningrad district is one of the most military focused regions in Russia. Since 1993 the number of navy vessels of the Baltic Fleet
has been reduced threefold and the number of crew by 40%. The Baltic
Fleet and 11 Guardian Army left the district deserting 17 military towns.
The military airport at the region has also been wound up. Baltiysk apart
from St. Petersburg, continue to be the main marine base on the Baltic for
Russia (T. Palmowski, 2001). In 1994, a special defence district was established in Kaliningrad in an effort to territorially regroup Russian military
force. Formerly the district was part of the Baltic Military District — an
organisation of clearly offensive nature. Since June 1998, after installing
S–300 PS mobile anti–rocket systems in Kaliningrad, the region belongs to
the best guarded ones in Russia (J. Wendt, 2001). The Governor of Kaliningrad announced in January 2001, that the number of soldiers in the district shall be reduced from 25 thousand to 16 thousand in 2003. However,
with Poland joining NATO and the perspective of Baltic States following
suit Russian generals emphasise that the military role of the district is
more important to Russia than the economic one (J. Wendt, 2001). It is
estimated that at present 10% of the district’s population are the military
and their families, half of the territory, 30–40% of the economy is connected with the army and to the same extent dependent on the financing from
the state budget.
12
Jan Wendt
Military basis, existing and functioning military practice range areas
and storage facilities create a series of environmental protection problems
and socio–economic problems. The principle ecological problems are
connected with storage and treatment of ammunition and obsolete military
equipment. Army arsenals, stations and storage facilities are located in
close vicinity of the city of Kaliningrad. The bad technical condition of
storage facilities and frequently storage of ammunition, which does not
comply with binding regulations, enhance the direct hazard for the city
and its inhabitants. Housing shortages for the military, reservists and their
families has an adverse impact on the soldiers’ and officers’ moral. There
are no funds in the state budget for building 5 thousand flats annually.
Several months long delays in paying out wages contribute to rising
tension. In effect Kaliningrad has lost many of the best–qualified and
proactive energy experts. In March 1998 a special centre was established
to enable the military to adapt to non–military professions.
From the economic point of view Kaliningrad was and is very important
for Russia as well. The region was generally military and strategy oriented
with a number of military industrial plants manufacturing for the needs
of navy vessels, producing space rocket engines, electronic and optical
products. Lack of military orders in the last few years meant problems in
sustaining these branches of industry. The district features a relatively well
developed transport system including an ice–free Baltic port directly
connected by shipping lines with Russian and non Russian ports on the
Baltic. Annual turnover of the port amounts to 3–5 million tons, which is
merely 1/3 of its handling capacity. Recently a concept to build a new port
in Svetly and dredge the port canal in Kaliningrad has been developed as
it does not accommodate for bigger ships currently.
Economic problems, which came to light after the disintegration of the
Soviet Union, had a specific impact on the economic downfall of the
enclave. Economic indicators in the district are not only significantly worse
than those of neighbouring countries but also worse than the Russian
average, e.g. gross regional product per capita in the year 2000 amounted
to 65% in comparison to the Baltic Sates and 50% in comparison to Poland
(see Table 3).
What is more important, the region is almost completely dependent on
external power supplies. Local power and central heating stations are
capable of meeting the needs of inhabitants and the industry in an
insignificant degree with 98% of electric power supplied via a unified
Russian power system running through Lithuania. Lack of direct
connection to the Russian power system has an adverse impact on the
power security of the district. The dependence on power supply delivered
across NATO countries’ or aspiring to Pact is contradictory to the security
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical position of the Kaliningrad district
13
policy of Russia. This official standing on the issue is in conflicts with
statements of some experts from Kaliningrad who at the verge of the third
millennium see a possibility of selling future power surplice to western
Europe, after constructing a new power plant and including the district in
the Baltic power ring.
Tab. 3. GDP of states situated at South and East Baltic Region (2000)
Countries
GDP
GDP
GDP
billion USD
per capita in USD
1990=100
Poland
163.9
4 078
145
Estonia
5.0
3 627
137
Lithuania
11.3
3 058
97
Belarus
30.0
2 995
98
7.2
2 942
115
251.1
1 726
60
Latvia
Russian Federation
Source: Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Poland 2002, 2002.
The Kaliningrad district because of its specific situation of being Russian enclave has a bigger geopolitical and transit meaning. The shortest
connections between Kaliningrad and Russia go via Lithuania and Belarus territory. At the beginning of 1996, after signing the pact of integration
by the presidents of Russia and Belarus, B. Jelcyn announced about a plan
of building new carriage corridor between Kaliningrad and Belarus via
Poland. That corridor could eventually goes from Grodno (Belarus), Augustów, Go³dap (Poland) to Gusiew (Kaliningrad district). In this way,
Russia could avoid making transit carriages via Lithuanian territory. Eventually ex–territorial corridor, would link Kaliningrad district with Russia
and Belarus, making the Lithuanian situation stronger inside of the Russian influences. Formally, of course, the idea was not announced to Poland, however the problem existed during the Polish–Russian meeting
about co–operation between those two countries.
The plan of that kind of transit corridor has been publish by Russian in
the paper at the conferences at the University of Kaliningrad in 1994. In
addition, before B. Jelcyn had announced his idea of building the new
connection going via Poland, the Polish Direction of the Public Roads made
distinctive study of transit connection between Kaliningrad district and
Belarus via Poland. Of course, Polish Ministry of Internal Affairs has de-
14
Jan Wendt
nied the information about making any negotiations on this subject with
Russia. Also Polish Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that
Poland would never let building any corridor on its territory. However, in
the pact about building a gas pipeline from Jamal Peninsula to Germany
via Poland, in article No 3, the Governments of Poland and Russia foresee
building a gas piping to Kaliningrad district from Belarus via Poland. What
means making Russian transit ways with out Lithuania. A high–way from
Kaliningrad to Braniewo was being built in co–operation with Germany
as a part of so called Via Hanseatica. At the present time, between Poland
and Russia only two main roads border passages exist. First on the way
from Braniewo — Kaliningrad in Gronowo and second in Bezledy on the
way from Olsztyn to Kaliningrad. The Polish — Kaliningrad district border has the lowest level of exploiting, existing transborder roads. In the
trade and transit system of the Kaliningrad region the role of waterways
has also increased in the Vistula Bay in the part from Elbl¹g to Kaliningrad. So, the Northeast Region of Poland which borders with Russia via
Kaliningrad, Lithuania and Belarus, except of some local economic connections, has a great role in the carriage and the transit system of connections because of the geopolitical circumstances in the above – mentioned
countries.
Now Kaliningrad position is unique from the historical as well as
economic and geopolitical point of view. From Kaliningrad it is much closer
to Warsaw and Berlin than to Moscow. On the other hand, the district is
relatively near the developed regions of Western Europe, especially after
enlargement of European Union in 2004. The region held the status of Free
Economic Zone and since 1996 holds that of a Special Economic Zone.
Russian authorities have emphasised repeatedly the significance of the
District in ensuring the safety of Russia particularly in view of the
expansion of NATO and pro NATO aspirations of the Baltic States. In the
nearest future Kaliningrad district will be situated between NATO
members — Poland and Lithuania (future member of NATO). Due to the
above, a revival of interest in the district and the entire Baltic region is
becoming visible in Moscow’s policy. Kaliningrad with its geopolitical and
geostrategical location could play an important role of intermediary
between the West and Russia.
References:
• Eberhardt P., 1996, Miêdzy Rosj¹ a Niemcami, PWN, Warszawa.
• Kaliningradskaya oblast v tsifrakh 2000, 2000, Kaliningradskiy
Oblastnoy Komitet Gosstatistiki, Kaliningrad.
Changes in the geopolitical and geostrategical position of the Kaliningrad district
15
• Palmowski T., 2001, Kaliningrad and its internal problems [in:] J. Wendt,
A. Ilies (eds.) Chosen Problems of Political Geography in Central Europe,
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdañskiego, Gdañsk, p. 43–49.
• Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Poland 2002, 2002, GUS, Warsaw.
• The Military Balance 1997–1998, 1999, Published by Brassey, International Institute for Strategy Studies, London.
• Wendt J., 1999, Geopolityczne aspekty tranzytu w Europie Œrodkowej,
IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa.
• Wendt J., 2001, Geopolitical Conditions of Changes in Sea Economy in
the Baltic Sea Region [in:] J. Wendt (ed.) Baltic Europe on the Eve of
Third Millennium, University of Gdañsk, Gdañsk, p. 45–57.
16
Gennady Fedorov
Gennady Fedorov
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district
as a region of Trans–European co–operation
Preface
The policy of the Russian Federation aims at an active integration of Russia
into the world community and economy. However, economy and social
life in Kaliningrad is very susceptible to external factors — EU and NATO
expansion to the east and Russia’s preparing to join World Trade
Organisation — which are not that important for other Russian regions.
Therefore, the matter of economy compatibility increase at international,
national, and local markets is very important for the enclave. Economic
growth requires changes in Russian legislation, especially in the area of
the regime of the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in the Kaliningrad district,
not to destabilise regional economy.
Kaliningrad has already become one of the prominent centres of international co–operation, an area with numerous pilot projects and programs
in which Russian and western experts play an active role. Following the
EU enlargement the Kaliningrad district will become an enclave within
the EU and may face a number of economic, social and political problems.
The method of tackling these problems will echo the existing state of the
EU–Russia partnership. The Russian experience — both positive and negative — may prove worthwhile in enhancing Russia’s external economic
and political strategy.
Both the Russian Federation and the European Union, as reflected in
various legal documents, regard the Kaliningrad region as a ”pilot”
region of international co–operation.
The ”Strategy of the social and economic development of the Kaliningrad districtas a Co–operation Region for the period to the Year 2010.
Kaliningrad, 2003” is ratified 19 of April 2003. The Strategy is a result of
generalising proposals being under consideration in the years 2001 – 2002
at regional public authorities, conferences and meetings with participation of scientists and specialists, businessmen, Russian and foreign experts. The main goals of the Strategy are: forming favourable social environment and an economic model which would have a long–term poten-
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
17
tial for dynamic growth able to provide for the consecutive increase of
people’s wealth and human potential, effective reproduction and modernisation of the production machinery, increase of economic compatibility and safety of the region.
The Declaration about the strategic partnership on the realization of
this Strategy is signed between the Administration of the Kaliningrad
district, the Kaliningrad regional Duma, the Municipality of Kaliningrad
and non–government organizations (such as Association of municipalities
of the region, Public Chamber of the Kaliningrad distict et cetera). This
Strategy is based on the special researches, which was organized by the
Administration of the Kaliningrad district and by the scientists of the
Kaliningrad state university. There were several very important Tacis
projects for the region. These researches were both quantitative (for example
SWOT–analysis) and qualitative (various prognoses for different scenarios).
The Strategy was designed with indicative planning, SWOT and back–
forecasting analyses. It was organized in the co–operation between the
Administration of the district and research group of the regional scientists.
The Strategy was discussed in business, public and politics, i.e. the Public–
Private partnership. Municipalities were involved in this process through
their proposals for working group and discussion of the projects. The
federal level had certain influence in the process because there is the Federal
program for the district and Russian government delimits federal subsidies
and the rules of the SEZ.
Three core elements of the regional strategy
The idea that external factors by themselves can guarantee the dynamic
development of the region is unfounded. Such attempts in the 1990s proved
futile. Neither the free economic zone, which was to attract investors to
the area, nor the Federal programme for the development of the special
economic zone, which relied on the support of the Russian Centre, gave
the necessary impetus or laid the foundation for a dynamic development
of the Kaliningrad region. What is necessary are qualitative changes in the
region itself, in precisely those areas which are to become the basis of
economic growth.
At the same time, any attempts to ”rely on one’s own powers”, which
were undertaken by the regional administration in the second half of the
1990s without taking into account external factors and which did not yield
any positive results are also without perspective. This is due to the fact
that for a region small in size and economic potential, all the main stimuli
for development are found outside, on the Russian and the international
markets. Striving for the autonomy of the region could not and cannot
result in anything other than damage.
18
Gennady Fedorov
The present Strategy for Kaliningrad has to consider at first next SWOT–
analysis (see Table 1).
Tab. 1. Strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and threats of economic development in
Kaliningrad district
Strengthes:
1. Affinity to well-developed regions of
Russia.
2. Affinity to well-developed countries
of Europe.
3. Mild climate for Russia.
4. Output to the sea.
5. Availability of mineral resources
(amber, oil).
6. High intensity of landuse.
7. Dense transport network.
8. Well-developed for Russia market
environment.
9. High level of public education.
10. Availability of scientific potential.
11. Regime of the Special Economic
Zone and the Federal purpose-oriented
program of regional development.
12. Partnership with NATO.
Opportunities:
1. Access on the Russian market.
2. Development of external relations.
3. Low salaries.
4. Usage of cheap marine transport.
5. Exploitation of local raw materials.
6. Intensification of social and
economic relations in a region.
7. Gateways to European transport
network.
8. High rate of development.
9. Integration with European
education system.
10. International scientific projects.
11. External relations development.
12. Baltic sea – “sea of peace”.
Source: own studies.
Weaknesses:
1. Spatial isolation.
2. Differences in landuse conditions.
3. Cold climate for Europe.
4. Lack of the deep-water ports.
5. Poor energy supply.
6. High power load.
7. Poor quality of transport communications.
8. Poor-developed for Europe market
environment.
9. Disharmony of labour training to needs of
the economy.
10. Poor demand for science.
11. Unstable conditions of economic activity.
12. Geopolitical inconsistency.
Threats:
1. Autarchy.
2. Difficult enter to the EU market.
3. Heightened costs.
4. Competition on the part of the Baltic
countries ports.
5. Potential handicapping in delivery of
energy.
6. Risen ecological problems.
7. Exception of a region from European
transport network.
8. Decreasing rate of development.
9. High unemployment rate and low labour
productivity.
10. Degradation of scientific potential.
11. Economic stagnation.
12. Potential threat of conflicts.
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
19
And at second, the regional strategy of development must to contain
three compulsory components: a regional, a federal and an international
component.
The regional component consists in the development of market
conditions in the region. Taking into consideration the geographical
neighbourhood of EU countries with their developed market economies,
this process in the region can develop faster compared with other Russian
regions. The enclave location of the region permits to draw up new essential
elements of a market economy, which can later on be utilised by other
Russian regions.
The federal component means that the Kaliningrad region develops in
the interests of the Russian Federation, and its significance for the RF with
respect to foreign relations is considerable. This, as well as Kaliningrad’s
extraterritorial location, demands special attention from the Russian centre,
which might manifest itself in direct control over the key elements of the
regional economy.
The international aspect of the regional strategy consists in both sides
— Russia and the West — acknowledging the special role of the Kaliningrad
region in the mutual co–operation and in the intensification of this
co–operation in the interests of both sides. I.e., the regional economic
mechanism in such a specific area as the Kaliningrad district, should base
on the agreement of various entangled economic interests — both national
and foreign.
The regional component of the strategy
Kaliningrad is very much interested in the rapid restructuring of economy, its harmonization with the new economic and geopolitical situation
and orientation towards both internal and foreign markets. Some of the
large and medium–sized enterprises have lost their potential and are impossible to revive; others are unable to restore their former capacity. This
is why alongside drawing in home and foreign investments to traditionally leading industrial spheres it is necessary to strive for creating new industrial projects and development of new specialized branches of economy, such as transport, IT, tourism, service — provided territorial division
of labour and economic integration with other Russian and bordering regions are envisaged.
On a regional level, information and publicity are to be improved; capital investments in basic infrastructure encouraged; functioning of the
regional law on stimulation of capital investment activity is to be guaranteed; the new version of the regional law ”On local FEZ in the Kaliningrad
region” must be adopted; a new system of small business centers is to be
20
Gennady Fedorov
created, a thorough study of the formerly adopted regional laws conducted; regional programs elaborated to promote a favourable economic
climate.
In June, 2002 the Law of Kaliningrad district ”On state support of organizations which make capital investments on the territory of the Kaliningrad district” was passed. The Law is aimed at the increase of investment
volume and growth of their efficiency. The Law guarantees equal protection of investors’ rights.
With a view to activating the formation of a functioning market
economy, the creation of an international Investment and Finance
Corporation (IFC) and of a number of relating elements, such as
a Guarantee Fund and an Information and Consultation Centre is proposed.
The aim of creating an IFC is to guarantee conditions essential for the
stable functioning of the financial market in the Kaliningrad district and
above all, of the capital market. There are three main reasons for the non–
existence of such a market:
• insufficient information on the investment potential of the region, i.e.
on the existence of lucrative investment projects;
• the high level of investment risk of the region’s economy;
• the insufficient infrastructure the financial market.
The ICF’s activity would allow: first, to quickly find of projects worthy
of investors’ attention; second, to reduce the risk of these projects by
thorough prior examination, by increasing the financial transparency of
the enterprises realising these projects, and by strictly monitoring the
investment process; third, the IFC will become the basis for the further
development of the financial infrastructure, for the creation of powerful
investment companies and of sources of information for the market
(telecommunications, press, rating agency, reliable channels of profit
transfer to investors etc.).
The ICF’s tasks are to find attractive investment projects, the support
enterprises draw up business plans for their investment projects and to
reduce their risk, to finance these projects, to monitor their implementation
and to guarantee profit transfer to investors.
It is assumed that the IFC — through fulfilling its functions — will turn
into an effective financial and economic mechanism, which contributes to
the realisation of the overall strategy of development of the Kaliningrad
region as a pilot region of co–operation between Russia and the EU. At the
same time, the IFC will be effectively protected from any attempts by
political leaders at interfering with its activities. It will become a powerful
element of Kaliningrad’s market structures, which will yield a profit, pay
taxes and support the development of the financial markets in the
Kaliningrad district and in Russia.
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
21
Setting up an IFC is useful even if no agreement between the RF and
the EU is signed on the Kaliningrad region as a „pilot region” of
co–operation. However, EU participation in the project would earn it
authority in the West and would allow help to attract considerable private
investment, in particular major investment banks, which Russia currently
lacks.
Besides, the IFC would become a founder of the Guarantee Fund and
the Information and Consultation Centre. In these circumstances, active
participation of local enterprises in the IFC may be expected. These
enterprises and their professional associations and consortia can also
become founders of the IFC.
The federal component of the strategy
The Kaliningrad district should have a greater place in the regional policy
of the RF government. It needs to turn into a kind of Russian nucleus of
growth, a nucleus of integration.
The basic constituents of the Russian approach, that should be fixed in
the Main Principles and Guidelines of the Federal Policy as regards the
Kaliningrad district are as follows:
• the sovereignty of Russia over the Kaliningrad district is beyond doubt;
• Kaliningrad region is to become a Russian pilot region of co–operation,
the connecting link in the integration rapprochement of Russia and the
enlarging EU. Thereupon, Russia considers the Kaliningrad region as a
specific area and creates special economic conditions for it;
• the region will continue to function in accordance with the defense
doctrine of the Russian Federation and to implement state objectives
within Russia — NATO partnership in the Baltic sea region;
• the threat of economic and political isolation of the Kaliningrad region
from the mainland Russian Federation must be completely removed,
retaining the region within the Russian cultural space should be provided for;
• at the same time it is necessary to remove the possibility of strict isolation of the region from the territories of neighbouring countries and
to provide favourable trends for the further development of the
cross–border cooperation, to develop cultural links with the countries
of the Baltic sea region;
• the standards of living for the population of the region should be raised
and should not be lower that the Russian average.
The Russian Federation gives necessary financial support to the Kaliningrad district as an exclave namely via the implementation of the Federal
Special Program ”The Development of the Kaliningrad district for the peri-
22
Gennady Fedorov
od until the year 2010” which should be adjusted in accordance with the
changing conditions of the regional development.
To overcome the drawbacks of the exclave position of the region and
to provide for the favorable conditions for its economic activity there
is the Federal Law ”On the Special Economic Zone in the Kaliningrad
district”.
The Federal concerns were expressed at the RF — EU summit on November 11th, 2002, and at present attention should be given to the region’s
demands that correspond to the concerns of the Federation and result from
the processes of co–operation development between Russia and the European Union. Kaliningrad region which is considered both by Russia and
the European Union as a special pilot region of active mutual co–operation is to become an area for testing new mechanisms of co–operation between the EU and Russia. The case in point is the approbation of new
forms of economic integration, of cross–border co–operation, and facilitation of unimpeded movement of people and goods.
The international component of the strategy
In terms of economic co–operation Russia’s attitude, both federally and
regionally, coincides with that of the EU in two main issues: firstly, economic isolation of the region is unacceptable, and secondly, the Kaliningrad region has a great potential for such a co–operation. It is very important for Kaliningrad now because the neighbouring countries, Poland and
Lithuania, will be the members of the EU since 2004.
The co–operation between the EU and Russia does not start from scratch.
In fact, having been first the Free, then the Special Economic Zone, the
Kaliningrad region has become a testing ground for economic co–operation where new integration patterns are being experimented on.
The same role is played by cross–border co–operation. The last decade
has seen a number of significant joint projects put into life in various
spheres, such as environmental protection, energy saving, education,
healthcare, transport and social issues. These projects, though, do not exhaust the tremendous potential for international co–operation the Kaliningrad district possesses. Besides, projects have slowed in most cases
and remain in the feasibility study pre–investment phase. The principal
contention between Russia and the EU — Kaliningrad being no exception
to other regions of Russia in this — can be formulated as ‘money or advice’. The EU bodies tend to spend the lion’s share of their money on provision of their experts and advisors sent to Russia. The lack of a unified
steering body slows down promotion of international projects. Although
the recently founded Regional Development Agency of IEWS is now
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
23
trying to do this job, it is still rather a virtual body with no clear–cut powers delegated to it.
Creation of favorable external environment for the support and development of the region has been the main objective of the international
activities of the regional administration. Legal basis for international
co–operation of the Kaliningrad district with foreign partners has been developed. At the end of 2001 agreements on co–operation with Warmiñsko–
Mazurskie voivodship, Pomorskie voivodship (Poland) as well as with Bornholm, Fyn and Storstrem amters (Denmark) were signed.
Cross–border transport communications has been expanded. New ferry line connecting St. Petersburg, Kaliningrad and German ports was
opened in November of 2001. Starting from June 2002 regular flights to Warsaw are operated whereas in the end of the year 2002 air connection to
Copenhagen will be renewed. But unfortunately very useful for Kaliningrad flight line (SAS) Kaliningrad — Copenhagen and railway line Kaliningrad — Berlin are closed now.
As the Kaliningrad district is part of the Russian Federation,
international law is not directly applicable. Stipulations about the
Kaliningrad region in the international sphere must not contradict the
constitution of the Russian Federation or federal legislation. Its
international relations are derivatives of the foreign policy of Russia as
a whole. The activities of regional organs with foreign partners need to be
co–ordinated with the federal centre. For instance, the region prepares
suggestions on bilateral agreements, but the Federation takes the final
decision.
That is why strengthening the role of the region in international co–
operation requires the existence of an agreement between Russia and the
EU. The draft title could be ”On the Kaliningrad region as a pilot area of
co–operation between the Russian Federation and the EU”. It is important
that not only representatives of the federal centre, but also representatives
of the regional organs of power and experts from the region take part in
devising such a document.
The agreement must solve two kinds of tasks:
• It must facilitate the rapprochement of the RF and the EU through the
creation of new mechanisms of co–operation on the territory of the
Kaliningrad district and guarantee the application of positive experience
to the rest of the Russian territory.
• It must create normal conditions for the socio–economic development
of the Kaliningrad district, which would gradually become a Russian
enclave inside the EU, and assist the region’s integration as the
”vanguard” of Russia in the Baltic Sea Region and the European market
area.
24
Gennady Fedorov
The agreement would be based first of all on the Agreement on
Partnership and Co–operation of 1994. But the provisions of the Agreement
should be adapted to the concept of an EU — Russia pilot region of co–
operation. Besides, it is necessary to take into account the ”General Strategy
of the European Union towards Russia”, the ”Strategy for the Development
of the Relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union
for the period 2000 – 2100” and the results of further negotiations between
both parties on this question.
Taking into account that both Russia and EU are interested in a close
and long–term co–operation, in forming common European economic
space, in developing joint transcontinental transport projects, as well
as ecological, educational, and cultural initiatives, the Russian Federation
is required to accelerate creation of mechanisms for the activation
of international co–operation. It is the Kaliningrad district which should
become a key experimental area for the approval of mechanisms
for forming the common European economic space between Russian
and EU.
Conclusion
Russian policies as well as EU policy are policies of partnership and co–
operation. The Kaliningrad district due to its geographical position should
become a region of co–operation between Russia and the EU in the Baltic
region, where integration processes, mutually beneficial co–operation in
the economical, cultural and environmental spheres are to undergo
advanced development.
The regional strategy should be focused on the development of the
Kaliningrad district as a region of co–operation between Russia and the
EU. The fulfilment of the adopted regional strategy should be regarded as
a matter of federal concern.
The strategy of the development of the Kaliningrad district as a region
of co–operation between Russia and the EU is a cardinal measure for
overcoming drawbacks and for utilising the advantages of its geopolitical
location.
Interacting with western partners on the territory of the region, Russian
capital would gain international significance. The role of the region for
the country would grow. The living conditions of the population would
improve. And separatism would not find any support.
The realisation of the outlined strategy in the sphere of co–operation
would enhance the region’s economic security, which is by no means
identical to self–provision and self–sufficiency of the regional economy
and consists in:
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
25
• effective specialisation of the national economy and high level of
development of the regional market;
• reliability and inexpensiveness of communications with the mainland;
• mutually beneficial relations with neighbouring countries.
These are the three essential components which determine the level,
the structure and the speed economic development, and consequently, the
living standard of the population of the region. They are also the
determining factors for regional development from which regional strategy
ensues.
The general direction of the region in this Strategy is restructuring of
the regional economy in accordance with the change of external economic
conditions. I.e. the economic mechanism and branch priorities must be
perfected. In the same time, it is necessary to sustain the regional and federal
interests, taking into account the interests of foreign partners as well.
The Strategy provides the following indices of the economic growth
(compared to year 2002):
• Gross Regional Product (GRP) — two times higher (annual growth rate
— 8%);
• GRP per capita — two times higher;
• production output — three times higher (annual growth rate — 14–15%);
• regional budget expenses for the development of the scientific and technical potential — 10 times higher;
• agricultural output — 1.5 times higher (annual growth rate — 5%);
• flow of traffic — 2.2 higher (annual growth rate — 10%);
• investment to fixed capital — 2.5 times higher;
• accumulated direct foreign investment — 20 times higher;internal commodity turnover — three times higher;
• level of active income of people – two times higher (30% over the present
level in Lithuania).
Quantity of population with income lower than the living wage — reduction to 20%. Unemployment level (by definition of ILO) will be 6%
(2 times lower than in 2002).
Factors for these are following: perfection of SEZ mechanism, regional
economic laws and Federal program of the regional development, RF —
EU agreement on the Kaliningrad district as a pilot region of mutual
co–operation, international financial–investment corporation for the
regional development.
The implementation of the regional and international co–operation
strategy will enhance the economic stability of the region which is
predetermined by:
• effective specialisation of the national economy and the development
of the regional market;
26
Gennady Fedorov
• maintaining communication links with the rest of the country;
• establishing mutually beneficial relations with the neighbouring
countries.
The Strategy of co–operation determines main guidelines for the
Kaliningrad district development considering the general assessment of
the present situation in the region, in the country, and in the world. The
three above–mentioned components of the Strategy make decisive impact
on the level, structure and rate of the economic growth, and consequently
on the living standards in the region. Otherwise Kaliningrad will be
depressive region (”double periphery” of the RF and of the foreign Europe)
and it will be necessary to work out another Strategy — non–effective
strategy of autarky. So, the Co–operation Strategy for Kaliningrad does
not have an acceptable alternative.
References:
• Die Entwicklung der Region Kaliningrad/Königsberg, 1997, München.
• Fedorov G., 1998, The social and economic Development of Kaliningrad
[in:] Kaliningrad: The European Amber Region, Ashgate Publishing,
Aldershot, p. 32–57.
• Fedorov G., 2000, EU Enlargement and perspectives of the Kaliningrad
Exclave, Internatum, N1, Helsinki.
• Fedorov G., 2000, Kaliningrad Alternatives Today, ZEI, C80.
• Fedorov G., 1998, Russian Island in the Baltic Sea Region [in:] 21st Century Challenges for the Baltic Sea Region and European Security, Helsinki, p. 103–108.
• Kaliningrad 2000–2010: Diagnosis, Concepts and Proposals for Future
Development, 2000, Universite Pierre Mendes France, Kaliningrad state
University, TACIS, Grenoble.
• Kaliningrad 2010: Concepts, prospects and recommendations for
a global development plan, 2000, Universite Pierre Mendes France,
Kaliningrad state University, TACIS, Grenoble.
• Kaliningrad Region: The Diagnosis of a Crisis. 1998, TACIS–KSU, Kaliningrad.
• Kivikari U., Lindström M., Liuhto K. 1998, The External Economic
Relations of the Kaliningrad Region, Turku School of Economics,
Turku.
• Korneevets V., Buchhover E., 1998, Einzelhandel in Grenzstädten der
russischen Exclave Kaliningrad, Europa Regional, N1.
• Possibilities for co–operation between Kaliningrad region of Russia and
northern Poland within the EU enlargement process, 2003, Kaliningrad
state University publishing center, Kaliningrad.
Regional strategy of the Kaliningrad district as a region...
27
• Strategy of the social and economic development of the Kaliningrad
Region as a Co–operation Region for the period to the Year 2010, 2003,
Kaliningrad.
• Vision and Strategies around the Baltic Sea 2010, 2000, MATROS Seminar
Report, VASAB Secretariat, Gdañsk.
• Zänker A., 1995, Zukunft liegt im Osten, Wirtschaftsferlag Überreuter,
Wien.
• Zverev Yu., 1998, The Kaliningrad Region of Russia [in:] Conflictings
Loyaltie and the State in Post–Soviet Russia and Eurasia, Frank Cass,
L.–Portland, p. 80–117.
28
Roman Szul
Roman Szul
The changing international
economic and political situation
and its impact on the pespectives
of co–operation between Polish regions
and the Kaliningrad district of Russia
Introduction
Transborder regional co–operation (such as that between Polish regions
and the Kaliningrad district of Russia) depends on economic, political and
other factors that can be situated at four levels: 1. local (regional) of both
areas concerned, 2. national (in each country), 3. bilateral international
(concerning relationships between the two countries), 4. multilateral international.
Local or regional factors consist of the economic potentials of the two
areas (the size of the two regional economies, their characteristics as regards complementarity or competitivity, quantity and quality of technical
infrastructure, competences of regional authorities, linguistic barrier or its
absence etc.), the knowledge of the partner’s potential and the will to co–
operate. The national factors determine the role of each region in the national and international setting. Among other thing, the national factors
set political and economic conditions for transborder movement of people, goods and capital (e.g. visa regime, customs regulations etc.). In other
words, the national factors establish the scope for transborder co–operation. Transborder co–operation between regions of two countries depends
also on the bilateral relations between those two countries, i.e. their governments. Those, in turn, to some extent depend on broader economic
and political situation.
Although those two levels are interrelated, there is a certain degree of autonomy between them. In other words, factors at some levels may be favourable for regional transborder co–operation while at
other levels — unfavourable. The same applies to changes in factors
of co–operation: at some levels they can change in the positive direction while at the same time at other levels they can change in the
opposite direction.
The changing international economic and political situation...
29
The history of the transborder co–operation between Polish regions and
the Kaliningrad district1 is the best evidence of the above statement. This
co–operation was non existent during the ”communist era” when
the bilateral international relations between Poland and the then USSR
were, theoretically, very good. This co–operation started and gained
momentum in the 1990s where the Polish–Soviet and then Polish–Russian
relations deteriorated as a result of dissolution of the ”socialist block”,
Polish plans to join NATO (strongly opposed by Russian authorities),
changes in the economic system affecting Polish–Russian economic
exchange, etc. The start and development of the transborder co–operation
between Polish regions and the Kaliningrad district was due, first of all,
to changes at the national level in Russia (and to a much lesser extent,
in Poland) and to changes at the multilateral international relations2 .
Changes at the multilateral international level (the end of the cold
war and the related military confrontation between the ”East” and the
”West”) and changes at the national level in Russia (democratisation
and the market–oriented economic reform) changed the role of the
Kaliningrad district in Russia: from a mere military base isolated from the
outside world it transformed into a ”more normal” region, populated
by inhabitants having and pursuing their own interests. These interests,
given the geographical location of the district, pushed the district
inhabitants and authorities to establish transborder relationships with
Poland 3 . So, positive changes at local, national and multilateral
international level more than compensated for the negative change at
the bilateral Polish–Russian level.
Given the above consideration it can be stated that when analysing
perspectives for regional transborder co–operation all the levels of factors
must be taken into account. Therefore, this paper concentrated on the
international level should be treated as a partial contribution to a broader
analysis of chances and barriers for the co–operation between Polish
regions and the Kaliningrad district.
The transborder co-operation between Poland and Russia (the Kaliningrad district) is
subject of a lot of analyses, see e.g. the volume: A. Stasiak (ed.) 1994.
2
For the impact of the international situation on the perspectives of development of
the Kaliningrad District and its co-operation with Polish region, as well as for the district’s
geopolitical situation, its legal status and socio-economic characteristics see e.g.
T. Palmowski (1999). This article entails abundant literature on the subject of Kaliningrad
3
For detailed information on the Kaliningrad District economic potential and its
transborder co-operation with Polish regions see e.g. V. Bilchak (2000).
1
30
Roman Szul
Polish–Russian bilateral relationships:
the main characteristics in 2003
The present state of the Polish–Russian relationships (excluding those resulting from broader international situation) can be described as determined by economic factors and pragmatic approach by the two sides.
It should be noted that the previous source of tensions between the two
countries — namely the Polish aspiration to join NATO and the Russian
opposition to it, is no longer a serious problem. First, Russia has accepted
the Polish membership in NATO as inevitable. Second, the relationships
between Russia and NATO has improved so that they regard each other
as partners rather than adversaries or enemies. The reaction (or better: its
absence) of Russia to the recent ”second Eastern enlargement” of NATO
(accession of the former Soviet Baltic republics) is the best evidence of the
new relationships between Russia and NATO.
There are some elements in the Polish–Russian relationships that could,
potentially, deteriorate the bilateral relations. Those elements are, for instance, far from perfect relationships between the Catholic Church in Poland and the Russian Orthodox Church (both churches having quite strong
connections with the Polish and the Russian state respectively) as well as
some problems resulting from the history of conflicts between the two countries and different interpretations of that history. Those elements, however,
can not act independently — they can be used (or misused) to worsen the
bilateral relationships provided that there are other, real reasons of conflicts.
An unresolved problem in the bilateral relations, of relatively minor
significance for the general Polish–Russian relations, but directly affecting the transborder co–operation between the two countries, is the problem of navigation in the Vistula Bay. (One part of the bay belongs to Poland, the other to Russia, the only access from the open sea to the bay is
through narrow Straits of Baltiysk in Russian territorial waters. Russian
authorities, for military considerations, allow only Russian and Polish
vessels to pass the straits. Therefore, for instance, the Polish port of Elbl¹g
can not serve ships from third countries). Limitations in the navigation in
the bay adversely affect activities of the port and town of Elbl¹g. It should
be added, however, that the present situation is much better than several
years ago when neither Polish vessels were allowed to enter Russian territorial waters in the bay and Elbl¹g was totally cut off from the sea.
Other problems in the bilateral Polish–Russian relations are connected
with the economy. Until recently the main problem was the co–operation
in the gas industry, namely conditions of the import of gas by Poland from
Russian and transportation via Polish territory (including building of new
pipelines) of the Russian gas to Western Europe. It seems that the intergovernmental agreement in spring 2003 has settled the problem so that it
should not be an obstacle in the bilateral relations.
The changing international economic and political situation...
31
There are still, however, other economic problems. The Polish side is
dissatisfied with the high trade deficit in the bilateral exchange. This
deficit limits possibilities for further growth in the trade. The Russian side
complains of obstacles for Russian goods and capital in the Polish market.
An issue directly affecting the transborder co–operation is the recent Polish ban on imports of Russian coal. The import of Russian coal started in
the 1990s and went through the Russian port of Kaliningrad and the Polish port of Elbl¹g. (For the port of Elbl¹g this import was vitally important). Given that the Russian coal was a great competition for Polish coal
mines severely affected by a decrease in demand and undergoing restructuring, Polish government decided to limit (or practically to stop) the import of the Russian coal. This decision directly affects the regional transborder co–operation.
The Russian side raises some other questions, too, for instance a would–
be unfair treatment of Russian investors in the Polish capital markets (e.g.
rejection of the bid by a Russian oil company to buy the Gdañsk oil refinery — the second biggest Polish oil refinery).
As to the disputes related to the Polish–Russian trade, the access of
Russia to the World Trade Organisation (to happen in the near future)
should is the situation. As to the specific issue of the privatisation of the
Gdañsk oil refinery, all options are still open now (in June 2003). It can be
added that the Russian bid was not the only one and that all bids have
been practically rejected as the Polish government has not accepted the
final concept of privatization of the refinery. In the case of the Russian
export of coal to Poland, apart from the adoption of the WTO rules, also
a possible successful restructuring of the coal industry in Poland (implying reduction of capacities) would help to solve the problem.
Summing up it can be stated that there are no fundamental problems in
the bilateral Polish–Russian relationships that would seriously deteriorate
relationships so that to affect the regional transborder co–operation. A more
serious problem is the (possible) impact of the broader international situation on the Polish–Russian relationships in general, and the transborder co–
operation between Polish regions and the Kaliningrad district.
The international situation and its impact on the Polish–Russian relationships
As regards the international situation and the place of Poland and Russia,
two international organisations must be analysed: NATO and the EU.
As mentioned above, relationships between NATO and Russia are good,
if not friendly. Therefore, Poland’s membership in NATO is no serious
obstacle for good relationships between Poland and Russia. It should be
added, however, that NATO is no longer such an element in the international situation as it used to be in the time of the ”cold war”. NATO is
undergoing an ”identity crisis” — it is looking for its new réson d’etre or
32
Roman Szul
justification of its existence. There are several ideas concerning the role of
this organisation. The most important concept now (in 2003) is that represented by the US leadership, which, in fact, changes the role of NATO
(and the UN and other organizations) to support US world–wide politics.
According to this concept, the USA has the right and obligation to protect
the world from terrorism and to promote democracy world–wide. At the
same time, the USA has the right to interpret what is terrorism and what is
democracy, and what should be done to stop terrorism and promote democracy. In such a situation the role of the NATO is to support the USA,
but this support is not indispensable for the USA to take steps it considers
necessary. Such an attitude is often called ”American unilateralism” or
even ”American hegemonism”.
This vision of the world politics and the role of the USA in it is contested by some European partners of the USA, especially France and Germany. The opposition the USA vs. France and Germany was best manifested
during the war in Iraq (March, April 2003). This opposition seems to have
more substantial roots since it adds to a longer list of differences between
the USA and (some) European nations resulting from differences in fundamental values4 (such as the attitude towards death penalty, ecological
policy, etc.). Differences in values and attitudes between the USA and some
European countries encourage the latter to rethink their international relationships and to find new partners in order to counterbalance the power
of the USA. One of such new partners can be Russia. The idea of an anti–
American block was first tested during the Iraq crisis earlier this year,
The German Development and Peace Foundation in its paper ”Europe and a Multipolar
Global Governance” gives a long list of disputes between the USA and (Western) Europe.
It points out, for instance, to ”Global Governance projects without the involvement of the
United States”: 1. International Criminal Court, 2. Convention to liminate All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, 3. Convention on the Rights of the Child, 4. Ottawa Convention on Prohibition of the Use, Production, Stockpiling, and Transfer of Anti-Personnel
Mines and on their Destruction, 5. Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framwork Convention on Climate Change, 6. Convention on Biological Diversity, 7. Cartagena Protocol
on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, 8. Rotterdam Convention on the
Prior Informed Consent Procedures for Certian Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in
International Trade, 9. Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants, 10. Basel
Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and their
Disposal. After describing ”Value conflicts between the USA and Europe”, ”Differences in
environmental policy”, ”Conflicts concerning UN policy”, ”Transatlantic trade conflicts”,
”Quo vadis NATO” and ”Cracks in the transatlantic house” the paper concludes: ”Europe
must therefore reorient itself strategically. The present global policy shifts and changing
alliances indicate that Europe must also make a greater effort to find longer-term partners
which, although they cannot replace the United States, must enable European foreign
policy to establish a stable, multiraterally oriented structure of global governance”
(F. Biermann, H.–D. Sohn, 2003, p. 2).
4
The changing international economic and political situation...
33
when France, Germany and Russia in the UN Security Council tried to
stop the US–led invasion of Iraq.
Polish leaders (President, Government and the vast majority of the parliament including most opposition MPs) pursuing geopolitical goals of
Poland (despite of the lack of support by the majority of the society)
actively supported the USA in the Iraq crisis. In such a way, Poland and
Russia stood on the opposite sides in this dispute. This situation could
deteriorate relationships between the two countries if it continues and
turns into a conflict — a kind of repetition of the cold war.
Probability of such an repetition is, however, very low for several reasons. First, there are many common interests of the USA and Russia (fighting international — or Islamic – terrorism, similar attitudes towards global ecological policy etc.), second, there are many conflicting interests of
Russia and the EU (and France and Germany as the main EU members),
third, there is widespread criticism of the ”American unilateralism” both
within the USA and in its European partners pushing the US leaders to
take more moderate stance, forth, the ”hard core” of the ”anti–US block”
is too weak (militarily, economically, technologically) to realistically challenge the USA, fifth, Poland as a future member of the EU is interested in
keeping best possible relations with the EU main powers (Germany and
France) and thus Poland tries to bridge ”transatlantic rifts” so as it is interested in keeping good relations with Russia as its neighbour and partner.
Events that followed the end of the Iraq war (the UN Security Council
voting on lifting sanctions against Iraq, meetings of heads of states in
St. Petersburg, Russia, and the G–8 summit at Evian, France, etc.) confirmed the above opinion. It doesn’t mean that in the future new disputes
between the USA and its European partners/rivals won’t appear, but it is
rather unlikely that such disputes would take the form of cold–war–like
confrontation affecting bilateral relationships between Poland and Russia
and thus perspectives for a regional transborder co–operation.
As far as the EU–Russian relationships are concerned, three issues deserve a comment, one of them having direct impact on the transborder
co–operation between Polish regions and the Kaliningrad district. These
are: transit of passengers between the Kaliningrad enclave and the Russian ”mainland”, impact of the EU enlargement on the foreign trade of
Russia and the resulting Russian claims, and the visa regime on the external frontiers of the EU.
Until recently the most controversial issue was the transit between the
Kaliningrad enclave and the rest of Russia through territory of the future
EU member states (Lithuania and, possibly, Poland). Now the problem
seems to be settled to the satisfaction of all the parties concerned (Russia,
the EU and Lithuania and Poland). The new system of transit between
34
Roman Szul
Kaliningrad and the rest of Russia envisages a special simplified way of
acquiring documents authorizing Russian citizens to travel by train through
the territory of Lithuania. Poland was exempted from this special transit
regulation. It is, however, too early to say that the system will or will not
work properly. If the system doesn’t work properly, e.g. if illegal migrants
from Russia via Lithuania come to Poland and then to the rest of the EU,
this will create problems for Poland both in its relationships with the rest
of the EU and with Russia.
Russia claims that the EU enlargement will affect Russian foreign trade
as the new EU member states will re–orient their imports to the detriment
of imports from Russia. Therefore Russia demands compensation. So far
the EU rejects such claims, but the issue remains unsettled and it is hard to
foresee its impact on the EU–Russia relations in general and Poland–Russia relations, in particular. However, it seems that this dispute will not
affect directly the regional transborder co–operation between Polish
regions and the Kaliningrad district.
It can be added that the EU enlargement, especially the access of
Poland to the EU, may have some positive influence on the transborder
regional co–operation, too. It is hoped that Polish regions, including those
bordering with the Kaliningrad district, will benefit from EU funds (for
regional development, for crossborder co–operation). This would
strengthen the co–operation potential of those regions that would be beneficial for the transborder co–operation with the Kaliningrad district.
The visa regime is going to affect the transborder co–operation directly.
Poland has to introduce visa regimes for its non–EU neighbours as a condition for its access to the EU. The visa regime for Russian, Byelorussian
and Ukrainian citizens is to be introduced in July 1st 2003. (Now, in June
2003 it seems that it will be done with some delay). Regardless of the modalities of the system it is sure that it will create inconveniences (organizational, financial, psychological) discouraging to travel to the neighbouring country and thus hindering the transborder co–operation. What the
two governments can do is to minimize the negative impact of the visa
regime, for instance by eliminating the influence of the price of visa on the
general cost of transborder travels. A good example to follow would be
the Polish–Ukrainian agreement according to which Polish citizens may
travel to Ukraine without visa and Ukrainian citizens get Polish visa for
free. This asymmetric solution has been rejected by Russia and Belarus for
political–prestigious reasons. Now (mid–June 2003) modalities of the visa
regime on the Polish–Russian border, including the price of visas, are still
uncertain.
The changing international economic and political situation...
35
Conclusion
Conditions influencing the transborder co–operation between Polish
regions and the Kaliningrad district of Russia are undergoing rather fast
and substantial changes so that one can not exactly assess them. As for the
situation in mid–June 2003 it can be stated that, except for one problem
(the visa regime) bilateral Polish–Russian relations and international
circumstance are either favourable or neutral for this co–operation. In such
a situation, further developments of this co–operation would to a large
extent depend on the will and potential for co–operation of the regions
concerned (their authorities, firms, NGOs, inhabitants).
Perspectives of this co–operation are heavily dependent on the
modalities of the visa regime. If national ambitions and prestige–approach
prevail over pragmatism resulting, e.g. in high prise of visas, this would
be very harmful for the transborder contacts and co–operation. It is,
however, possible to find such solutions that would be so neutral as to be
irrelevant for contacts and the developing co–operation between Polish
regions and the Russian district of Kaliningrad.
References:
• Biermann F., Sohn H.–D., 2003, Europe and a Multipolar Global
Governance, Development and Peace Foundation Policy Paper 21, Bonn.
• Bilchak V., 2000, The Existing State and Perspectives of Development of
Transborder Processes of the Kaliningrad District and the Province of
Warmia and Mazury [in:] J. Kitowski (ed.) Eastern Borders of European
Integration Processes, Papers and Monographs of the Department of
Economy, No 19, UMCS Branch in Rzeszów, Rzeszów, p. 259–280.
• Palmowski T., 1999, Obwód Kaliningradzki wobec przemian w Europie
Ba³tyckiej [in:] J. Kitowski (ed.) Problematyka geopolityczna Europy
Œrodkowej i Wschodniej, Rozprawy i Monografie Wydzia³u
Ekonomicznego UMSC Filia w Rzeszowie, Rzeszów, s. 89–109.
• Stasiak A. (ed.), 1994, Problemy wspó³pracy przygranicznej pomiêdzy
Polsk¹ i Obwodem Kaliningradzkim Federacji Rosyjskiej, IGiPZ PAN,
Warszawa.
36
Maciej Tarkowski
Maciej Tarkowski
Spatial differentiations of changes
in the population size of the Kaliningrad district,
Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodships in the years 1999–2015
Introduction
The economic transformation which is well under way in postsocialist
countries, has caused a lot of economic and social changes. They are so
deep that both style and pattern of family life have been affected. A considerable decline in the standard of living was caused by a characteristic
of the initial stage of the transformation fall in the population’s income.
This, in turn, led to an increase in unemployment, decay of some of the
governmental functions and shortcomings related to basic public services. At the same time postsocialist countries started to adapt western patterns of life. Economic and social changes have profoundly affected demographic conditions in the above mentioned countries. Birth rates
dropped sharply bringing about a negative natural population growth and
speeding up processes of the population getting older.
Changes in demographic processes depending on the pace and directions of economic transformations have been of different nature. In Poland, a decrease in the birth rate was accompanied by a decrease in the
death rate and an increase in the average length of life. As a result, a drop
in the natural population growth was not as significant (from 4.1% in 1999
to 0.3% in 2000) as in Russia. In this country the decrease in the birth rate
was accompanied by a considerable increase in the death rate. In 2000 the
population growth was 4.8‰ while the relative value for 1990 was about
2.2%. The average length of life was also shortened.
A quite different character of demographic changes in Poland was associated with a relatively successful economic transformation. Generally
people got richer and better educated which resulted in being more health–
conscious. Although the health system is still in trouble, the level of health
care services has recently risen. Consequences in other areas of public and
economic life have not been so noticeable as to tangibly influence the demographic situation of the country. There is, however, one negative phenomenon consisting in a fall in the number of births. It is caused, on the
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 37
one hand, by rising costs of living and education children, particularly in
cities, and on the other hand, by changes in young people’s lifestyle.
Aiming at gaining as good education as possible and professional experience as well, young people tend to delay having children until later.
Economic transformation in Russia has not gone beyond the first and
the most difficult stage. A low standard of living, weakness of the state
resulting in a low level of public security, shortage of basic social securities and a relatively high level of social pathology are not conducive to
promoting a healthy life style and birth control. All these circumstances
exert an apparent impact on the demographic situation of the country.
Intense migration of the population constitutes an addition factor influencing the demographic situation in Russia. On the one hand this migration is caused by Russians coming back from former Soviet republics, and
on the other hand by illegal immigrants from southern and eastern Asia.
The above mentioned factors affect changes in the population of voivodships situated in the north–east regions of Poland and the Kaliningrad
district. Other vital factors playing an important role in shaping population figures include such specific aspects for the analysed region as its
location, political status of the Kaliningrad district, positive demographic
processes characterising the ethnic minority of Kashubians and a difficult
socioeconomic situation of rural areas where former state–owned farms
(Polish: PGRs) dominated. Such entanglement of circumstances has caused
profound differentiations of changes in the population size in the analysed region.
Spacial accommodation of population
The population of the three analysed regions is distributed irregularly.
Gdañsk, Gdynia and Sopot (Tri–City) and Kaliningrad (see Figure 1) make
up two agglomerations. Altogether about 1.2 million people live in these
centres which equals approximately 25% of the population of the three
regions. Other important population centres are three cities: Elbl¹g, Olsztyn and S³upsk where population ranges from about 100 to 170 thousand
inhabitants. A considerable number of inhabitants also live in wejherowski poviat. Major cities there, i.e. Wejherowo, Reda and Rumia make
up so called Small Tri–City which is an integral part of Tri–City agglomeration. Other populous poviats such as starogardzki, tczewski, malborski
and ostródzki are also worth mentioning. Their centres are middle–sized
cities with a prospect of playing an important role in development of near–
border co–operation in the area (M. Tarkowski, 2003). In the Kalinigrad
district, apart from the regional centre, there are no other significant concentrations of inhabitants, except for Chernyakhovsk district where more
than 50 thousand inhabitants live. Within the Kaliningrad district there is
38
Maciej Tarkowski
Fig. 1. Spatial accommodation of population by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad
district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999–2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002.
a relatively big concentration of inhabitants in Sovetsk and two other populous district — Bagratyonovsk and Guryevsk — which lie close to Kaliningrad and are considered suburban areas (G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002).
The population of other areas live in small settlements of 12 to 37 thousands inhabitants. Theses regions lying rather far away from main centres
are less populous than peripheral poviats of the analysed voivodships.
Changes in the population size in the years 1999–2001
Growth of the population
Changes in the population size of a given area depend on two factors —
vital statistics and migration. In the case of the analysed area, i.e. the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships, there
was a small increase of the population of about 0.2%. Pomorskie voivodship showed the biggest dynamics (100.6 in 2001 in relation to 1999). An
increase of the population was also noted in Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodship, whereas there was a decrease of the population (99.4%) in the
Kaliningrad district.
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 39
The analysed regions were characterised by a considerable internal
differentiations of population figures. The Kaliningrad district showed
the biggest disproportions (see Figure 2). In two districts, i.e. Bagratyonovsk and Guryevsk, a very sharp increase of the population was noted. In relation to 1999, the number of inhabitants was respectively 102.6%
and 103.8%.
Fig. 2. Population growth by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie
and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999–2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002.
A sharp decrease in the number of inhabitants, ranging from 7% to 4%
of the population in relation to 1999, was noted in three areas. One of
them was Gvardeysk — lying close to Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship,
the other two districts, i.e. Ozersk and Nemansk, lie at the Lithuanian
border.
Considerable differences regarding the direction and pace of the changes
in the number of inhabitants were also noted in particular poviats of Pomorskie voivodship. There was an increase in the number of inhabitants
in three poviats adjacent to Tri–City, i.e. wejherowski, kartuski and gdañski. A decrease in the number of inhabitants was noted in Tri–City, S³upsk
and a peripheral poviat of Cz³uchów.
40
Maciej Tarkowski
Changes in the population size of poviats in Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodship were evidently less intense than in two other regions. In central and western parts of the voivodship in the analysed period a slight
increase of the population was noted. In the northern part, however, in
poviats lying close to the border belt, a slight decrease in the population
was observed.
Vital statistics
Vital statistics are on of two factors directly affecting changes in population figures. The other one is migration. The analysed area was characterised by a positive balance of vital statistics in the years 1999 – 2001. This
resulted from various processes which were typical of the natural increase
of the population in the Kaliningrad district and the remaining two voivodships. There was a negative mid–year balance of vital statistics of about —
7.5 (deaths) per thousand inhabitants. In two Polish voivodships a positive balance of vital statistics was noted. It reached 2.5 (births) per
inhabitant a year.
The highest level of vital statistics ranging from 4.6% to 8.0% was observed in five poviats lying in central and northern parts of Pomorskie
voivodship as well as in nowomiejski poviat which is situated in the south–
west of Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship region.
In the rest of the rural poviats a positive balance of vital statistics was
also noted. A relatively low level (0.0‰ – 2.0‰) characterised four poviats lying in the border area and three cities called poviats: Elbl¹g, S³upsk
and Olsztyn.
A negative rate of vital statistics in the Polish part of the analysed area
was noted only in Tri–City.
The situation of the districts in the Kaliningrad district is unfavourable
in term of vital statistics. All of them show a negative rate of natural population growth. At the same time eight regions in central and south–east
parts of the Kaliningrad district show a very low level of the above mentioned indicator ranging from —13.8 to — 8.0‰ (see Figure 3).
Migration of the population
The second factor which directly affect the pace and direction of changes
in a population is migration. In the years 1999 – 2001 the analysed area
was characterised by a positive balance of migration. This resulted mainly
from a very high inflow of people coming to the Kaliningrad district. The
average rate of the inflow was 4.6‰ a year. A positive balance of migration was also noted in Pomorskie voivodship which is one of four regions
in the country showing an increase in the population. However, Pomor-
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 41
Fig. 3. Mid–year natural growth by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999–2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002.
skie voivodship being in good situation only slightly affects the migration balance of the whole area. This is due to the fact that about 40% of
the newcomers are inhabitants of Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship
which shows outflow characteristics (migration balance at the level
of – 1.7‰).
The highest positive balance of migration in the years 1999 – 2001 was
noted in three districts in the western part of the Kaliningrad district (see
Figure 4) where the average inflow was from 11 to 32 immigrants per one
thousand inhabitants. The rest of the regions, except for three of them,
had a positive balance of migration of 1.0 –11.0‰. Out of the three areas
showing a negative balance of migration a particularly unfavourable situation arose in Gvardeysk district where the above mentioned factor fell to
– 6.1‰, which was the lowest value for the whole analysed area.
A relatively high balance of migration characterises some areas lying
near Tri–City, especially poviats: gdañski, kartuski and wejherowski.
Gdañsk and Olsztyn also enjoy a favourable situation. The other poviats
of Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships showed a negative
balance of migration.
42
Maciej Tarkowski
A particularly bad situation (migration ranging from – 6.5‰ to – 3.5‰)
was noted in some poviats lying close to the Kaliningrad district and along
the southern border of the analysed area (see Figure 4).
Fig. 4. Mid–year migration growth by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999–2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002; G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002.
Types of changes in population growth
Balances of vital statistics and migration directly affect changes in the population size. In some cases these two values create such configurations
which, by means of J. W. Webb’s method, fall into eight basic types. First
four types are typical of areas where population growth is observed. Type
A refers to such areas (poviats, regions) where the increase of the population is bigger than the migration loss (see Figure 5). Areas concerning type
B are characterised by the increase of the population being bigger than the
migration growth. Areas of type C are the opposite to type B; namely, the
increase in migration is bigger than the migration growth. Finally, type D
refers to areas where the increase in migration is bigger than the natural
loss in the population (see Figure 5).
The next four types describe areas with an absolute decrease in the
population. Type E means that the natural decrease is bigger than the mi-
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 43
10,0
B
A
39
30
32
H
28
20
27
-10,0
G
53
31
49
5,0
26
46
40 45
36
50
51
41
24
34
22
48
52
29
33
21 47
23
35
25
56
-5,0
43
44
42
55
0,0
54
C
38
37
0,0
5,0
migration increment
10,0
D
4
14
-5,0
8
15
18
-10,0
13
natural increase
F
E
20,0
25,0
7
5
10
30,0
35,0
9
6
1
57
15,0
11
17
12
2
19
16
3
-15,0
1–Kaliningrad; 2–Pionierskij; 3–Sovietsk; 4–Baltiyskiy; 5–Svetlogorskiy; 6–Svetlowskiy; 7–Bagratyonowskiy; 8–Gvardeyskiy; 9–Guryevskiy; 10–Gusevskiy; 11–Zelenogradskiy; 12–Krasnoznamyenskiy;
13–Nemanskiy; 14–Nesterovskiy; 15–Ozerskiy; 16–Polesskiy; 17–Prawdinskiy; 18–Slavskiy; 19–Chernyakhovskiy; 20–Bartoszycki; 21–Braniewski; 22–Dzia³dowski; 23–Elbl¹ski; 24–E³cki; 25–Gi¿ycki;
26–I³awski; 27–Kêtrzyñski; 28–Lidzbarski; 29–Mr¹gowski; 30–Nidzicki; 31–Nowomiejski; 32–Olecki;
33–Olsztyñski; 34–Ostródzki; 35–Piski; 36–Szczycieñski; 37–Elbl¹g; 38–Olsztyn; 39–Bytowski;
40–Chojnicki; 41–Cz³uchowski; 42–Gdañski; 43–Kartuski; 44–Koœcierski; 45–Kwidzyñski; 46–Lêborski; 47–Malborski; 48–Nowodworski; 49–Pucki; 50–S³upski; 51–Starogardzki; 52–Tczewski;
53–Wejherowski; 54– Gdañsk; 55–Gdynia; 56–S³upsk; 57–Sopot.
Fig. 5. Typology of changes in population size by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad
district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999–2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002; G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002.
gration growth. Type F refers to areas where the natural decrease is bigger
than the negative balance of migration. Type G represents the opposite
situation — the negative balance of migration is bigger than the natural
decrease in the population.
Areas belonging to type H are characterised by the migration loss being bigger than the natural population growth1 (see Figure 5).
All eight basic types of the population growth were observed in the
analysed area in the years 1999 – 2001. Out of 57 cases (poviats, regions) 38
were classified as types characterised by factual population growth and
Theoretically, it is possible for the next eight types to occur. Four of them refer to
a balnaced state of the population. The other four deal with changes in the population size
caused by only one factor while the other factor remains at zero level (T. Pakulska,
W. Rakowski, 1995). In the case of the analysed area none of the above mentioned types
has been noticed.
1
44
Maciej Tarkowski
19 belonged to regressive types. Among areas where the increase of the
population was noted, 18 belonged to type A whereas 13 belonged to type
D. Type B was represented by five cases and type C by two areas. Among
areas characterised by a decrease in the population type H was the most
frequent to describe the situation.
Particular types of the population growth are noticeably differentiated
throughout the data concerning the analysed area (see Figure 6). Type A,
Fig. 6. Types of the population growth by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad district,
Pomorskie and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie voivodships in the years of 1999 – 2001
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002; G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002.
which represents the increase in the population being bigger than the decrease in migration, prevails in the majority of rural poviats in Pomorskie
and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships. In some poviats in this area the
decrease in migration was bigger than the population growth (type H).
This group of poviats included areas situated in the border belt near the
Kaliningrad district and a few poviats lying close to the southern border
of the analysed area. Type B was typical of area located in the Polish part
of the analysed area and lying near Tri–City. These cases involved positive balances of vital statistics and positive balances of migration exceeding the former ones.
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 45
A similar situation was also found further to the south in starogardzki
poviat. When it comes to gdañski poviat it is to be said that the migration
inflow was bigger than the positive balance of vital statistics (type C).
Such a diversified situation also takes place in cities (grodzkie poviats) in
Polish parts of the described area. An increase of the population was observed in Elbl¹g and Olsztyn. In Elbl¹g the balance of vital statistics was
bigger than the migration loss (type A) whereas in Olsztyn both vital statistics and migration were on the increase, the latter playing a more important role.
Three out of four cities in Pomorskie voivodship showed a decrease in
the population — in each case a different set of vital statistics and migration indicators was involved. Gdañsk lost a number of inhabitants due to
both migration outflow and a negative balance of vital statistics. Migration was of a greater importance to the result (type G). The two mentioned
indicators were also negative for Sopot. However, this city fell under the
category of type F because of the fact that the natural loss in the population exceeded the negative balance of migration.
S³upsk enjoyed a positive balance of vital statistics which was too small
to compensate for the loss resulting from migration (type H). In Gdynia
the increase of the population came as a result of the migration inflow
exceeding the natural loss in the population.
There were three types of population growth in the Kaliningrad disrict.
One of them did not occur in the Polish part of the analysed area and the
two other were rather scarce (see Figure 6). The most numerous group in
the Russian part of the described region formed area of type D where the
increase of the population resulted from the increase in migration being
bigger than the natural loss in the population. This type occurred practically all over the Kaliningrad district with the exception of three regions
in the north–east of the Kaliningrad district close to Lithuania, one region
adjacent to Poland and one region lying in the central part of Gvardeysk
region2 .
In the case of the three regions of the Kaliningrad district (Gusevskiy, Zelenogradskiy, Slavskiy) a discrepancy was noticed between the population growth and the actual
change in the population size based on statistical sources in the anylysed period. The
discrepancy most probably comes as a result of applying two different variables concerning the population size. To define changes in the population data referring to the population actually living in the area were used. However, while processing data in order to
define types of changes in the population appropriate numbers concerning registration of
the inhabitants were used, which meets common procedural standards. Unfortunately, the
author was unable to get access to any lists of the population registered by regions in the
years 1999- 2001. Therefore it is not possible to verify the assumption although the scale of
the migration and the fact that the population of the analysed regions is relatively small
makes the assumption highly probable.
2
46
Maciej Tarkowski
Type E consisting in a natural decrease in the population exceeding an
increase in migration (regressive type) occurred in four regions including
two cities: Kaliningrad and Sovietsk (see Figure 6). Two areas — the northern part of the Kaliningrad district and the one situated in the central part
— were marked out by a natural decrease in population exceeding migration losses (type F). As a result of such a configuration of two variables
shaping the natural increase of the population the number of people
living in these areas fell.
Demographic forecast up to 2015
Demographic processes influencing the population size in the years 1999–
–2001 will probably remain roughly the same. This assumption is confirmed to a large extent by other forecasts which predict that the population
figures for Polish poviats and the Kaliningrad district’s regions will not
change much till 2015. On the whole, the area’s population will slighty get
bigger (by about 1.5% in comparison with 2001).
This prediction will be the resultant of a considerable decrease in the
population size of the Kaliningad district (94.7% comparing with 2001),
a small decrease of the population in Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship
(101.6%) and a big growth of the number of inhabitants of Pomorski region (4.2%).
The population growth in the predicted period will be strongly differentiated spacially (see Figure 7). In the Kaliningrad district the population
figures will fall in two regions except areas in the close proximity to Kaliningrad. In this way the degree of spacial concentration of the population
will grow. The same tendency will be noted in poviats around Tri–City
where the population size is excepted to grow dynamically. Only Sopot
will find its population smaller. Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship will
show an increase in its population in major cities (Elbl¹g, Olsztyn), in suburban areas of Olsztyn and in poviats with developed tourist functions
(mr¹gowski, gi¿ycki, e³cki). In the other poviats, particularly those lying
close to the northern and southern borders of the voivodship, the population figures will fall.
Conclusions
Changes in the population figures of the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie
and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodships are characterised by a substantial differntiation both in relation to one another and internally. Interregional differences are first and foremost revealed by comparing the Kaliningrad district and two voivodships in the north–east of Poland. These
differences result from quite different socioeconomic conditions in Poland
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 47
Fig. 7. Demographic forecast for year 2015 by regions and poviats in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie voivodships
Source: author’s own materials based on: Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002; G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002.
and Russia and from a specific political and economic situation the Kaliningrad district remains in. A decisive factor affecting the pace and direction of changes in population figures in Russian part of the analysed area
is a very bad demographic situation as Russia has never before suffered
from such a deep natural decrease in population figures. This process is to
some extent hindered by a migration inflow involving Russians returning
from so called ‘close countries’, i.e. republics of the former USSR (P. Eberhardt, 2003). A specific location and role played by this region, particularly with respect to European integration process of the neighbouring countries, raise the attractiveness of the Kaliningrad district in terms of investments and settlement of newcomers. The inflow of immigrants is going to
improve the bad situation concerning natural population growth.
Although not as bad as in Russia, demographic problems were also
troubling Poland in the years of economic transformation. Poland reached
the so called ‘old–age demographic threshold’ in the late 60s, but it was
only several years ago when the process of the society getting old became
intense (A. Potrykowska, 2003). Pomorskie voivodship, against the background of Poland, enjoys a very good demographic situation. Rural areas
48
Maciej Tarkowski
where Kashubians live are among those which have the highest rate of
natality. The voivodship belongs to the group of four regions where the
inflow of settlers adds to the positive balance of migration. This situation
is based not only on social aspects but is also caused by favourable economic conditions of the region and its attractiveness for new settlers who
value relatively unspoiled environment. Above all, Pomorskie voivodship
benefits from Tri–City’s status of the major city on the metropolis of the
region (B. Ja³owiecki, 2000).
Changes in the population size of Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship
are not significant. This region represents a rather stable balance between
a positive poputation growth and a negative balance of migration. An
unfavourable situation related to migration is potentially dangerous to
the quality of human resources in the area.
As far as internal aspects of the analysed regions are concerned there
are a few regularities concerning structural changes in population figures.
The first one is a dynamic increase in the number of inhabitants in the
areas adjacent to the two main centres of the whole area — Kaliningrad
and Tri–City. At the same time the above mentioned cities tend to lose
their inhabitants. One of the reasons for both centres to suffer from such
losses is an ongoing process of suburbanization. Some social groups have
become richer and therefore more mobile. Moving house offers better living conditions in suburbs of big cities. The development of suburban areas of Kaliningrad is possible only because of the migration inflow, whereas
Tri–City’s suburbs develop mainly due to the increase of the population
combined with a positive balance of migration. As a result the increase of
the population is highly dynamic.
Another regularity revealed by the analysis of migration processes concers peripheral areas which are in a very difficult situation. This observation relates to the areas situated in close proximity to the borders of voivodships as well as borders of states. A considerable outflow of inhabitants
from these areas indicates how unattractive they are for potential settlers
who are discouraged by untoward economic conditions. Border areas between countries are particularly exposed to economic shortcomings. It
proves that borders between countries are still rather a hindrance than an
economic opportunity. When it comes to socioeconomic contacts co–operation across border areas (within so called ‘euroregions’) does not bring
any tangible benefits for local societies. Astonishingly, such co–operation
may even get worse when Poland and Lithuania join the EU.
The present and future increase of the population size of Tri–City and
Kaliningrad seems to be a positive trend from the point of view of the co–
operation along the axis Kaliningrad – Tri – City (M. Tarkowski, 2003).
These centres will be able to retain their position in the settlement system
Spatial differentiations of changes in the population size of the Kaliningrad district... 49
of the Baltic Sea region. Furthermore, in case economic co–operation between local economies and science develops, these centres will become
more competitive.
References:
• Eberhardt P., 2003, Sytuacja demograficzna Federacji Rosyjskiej w œwietle rosyjskiej literatury przedmiotu, Przegl¹d Geograficzny, 75, 1,
p. 61–79.
• Fedorov G., Zverev Yu., 2002, Soctsialno–ekonomicheskoye i geopolitichesoye razvitye Kaliningradskoy Oblasti, Izdatelstvo Kaliningradskogo Gosudarstviennogo Universiteta, Kaliningrad.
• Ja³owiecki B., 2000, Spo³eczna przestrzeñ metropolii, Wydawnictwo
Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa.
• Kaliningradskaya Oblast w tsifrakh 2002, 2002, Kaliningradzkiy Oblastnoy Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Statistiki, Kaliningrad.
• Pakulska T., Rakowski W., 1995, Typologia województw z punktu
widzenia rozwoju ludnoœci w latach 1989–1993, Studia Demograficzne,
1(119), Warszawa, p. 3–41.
• Potrykowska A., 2003, Przestrzenne zró¿nicowanie procesu starzenia
siê ludnoœci i migracji osób w starszym wieku w Polsce, Przegl¹d
Geograficzny, 75, 1, p. 41–59.
• Rocznik Statystyczny Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej 2001, 2001, Warszawa.
• Rocznik Statystyczny Województw 2002, 2002, GUS, Warszawa.
• Tarkowski M., 2003, Conditions and prospects of the development of
social and economic links between cities of Kaliningrad District,
Pomorskie Voivodship and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie Voivodship [in:]
G. M. Fedorov, V. Korneevets, T. Palmowski (eds.) Possibilities for
co–operation between Kaliningrad Region of Russia and northern
Poland within the EU enlargement process, Kaliningrad State University, Kaliningrad, p. 74–85.
50
Tomasz Komornicki
Tomasz Komornicki
Spatial dimension of the socio–economic connections
between Poland and the Kaliningrad district
of the Russian Federation
Introduction
The political changes, which took place in Central and Eastern Europe,
entailed the advance of decentralisation of various kinds of international
connections during the 1990s. This decentralisation referred both to the
spatial distribution of the entities conducting co–operation with abroad
(in the political, economic and social sense) and to the routes (directions)
of the respective connections (transport corridors) between particular
countries. Hence, the socio–economic linkages between two, or more,
countries of this region became a proper geographical subject. In this
context the relations between Poland and the Kaliningrad district of the
Russian Federation are of a unique character. The latter area, being an
enclave, located at the border with Poland, had been before 1990 practically
deprived of contacts with our country. Thereby, the dynamic analysis of
connections with this area can be in a way conducted ”from the scratch”
(it is possible to track the complete course of development of these
connections).
The purpose of the present report is to characterise the geography of
the connections linking Poland with the Kaliningrad enclave. The report
accounts both for the geographical differentiation existing on the territory
of Poland and for the one with respect to the directions of traffic (in the
setting of border crossings). An additional objective is constituted by the
attempt of forecasting the changes in the analysed situation that might
take place after Poland joins the European Union (EU) and the border
regime on the Polish–Russian border is made more tight. The analysis
conducted enables, namely, the indirect identification of the regions, for
which tightening of the border could have negative effects.
The paper refers to the source material gathered during the realisation
of the grant from the Polish State Committee for Scientific Research, entitled
”Regional differentiation of the socio–economic connections with abroad
over the territory of Poland”. Analysis was applied first of all to the Polish–
Russian infrastructural linkages, the border traffic of persons and vehicles,
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections between Poland...
51
as well as the official bilateral trade. An important methodological difficulty
was constituted by the impossibility of separating in an unambiguous
manner the connections with the Kaliningrad district from the totality of
connections linking Poland with the entire Russian Federation. The
conclusions concerning the connections with the district can oftentimes
only be drawn in an indirect manner.
The transborder transport infrastructure
The infrastructural connections by themselves do not constitute an evidence for the actual relations between two neighbouring countries. The
Polish–Russian border was the best example for this statement during the
entire period of 1945 – 1990. Since the areas located on both sides of the
border here in question had been before the parts of one state organism,
they were linked with a dense network of road connections (a large part of
the railways was dismantled yet during the military activities). At the same
time the intensity of use of the existing infrastructure was practically zero,
and, characteristically, remains still quite low. Thus, Polish–Russian border is crossed by 17 hard–surface roads (although their condition on the
border crossing stretches is often very bad). One such road occurs on the
average per 12.3 km of the border, this being the best indicator for all the
Polish boundaries (T. Komornicki, 1994). Yet, the generally accessible border crossings exist only on three roads, and hence the level of use of the
existing road infrastructure (17.6%) is definitely the lowest (along the border with Czechia and Slovakia, local traffic border crossings taken into
account, this indicator reaches the value close to 100%). Moreover, since
the opening of the crossing in Go³dap in 1996 no new border crossings
were opened along the border with Russia (while new openings took place
at the borders with Belarus and Ukraine). The development of infrastructure was slowed down, in particular, by the inconsistency of the investment priorities of the two neighbours. The Russian side supported the
construction of the route Kaliningrad–Elbl¹g, while the consecutive Polish governments invested exclusively in the road Olsztyn–Kaliningrad and
the border crossing in Bezledy.
Two transport corridors of a supra–regional significance cross the Polish–
Russian border. These two are:
• The Baltic coast corridor Gdañsk–Kaliningrad, constituting an element
of the postulated road route Via Hanseatica (T. Palmowski, 2003). It
currently encompasses the national road 54 (with the road border
crossing of Gronowo–Mamonovo) and the railway line Elbl¹g–
Mamonovo–Kaliningrad (with the railway border crossing of Braniewo).
Since a couple of years a design is being prepared for the opening of
the border crossing in Grzechotki on the motorway Elbl¹g–Kaliningrad
52
Tomasz Komornicki
(Polish national road 22), built yet by the Germans. The motorway was
reconstructed on the Russian side. On the Polish side it is planned to
open this road as an express toll road. On the railway line the carriages
are not being changed: the standard European gauge railroad stretches
as far as Kaliningrad.
• The corridor Warsaw–Kaliningrad, whose basis is constituted by the
road route, which starts from Warsaw along the international road E–7
until Olsztynek, and then follows the national road 51 through Olsztyn,
the border crossing in Bezledy to Kaliningrad. The border crossing in
Bezledy, having appeared at the beginning of the 1990s, is accessible in
goods transport for the vehicles from all countries, but in case of trucks
with load per axis exceeding 8 tons — only for the Russian and Polish
trucks. The road line is paralleled by the railway line Kaliningrad–
Bartoszyce–Korsze–Olsztyn–Warsaw. This line is made use of on the
border crossing stretch solely by the goods transport.
Besides, the connections of the transport infrastructure with the district
are ensured by the local border crossing Go³dap–Gusev (national road 65)
and the railway crossing Skandawa–Zheleznodorozhnyi, made use
of uniquely for the goods transport. The road crossing Barciany–
Zheleznodorozhnyi had during the entire period of the 1990s the status
of the crossing for the so–called simplified border traffic. This type of traffic,
however, had in practice not been taking place between Poland and
the district (contrary to the boundaries with Belarus and Ukraine). In
2003 the agreement on the simplified border traffic was dissolved and
this particular border crossing was removed from the evidence of the
Border Guards. One should also mention here the border crossing of the
haven in Frombork, which harbours the passenger cruises to and from
Kaliningrad.
The border traffic of persons and vehicles
Until as late as 1989 the border traffic between Poland and the area of the
district had practically not existed. There was only the dispatching of the
goods and military trains, and the passage of few official delegations (at
the crossing in Gronowo). The period of 1990 – 1995 was marked by a rapid and even increase of the traffic of both persons and trucks. In the first
years this traffic was taking place equally over the two then active crossings in Gronowo and Bezledy. The railway crossing in Braniewo had also
high significance (T. Komornicki, 1999). In the middle of the 1990s the increments of the passenger traffic were higher than of the truck traffic. At
the same time, there was a concentration of both kinds of traffic in the
completely refurbished border crossing in Bezledy. Since 1994 there has
53
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections between Poland...
6000,0
80,0
70,0
5000,0
in thous.
50,0
3000,0
40,0
30,0
2000,0
HGV in thous.
60,0
4000,0
20,0
1000,0
10,0
0,0
0,0
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002
Passenger traffic
HGV traffic
Fig. 1. Polish-Russian border traffic 1990–2002
Source: own elaboration based on Border Guard materials.
been a drastic drop of significance of the railway connections. The so–
called Russian crisis of 1998 (coupled with the changes in conditions of
conduct of business in the Kaliningrad’s Free Economic Zone YANTAR
(T. Palmowski, 1999) and the new Polish Law on Foreigners) brought about
a catastrophic collapse of the passenger traffic, which has never again (despite its later growth) reached the level of 1997. At the same time, though,
there has been only a two–year stagnation in the truck traffic, followed
after 1999 by a renewed rapid increase. It can therefore be concluded that
the petty cross–border traffic turned out to be more sensitive to the economic and political changes than the official trade.
According to the most recent data from the Border Guards, the Polish–
Russian border traffic of persons was dominated in 2002 by the Poles (see
Table 1) who constituted almost 60% of persons crossing the border
in both directions. The share of the Russians was definitely higher in
Gronowo than in Bezledy. This is understandable if we account for the
fact Gronowo is the crossing, through which people pass going from the
district to Western Europe over Poland. The border crossing in Bezledy is
also to a higher extent the location of concentration of the petty smuggling
of the goods subject to the excise tax, this being in close association
with the high unemployment rates in the neighbouring areas of the
Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship. The traffic of lorries is in a formal
manner concentrated in Bezledy (the border crossings in Gronowo and
54
Tomasz Komornicki
Tab. 1. Structure of Polish-Russian border traffic in the year 2002
Passenger traffic
Border crossings
total in
Polish
thous.
citizens in %
Vehicles traffic
Passenger cars
total in
Polish in %
thous.
Gronowo/Mamonowo
HGV
total in
Polish in
thous.
%
1344.2
49.8
582.1
Braniewo (rail crossing)
45.6
43.9
x
Bezledy/Bagratyonovsk
1910.1
61.2
600.6
61.7
72.5
25.9
653.3
64.8
317.2
58.4
0.6
24.8
3954.7
57.7
1500
58.5
73.8
26.1
64.4
90.8
x
Go³dap/Gusev
TOTAL
Frombork - seaport*
55.2
x
x
0.6
x
x
32.0
x
x
* sea border crossing used by ”duty free cruises” to Kaliningrad
Source: own elaboration based on the Border Guard materials.
Go³dap can be taken only by the lightweight vans and trucks). This traffic
is very clearly dominated by the vehicles with foreign registration plates
(first of all the Russian ones).
The analysis of the incoming traffic of foreigners to Poland makes it
possible to state that the traffic on the Polish–Russian border has first of
all a bilateral character. Hence, it encompasses mainly the trips of the
citizens of the district to Poland (which it is impossible to separate from
the transit through Poland to other countries). Among 850,100 foreigners
having entered Poland through the border in question in the year 2000, as
many as 771,000 were Russians. Then, there were 40,100 Germans. The
third rank, with 21,000 persons entering Poland, was taken by the
Lithuanians, who chose to enter Poland from the district (this number,
though, constituting only 1.5% of all the Lithuanians entering Poland).
Further, only 5,000 Belarusians and 249 Latvians passed through this border
to Poland. The numbers quoted demonstrate that the transport corridors
crossing the Polish–Russian border (including the Via Hanseatica) are
currently of exclusively regional and by no means continental character.
Foreign trade
Russia is the biggest Polish economic partner in the East. Given the domination of the imports of energy carriers (close to 90% of the value of imports falls on oil — 3.2 billion USD — and natural gas — 0.6 billion USD)
the trade balance is deeply negative for Poland. Thus, in 2000 the value of
Polish exports to Russia was equal merely 862 million USD, while imports
attained 4.6 billion USD (Rocznik Statystyczny..., 2001). Yet in 1996 the
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections between Poland...
55
exports to Russia largely balanced out the imports of raw materials. After
the crisis of 1998 a collapse of export took place (in 2000 its value was at
only 52% of the one from 1996), while the quantities and the prices of
imported fuels have been constantly increasing. Trade with Russia is dominated on the scale of the country by three centres, namely Warsaw, as
well as Gdañsk and P³ock. In case of the two latter places almost entire
trade is constituted by the import of Russian oil. Warsaw is the place where
the central bookkeeping of the natural gas imports is done. Local connections with the district of Kaliningrad, are, on the other hand, certainly
demonstrated by the significant shares of Russia in the total values of exports from such Polish poviats (see Figures 2 and 3), close to the border in
question, as Braniewo (29.4% in 2000), Ostróda (25%), Gi¿ycko (22.8%),
Lidzbark Warmiñski (18.6%), Górowo I³aweckie, Bartoszyce, Malbork and
Export to Russia
USD
50 000 000
25 000 000
5 000 000
Fig. 2. Polish export to Russia in the year 2000, by poviats
Source: own elaboration based on the materials of Foreign Trade Information Centre.
56
Tomasz Komornicki
25.001
10.001
5.001
2.001
1.001
0.000
to 100.000 (6)
to 25.000 (21)
to 10.000 (28)
to
5.000 (73)
to
2.000 (72)
to
1.000 (173)
Fig. 3. Share of Russia in Polish foreign trade turnover in the year 2000, by poviats
Source: own elaboration based on the materials of Foreign Trade Information Centre.
Elbl¹g (in excess of 10% in all of them). These shares, though, are still
much smaller than, for instance, in the case of exports to Ukraine from
some of the poviats of the Lublin voivodship. The concentration in the
border–adjacent regions is much less visible in terms of imports, with the
shares of Russia being small (like everywhere in Poland it is imports from
the countries of the EU that dominate on these areas). An exception is
constituted by the poviat of Braniewo, where goods imported from Russia
account for as much as 17.3% of the total imports.
The distribution of the Polish foreign trade among the main cross–border transport corridors was analysed on the basis of the available data for
1997 (T. Komornicki, 2000). The trade with Russia was characterised then
by a very low degree of concentration in the sense mentioned (as compared to other neighbouring countries). Thus, side by side with the corridor Warsaw–Moscow (through Belarus), accounting for 21.4% of the trade
value, significant parts of the bilateral trade were taking place along as
many as eight other corridors, first of all the seaports of Gdañsk and Gdynia
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections between Poland...
57
(10.1%), the line Warsaw–Grodno (7%), Warsaw–Kaliningrad (3.7%), and
Warsaw–Tallinn; to a lesser extent also Cracow–Kiev, the seaports of
Szczecin and Œwinoujœcie, and the lines Warsaw–Kiev, and Gdañsk–Kaliningrad.
The direct border crossings between Poland and Russia, i.e. the ones
leading to the district of Kaliningrad, accounted in 1997 for the mere 5.7%
of the total trade turnover between the two countries. The shares were
quite unevenly divided between exports (11.2%) and imports (1.2%). This,
though, provides the image of the scale of trade with the enclave. It is,
however, not possible to establish whether a part of trade with the
remaining areas of Russia does not take place through the territory of the
district (or vice versa). Yet, we can admit as an estimate for 1997 that Poland
exported to the enclave the goods of the value of some 240 million USD,
while having imported the goods worth merely 32 million USD. Hence,
the official trade showed a definitely positive net balance for Poland. In
reality, though, this was largely compensated for by the imports to Poland
(without any official registering) of the goods subject to excise tax (alcohol,
tobacco) and amber.
The data on the magnitude of the foreign trade on the scale of the district
are available, on the other hand, on the Russian side. Their consistence
with the estimates provided before, done from the perspective of the Polish
side, is not complete (especially in case of exports from the district to
Poland). Conform to the sources mentioned, the total value of foreign trade
of the district has been increasing until 1997, when export reached 457
million USD, while import — 1,743 million USD. These values decreased
in the subsequent years, partly due to the decrease of imports from Poland.
Thus, during this best year, 1997, the district imported from Poland the
goods worth 203 million USD, while the value of export was at 102 million
USD. The share of Poland in the trade turnover remained, however, at
a relatively stable level also in the subsequent years, amounting to
14–16% in imports and close to 30% in exports (V. Bilchak, 2000).
The analysis of Polish foreign trade according to the transport corridors, referred to already before, allowed also for the conclusion that in
1997 the significance of the Via Hanseatica corridor in the total of Polish
foreign trade was very low. The value of goods transported then over this
route in both directions was 118 million USD (0.2% of the total value of
Polish foreign trade), of which a vast majority in export. The role of the
second important corridor, crossing the border at Bezledy was — when
compared to the previous one — much higher, especially in terms of export (0.7% of the total). This route was used to export goods mainly to
Russia (90%), and only to a small degree to Lithuania (4.7%) and Estonia
(3%). The imported goods were brought from Russia (although only 71%)
58
Tomasz Komornicki
and, characteristically, from Africa (27% – the use of the seaport in Kaliningrad). This corridor played an important role in the trade with Russia
(7.6% of export and 0.5% of import), Lithuania and Estonia (10% of export
in each case).
Summary
The analysis conducted confirmed that after the opening of the border at
the beginning of the 1990s there was a rapid development of various kinds
of bilateral connections between Poland the district of Kaliningrad. This
development was associated with the spatial deconcentration of the
connections. New border crossings were opened, railway and coach
connections were established. Economic contacts spread over the entire
country. At the end of the decade of the 1990s this process was curbed.
There were several reasons for this reversal, and in particular: (1) the
economic crisis in Russia; (2) the frequent legal changes concerning the
status of the district as the Special Economic Zone YANTAR; (3) the
renewed tightening of the border in connection with the admission of
Poland into the Euro–Atlantic structures; (4) equalisation of the prices of a
part of industrial goods, causing that the petty trade remained profitable
mainly in the category of goods subject to excise tax and moved to (and
beyond) the outer border of law; (5) a slowdown in the transport–related
investment projects.
The closeness of the border with the district caused in the 1990s
a development of export to the market of the Kaliningrad district from
the western part of the present Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship. The
regions directly bordering upon the border crossings were also profiting
indirectly from the unofficial trade and petty smuggling (in particular —
through the fact that this provided ”employment” for the numerous
unemployed). The unofficial trade, though, had in this area over the entire
decade a different character than close to the borders with Belarus
and Ukraine. The population number of the district and its economic
capacities caused that the Polish border–adjacent regions were not the
locations of the mass wholesale purchases, which could be observed along
the so–called ”Eastern Wall”. Petty trade was here almost always
dominated by the import of the excise goods and was to a higher extent
carried out by Polish citizens.
It can be stated that owing to the action of the factors mentioned, a kind
of polarisation took place in terms of socio–economic contacts. These
contacts are nowadays primarily maintained by, on the one hand, the strong
entrepreneurs (who succeeded in surviving despite the change in the
economic and political terms), and on the other — the petty smugglers of
alcohol. This is also visible in the border traffic, whose participants from
Spatial dimension of the socio-economic connections between Poland...
59
the Polish side are, at the same time, the representatives of administration
and large enterprises (this fact being expressed, for instance, by the
establishment of the direct flight connection between Warsaw and
Kaliningrad), and the jobless inhabitants of the border poviats. The number
of true–to–life tourists is, simultaneously, marginal.
The accession of Poland to the EU in 2004 gives rise to numerous
apprehensions concerning the perspectives of connections crossing the
Polish eastern border. Visas start to be required for the Polish–Russian
traffic with October 2003. In the light of the facts cited here it can be
supposed that the negative effects of the tightening of the border will be
smaller in the case of the Kaliningrad district than with respect to Belarus,
Ukraine, as well as the rest of the Russian Federation. This proposition
results from the following prerequisites:
• the significance of the multicommodity peri–border trade has been on
this segment of the Polish boundary relatively smaller, while
constraining of smuggling of alcohol can hardly be evaluated negatively;
• given the magnitude of the district and the functioning of the Polish
consulate in Kaliningrad, it can be assumed that Polish visas will be
accessible sufficiently easily;
• the official cross–border trade connections seem to be well rooted, and
the share of Russia as the importer of goods is nowhere on the border–
adjacent areas dominating.
This, of course, does not mean that a tight border would not have a negative effect on the bilateral relations. A problem will be constituted by the
availability of visas for the inhabitants of the Polish border areas (the closest consulate is in Gdañsk). The unavoidable, it seems, decrease of the
border traffic will have a negative impact on the labour market situation
and the development of service, first of all in the poviats located in the
vicinity of the border crossings (Bartoszyce, Braniewo, Go³dap), and possibly also farther from the border along the transport routes leading to the
crossings (like the poviats of Lidzbark Warmiñski or Olecko). Likewise,
the perspectives for the transport corridors crossing the border, appear to
be worse than initially judged. One should not expect the Via Hanseatica
to become in the near future a route of transport of people and goods from
the Baltic states. Its significance with respect to the route Kaliningrad–
Warsaw (through Bezledy) will certainly be increasing, yet first of all as
the main connection between Kaliningrad and the Polish seacoast with
Western Europe. When assessing the potentialities of the development of
co–operation with the district we should also account for its actual demographic and economic potential (M. Roœciszewski, 1997). In both cases this
potential is smaller that of the very agglomeration of the Tri–City (Gdañsk–
Sopot–Gdynia) on the Polish side. At the same time, the key significance
60
Tomasz Komornicki
of the enclave in the political and military contexts causes that many decisions concerning the activation of co–operation and the new investment
projects are undertaken (or abandoned) without consideration of the economic calculus.
References:
• Bilchak V., 2000, The Existing State and Perspectives of Development of
Transborder Processes of the Kaliningrad District and the Province of
Warmia and Mazury [in:] J. Kitowski (ed.) Eastern Borders of European
Integration Processes, Papers and Monographs of the Department of
Economy, No 19, UMCS Branch in Rzeszów, Rzeszów, p. 259–280.
• Komornicki T., 1994, Transportation Connections between Poland and
the Kaliningrad District [in:] A. Stasiak, T. Komornicki (eds.) Biuletyn
projektu: Podstawy Rozwoju Zachodnich i Wschodnich Obszarów
Przygranicznych Polski, Vol. VI, IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa, p. 71–80.
• Komornicki T., 1999, Poland’s Borders — Analysis of Permeability (1990–
1996), Geopolitical Studies, Vol. V, IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa.
• Komornicki T., 2000, Commercial Commodities Flows of Polish Foreign
Trade and International Transportation Connections, Prace Geograficzne, IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa.
• Palmowski T., 1999, Obwód Kaliningradzki wobec przemian w Europie
Ba³tyckiej [in:] J. Kitowski (ed.) Problematyka geopolityczna Europy
Œrodkowej i Wschodniej, Rozprawy i Monografie Wydzia³u Ekonomicznego UMSC Filia w Rzeszowie, Rzeszów, s. 89–109.
• Palmowski T., 2003, Rola Via Hanseatica w strategii i programie rozwoju
po³udniowej czêœci Europy Ba³tyckiej [in:] S. Lijewski, J. Kitowski (eds.)
Prace Komisji Geografii Komunikacji PTG, Tom IX, Warszawa–Rzeszów,
p. 33–48.
• Rocznik Statystyczny Handlu Zagranicznego 2001, 2001, GUS,
Warszawa.
• Roœciszewski M., 1997, Polish Eastern Border, Geopolitical Studies, Vol. I,
IGiPZ PAN, Warszawa.
61
Ma³gorzata Pacuk
Chosen aspects of the economic co–operation between
Poland and the Kaliningrad district
Co–operation between Poland and the Kaliningrad district develops in
a two–dimensional array:
• as a co–operation between Poland and Russian Federation;
• as cross–border co–operation between north–east Polish voivodships
and the district.
The recent change in geopolitical situation of the Kaliningrad district and
the collapse of the USSR led to a break in traditional economic and trade
links, especially with Baltic republics. Rules and directions of co–operations had to be formed from scratch. In this new geopolitical situation the
Kaliningrad district has found itself between two markets: smaller, the
all–Russian market, and bigger, the Baltic market directly linked to European and world trade.
The recently developed strategy of social and economic development
of the Kaliningrad district assumes a combination of four basic components (Yu. Zverev, E. Kropinowa, 2003):
• a better use of regional natural and economic potential in the all–Russian and regional interests;
• transformation of the Kaliningrad district into a region of co–operation
between Russia and EU, the CIS and other countries of the world, and
also a region of co–operation with other Russian regions;
• the area becomes a contact territory of Russia and EU; the mechanisms
of co–operation between Russia and EU in XXI century will be developed here;
• the function of maintenance of the Russian strategic interests will be
preserved.
Foreign trade is one of the most important priorities for the region’s economic development. This is a consequence of the Kaliningrad district geographical location in the proximity of main Russia’s trading partners. In
the early and mid 90s (1992–1995) the Kaliningrad district trade turnover
rose from 145 million USD to 1 019 million USD. At the same time export
rose from 91 to 459 million USD and import climbed from 54 to 560 million USD, that is more than 10 times. In 1995 the group of the main export
62
Ma³gorzata Pacuk
partners included: Switzerland, Germany and Namibia. The main flow
of imported goods came from Lithuania, Poland and Germany
(see Table 1).
Tab. 1. Foreign trade turnover in the Kaliningrad district in the years 1992–1995 (million USD)
Country
Imports
1992
Country
1993
1995
54.0
76.0
560.0
Total
1.0
2.0
102.7
Switzerland
16.0
17.0
91.0
Germany
9.0
18.0
USA
1.0
UK
Exports
1992
1993
1995
91.0
126.0
459.0
–
1.0
97.0
Germany
15.0
16.0
25.0
48.0
Namibia
1.0
2.0
20.5
2.0
31.3
Holland
–
1.0
17.4
1.0
1.0
29.3
Italy
7.0
7.0
16.0
Holland
–
0.3
23.4
Lithuania
–
4.0
15.9
Norway
–
0.1
14.7
Estonia
–
0.4
15.3
Italy
–
1.0
12.0
Austria
–
2.5
11.5
Latvia
–
1.0
11.2
Poland
14.0
17.0
9.0
Belgium
–
–
10.8
UK
–
4.0
7.1
Total
Lithuania
Poland
Source: M. Pacuk, T. Palmowski, 1998.
The share of total exports to three Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia
and Estonia) in 1995 reached 16%, whereas import soared to 45%.
Structurally, crude oil took a great share (17.1%) of the export in 1995,
along with cellulose (14.4%), artificial fertilizers (10.5%), fish (8.1%), paper and cardboard. Main imported goods included coal and crude oil
(12.0%), fish (8.5%), meat and meat products (6.6%), beverages (2.8%), plastics (2.6%), machinery and electrical appliances (2.3%) (M. Pacuk,
T. Palmowski, 1998).
After a period of the constant increase in the foreign trade turnover in
the years 1992–1997 the trend was hampered in 1998 (following the financial crisis in Russia). That year brought about an economic collapse in
Russia and made foreign trade exchange slacken. The foreign trade turnover in the Kaliningrad district in 1998 reached 1 617 million USD leading
to a sharp decrease one year later when the turnover slumped to 1 207
million USD (the most dramatic decrease in the whole country). In 2001
the turnover did not exceed 1 600 million USD (see Table 2).
63
Chosen aspects of the economic co-operation between Poland...
Tab. 2. Foreign trade turnover in the Kaliningrad district in the years 1998–2001 (million USD)
Years
Total
Exports
Imports
1998
1 617.2
429.3
1 187.9
1999
1 207.7
383.6
824.1
2000
1 403.2
519.0
884.2
2001
1 597.7
507.5
1 090.2
Source: Kaliningradskaya oblast v tsifrakh 2002, 2002.
A slight increase in the turnover took place in 2000 as a result of a rise
in crude oil prices. Other export goods contributed to the increase of the
turnover to a lesser degree. A desirable rising trend has been continued
since then. However, the main factor of the increase has been a substantial
growth in the volume of imported goods since 2001 (A. Klemeshev,
S. Kozlov, G. Fedorov, 2002).
Poland was the main trade partner in foreign trade exchange with the
Kaliningrad district in the years 1998–2001 (31.5% of the goods exported
by Kaliningrad district in 1998 and 32.2% in 2001). The group of main
exporters included also Germany (see Table 3), the USA and Lithuania.
The same countries make up the group of leading importers: Germany
(approximately 24% of imported goods), Poland (17.3% in 1998 and 16.3%
in 2001), Lithuania and the USA. Altogether Poland, Germany and three
Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia) have a 49.5% share of total
imports from the Kaliningrad district and a 54.3% share of total exports.
Tab 3. Dynamics of trade exchange between the Kaliningrad district and two countries:
Poland and Germany in the years 1995–2001
Years
Poland
million USD
1995
Exports
1997
Imports
Germany
%
million USD
%
34.1
9.3
20.5
5.6
Imports
85.6
15.4
45.6
8.2
Exports
113.8
26.1
47.8
7.9
211.5
17.0
326.8
24.2
Exports
95.2
29.5
39.7
12.3
Imports
114.6
14.1
305.1
37.6
2000
Exports
154.2
34.9
52.8
12.0
Imports
140.8
18.2
188.5
24.4
2001
Exports
125.2
27.5
49.5
10.8
Imports
156.3
15.8
222.9
22.7
1999
Source: A. Klemeshev, S. Kozlov, G. Fedorov, 2002; G. Fedorov, Yu. Zverev, 2002.
64
Ma³gorzata Pacuk
Crude oil (24.6%), fish (6.7%), cellulose (5.7%) and artificial fertilizers
dominated in the export structure in 2001. The most important imported
goods included: meat (9.2%), fish (4.5%), iron and steel (4.2%), plastics
(3.3%), cars and buses (3.3%).
The district’s administrative authorities did their best to create conditions conducive to strenghtening foreign economic relations. The undertaken efforts brought about measurable results shortly. 1062 companies
with foreign capital (362 of them were totally based on foreign investment) were registered in the Kaliningrad district in 1995. Polish firms were
the most numerous (about 360 in total out of which 97 raised 100% of
Polish capital). 96 other firms accumulated 100% of German capital, 47
firms attracted 100% of Lithuanian capital and 24 — Latvian. France ran
the biggest investments in Kaliningrad raising funds of 5 billion roubles
in the mid 90s. Germany and Poland came next investing about 3 billion
roubles each. Even a Japanese shop Electric Plaza was opened in the center of Kaliningrad (M. Pacuk, T. Palmowski, 1998).
Foreign companies set up their businesses in different sectors. The Property Fund of the district sold shares of the privatized firms to foreign investors by competitive tender. In this way German companies spread their
investment over the engineering industry and construction business as
well as modernizing machinery and technology. Swedish companies made
investment in the production of freon gasses. Limited companies started
their activity mainly in the tourist industry and trade.
Kaliningrad’s economic contacts with Poland continue to be the most
dynamic. They date back to 1992 when the Russian Federation and Poland signed the first agreement on co–operation between the Kaliningrad
district and voivodships in the north–east of Poland. It enabled both sides
to work out basic guidelines for co–operation related to, among others,
transport, communication and agriculture. At the present stage of co–operation Polish entrepreneurs deal mainly with wholesale and retail trade,
transport, construction, tourist services, car repairs and production of
household products. It seems that the potential of the co–operation between the Kaliningrad district and Poland has not been fully developed
yet. It is desirable to gradually develop mutual trade contacts until they
reach a balanced structure. Most firms with 100% of Polish capital are small
and engaged in trade activities. So far they have not made investments in
production of goods or services. Although there are clear signs of economic development, the co–operation between Polish voivodships and
the Kaliningrad district is not systematic and far from being fully effective.
In recent years the turnover between the two sides showed a growing
trend:
Chosen aspects of the economic co-operation between Poland...
65
• 1994 – 64 million USD
• 1995 –126 million USD
• 1996 – 191 million USD
• 1997 – 170 million USD
• 1998 – 292 million USD
• 1999 – 210 million USD1 .
The turnover in the first half of the year 2000 reached 134 million USD and
rose by nearly 50% in comparison with the same period of 1999. Artificial
fertilizers, chemical raw materials, coal, gas, fuel and equipment for the
engineering industry accounted for the majority of imports. Goods imported from Poland (about 60% of the total turnover) include mainly foodstuffs such as vegetables, fruit, meat products and sugar. It is estimated
that additional trade in the border zone may reach as much as 30% to 50%
of non–registered turnover.
Polish businessmen are exceptionally active in increasing exports to
Kaliningrad. The Kaliningrad district has become an important supplier
of goods for some regions lying deep inside Russia. In 2001 Poland was
the first on the list of industrial and agricultural exporters trading with
Kaliningrad. Although co–operation with Kaliningrad is considered as
a success there are still a lot of export possibilities to explore.
Polish firms are paying more and more attention to good relationships
with Russian firms in Kaliningrad which, in turn, show an interest in stable co–operation. The Governor of Kaliningrad district, Vladimir Yegorov,
issued a special message which was published in the Kaliningrad press.
He expressed his conviction that Polish firms’ trade offer is an important
part of the Kaliningrad’s development programme till 2010. This is, however, the first step towards setting up economic partnership which requires
turning simple exchange of goods into co–operative links. The Kaliningrad district is a very attractive economic zone to do business with. Its
undisputable advantage is a possibility of getting into the Russian market
despite certain difficulties posed by imperfections of the law in the Special Economic Zone.
There are altogether 575 firms with the input of Polish capital in the
Kaliningrad district in 2003, which puts Poland at the top of the list of
foreign investment (see Table 4). The size of Polish capital amounted to
approximately 30–40 million USD in the years 1995–2000. The biggest investments have been made so far by the firm ”Andrex” (9 million USD)
importing artificial fertilizers from the Russian Federation. ”Agrohandel”
in Moœciszki is one of the biggest meat exporters in Poland selling meat to
1
Data based on information imparted by the General Consulate of Poland in the Kaliningrad
district
66
Ma³gorzata Pacuk
Russia and the Kaliningrad district, Shipyard Repair Group ”Nauta” has
been co–operating with maritime Kaliningrad and Advertising Agency
”Moda Forte” has been promoting Polish industry for years. Polish Airlines LOT with its one–year experience in the Kaliningrad district has become one of the biggest transport agent in the area.
Tab 4. Foreign investment in the Kaliningrad district in the years 1998–2001
1998
Country
thousand
1999
%
USD
thousand
2000
%
USD
thousand
2001
%
USD
thousand
%
USD
Total
39371
100
18266
100
19143
100
24563
100
Poland
2380
6.0
1382
7.6
3890
20.3
3360
13.7
57
0.1
398
2.2
618
3.2
3095
12.6
Switzerland
6740
17.1
4819
26.4
4488
23.4
2515
10.2
Austria
1900
4.8
2395
13.1
2100
11.0
2269
9.2
Germany
20355
51.7
3567
19.5
3724
19.5
2080
8.5
-
-
-
-
1283
6.7
1125
4.6
USA
UK
Source: Kaliningradskaya oblast v tsifrakh 2002, 2002.
Polish investors are also interested in construction of power generating plants and the Baltiysk port as well as modernization and enlargement of the Jantar shipyard, underground gas containers and the ”Agroniemen” diary. Other areas of interest cover construction of a cold storage
plant and fruit processing plant, design and production of wooden houses and setting up an assembly line of buses.
According to the Economic Department of the Polish Consulate in the
Kaliningrad district is possible for the turnover to rise to the level of 400–
500 million USD. Another possibility is to increase capital investment in
such areas as: environment protection, furniture industry, pharmaceutical
industry, tourism and services.
Unquestionable advantages of co–operating with the Kaliningrad district include:
• close proximity;
• common access to Vistula Bay and the Vistula Sand Bar;
• mutual links between Polish cities (Olsztyn, Gdañsk, Elbl¹g, Szczecin)
and cities of the Kaliningrad district within the framework of Baltic
and Niemen euro–regions;
Chosen aspects of the economic co-operation between Poland...
67
• railway links along the axis Kaliningrad–Elbl¹g–Gdynia–Szczecin;
• regional co–operation between Polish voivodships (Pomorskie and
Warmiñsko–Mazurskie) and the Kaliningrad district.
There are, however, numerous obstacles to maintaining mutual relationships. Main investment barriers include:
• Russia’s refraining from ratification of the contract on mutual investment protection signed in 1992;
• unstable law concerning the Special Economic Zone;
• lack of banking co–operation;
• lack of insurance on large–scale investment;
• lack of legal regulations concerning land property;
• vague and inconsistent tax law;
• lack of financial guarantee of commercial loans granted by government
agencies.
Other restrictions making exchange of goods difficult and stifling Polish
businessmen’s activity is incompatibility of economic regulations, especially customs regulations. Furthermore, there are no regulations on trade
marks and their protection and border crossings are not efficient enough.
Businessmen have misgivings about certification and standardization fees
being frequently raised. There are also numerous bureaucratic difficulties
while applying for a work permit and certain obstacles to setting up
a firm.
So called treaty basis formed for Poland and Russia influences greatly
the amount of financial capital on the eastern market.
The federal act ”Special Economic Zone of the Kaliningrad district”
was signed by the Russian President on January 22nd 1996. According to
the act Kaliningrad district respects customs regulations concerning free
economic zones.
At present the act is provisional. Some of its regulations have different
versions and therefore need further changes and adjustments. On the one
hand passing the law was a success but on the other hand it leaves a lot to
be desired. Many experts expressed a lot of criticism while assessing the
act. It seems to bring about political rather than legal ways of solving the
region’s problems. What is really needed for the region’s own benefit is
passing decision making on to its authorities in order to govern the district independently.
New conditions resulting from the act on the Special Economic Zone
cancel customs duty on incoming commodities (at present so called ”import ceilings” on certain goods have been imposed) and introduce reduced
taxes for big investors (more than 0.5 million USD). There is a possibility
for co–operative activity and production according to SEZ regulations
modified by implemented restrictions.
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Ma³gorzata Pacuk
Boosting economic co–operation between Poland and Russia when Poland has joined the EU is the most important issue for both countries. It is
believed that Poland’s accession to the EU will be conducive to the development of mutual trade. Russian entrepreneurs will have open options to
increase exports of industrial goods. Furthermore, accepting the EU’s
recommendations will reduce customs duties.
The Kaliningrad district is an area of a considerable economic potential
and excellent prospects. It should be considered not only an economic
market but also an area where new leading western technologies will be
introduced forming a basis for setting up modern firms with a view to
selling goods to Russia.
References:
• Fedorov G., Zverev Yu., 2002, Sotsialno–ekonomicheskoye i geopoliticheskoye razvitiye Kaliningradskoy Oblasti, Kaliningradskiy
Gosudarstviennyi Universitet, Kaliningrad.
• Kaliningradskaya oblast v tsifrakh 2002, 2002, Kaliningradskiy Oblastnoy Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Statistiki, Kaliningrad.
• Klemeshev A., Kozlov S., Fedorov G., 2002, Ostrov sotrudnichestva.
Monografiya, Kaliningradskiy Gosudarstvennyi Universitet, Kaliningrad.
• Pacuk M., Palmowski T., 1998, The Development of Kaliningrad in the
Light of Baltic Co–operation [in:] L. Hedegaard, B. Lindström (eds.) The
NEBI Yearbook 1998, Springer — Verlag, Berlin, p. 267–282.
• Zverev Yu., Kropinowa E., 2003, The role of international co–operation
for the regional development of the Kaliningrad region [in:] G. Fedorov,
V. Korneevets, T. Palmowski (eds.) Possibilities for co–operation between Kaliningrad region of Russia and northern Poland within the
EU enlargement process, Kaliningrad State University, Kaliningrad,
p. 30–36.
69
Sergey Tarkhov
Transport system of the Kaliningrad
district in the context of current transport
development of Russia
Kaliningrad region has transformed into exclave of Russia after the
dissolution of the USSR. Before it was the most western economical stub
of Soviet Union due to iron curtain along western state border. New
geopolitical circumstances in this area changed the functions, and the
Kaliningrad district has obtained unique geographical position as isolated
Russian western „island” remoted off the mainland of Russia (metropoly).
This isolation has influenced very strong on the transport system serving
this area, changed it drastically. Land isolation by territories of Poland
and Lithuania led to restructuring of all transport system — railway and
road transport declined, but sea transport developed. Before it was a part
of Baltic economic region of the USSR, but now it became isolated and
autochthon one and needs to integrate into big Baltic transport system
and to adapt to the neighbor transport systems of Poland and Lithuania.
Its seashore position is the main advantage, which could afford it to
eliminate the disadvantages of its overland and stub location.
We describe here shortly the transport system of the Kaliningrad district
with its position in entire Russia in background.
Railway transport
Railway network of this region has one the highest level of the density in
Russia — 42 km/1000 square kilometers after Moscow district (58 km;
average in Russia is 5). The length of railway net decreased from 756 km
in 1990 to 639 km in 2000. The volume of transported goods was decreased
in this period as well as in entire Russia, from 9.1 million tons in 1990 to
7.2 million in 1999, but the number of passengers — drastically from 28.3
million in 1990 to 8.7 million in 2000.
The trunk railway line is Kaliningrad – Chernyakhovsk – Gusev–
–Nesterov – Kibartai, which is crossing the area of the Lithuania and Belarus
and finishing at Moscow. Rest sections have local importance, including
branches from Kaliningrad to Sovetsk (with exit to Lithuania via Pagegiai),
70
Sergey Tarkhov
Zelenogradsk and Svetlogorsk (both are recreational centers), Baltiysk
(sea navy harbor), Mamonovo (the gate to the Poland with the gauge
1435 mm), Bagrationovsk; longitudinal line Sovetsk – Chernyakhovsk –
– Zheleznodorozhnyi (with exit to Poland). Distinct gauge (1520 mm in
Russia and 1435 mm in Poland) is complicated the transfer the goods
between both countries, but the rehabilitation of old 1435 mm line
Braniewo – Mamonowo – Kaliningrad since 1993 can afford to do direct
railway connection between both countries. The gauge in the Kaliningrad
district and Lithuania is the same.
Roads and motor transport
The Kaliningrad district takes 2nd place in Russia by the level of road density
among others regions and has 303 km of paved roads per each 1000 square
kilometer (Moscow district – 343 km). Total length of paved roads
(including non–public roads) changed as follow: 6244 km in 1990,
6975 km in 1996, 6380 km in 2000, but the length of public paved roads
was near the same number – 4600 km. The quality of paved roads was not
the best in Russia, but near average level (76% of all paved roads have
improved bed; in entire Russia it is 67%). There is the only motorway here:
Kaliningrad – Borskoye – northern bypass of Gvardeysk – Zorino – Talpaki,
which is a part of main road Kaliningrad – Chernyakhovsk – Nesterov.
Joint–stock company „Rossbahn” is reconstructing now the old German
Autobahn (Elblag – Szileny – Novoselovo – Kaliningrad; or so called Berlin–
Autobahn), built in the World War II period. Slow progress on it will mean
its uselessness, when it would be ready and opened. The reconstruction of
narrow roads from Kaliningrad to the main seashore spots of Samland
Coast is urgently needing.
The Kaliningrad district takes 2nd place in Russia by the number of
private car per 1000 inhabitants, due to the small distance to Germany
from where most second–hand cars are delivering. This number
(motorization index) changed as follow: 61 in 1990, 138 in 1995, 205 in
1997, 238 in 1998, 208 in 2000. Moscow had the first position in 2000 (224
cars per 1000 inhabitants), but another — less than the Kaliningrad district
(St. Petersburg – 184, Primorskiy district — 202, Hanty–Mansiysk district
— 199). Here we could see how good geographical location lets to improve
this aspect of transport system, because the Kaliningrad district is located
no so far from European market of old cars. The number of public buses
per 1000 inhabitants was drastically reduced in 1990–ties — from 77 in
1990 to 36 in 2000 (average its number in Russia is 75, but some regions
have 110–120).
The volume of transported goods, by official statistics, was reduced
from 32.1 million tons in 1990 to 13.2 million in 1995, 9.7 million in 1997
Transport system of the Kaliningrad district in the context...
71
and 6.5 million in 2000; freight turnover — from 911 million tons–km in
1990 to 317 million in 1995 and 279 million in 2000. The number of
passengers transported by public buses also has reduced from 167.8 million
in 1990 to 137.0 million in 1995 and 112.6 million in 2000. The reasons of
such drastic reduction were the isolation of region from mainland of Russia,
reduction of life level and the growth of transport fares (tariffs). Urban
transport in Kaliningrad showed the increasing only (tramways
transported in 1990 59.3 million passengers and 66.5 in 2000, trolleybuses
respectively – 28.7 and 32.5 millions), what means the population is moving
more in the shortest distances than in longer.
River and sea transport
The length of river navigable routes reduced drastically from 500 to 289 km
in 1990–ties, and the freight traffic from 5.6 million in 1990 to 0.4 million
in 2000, what means complete collapse of this mode of transportation.
Sea transport, meanwhile, has a good progress after the isolation of
region (since 1991) and is the only mode of transportation, which has
positive dynamics. Harbor in Kaliningrad has total capacity for handling
8.2 million tons of cargo and 2.5 million tons of fish per year. Navy harbor
Baltiysk has now commercial functions, and new harbor Vostochnyi is
under construction here. The main specialization of Kaliningrad harbor is
handling of dried freights (including metals of Magnitogorsk and
Novolipetsk metallurgic works) and some oil (new oil–terminal with
capacity 100,000 tons was installed and opened in 2001 near railway station
Baltiyskiy Les at Izhevskoye, to the west of Kaliningrad). Western
steamship–line company serves the freight service here with 13 small–
tonnage ships „river–sea”. Main export freights are metals, wood, paper,
oil, coal; main imports — containers, wheat, sugar, construction materials,
second–hand cars.
Kaliningrad district is important Russian node of international sea
ferries, opened in 1990–ties: Kaliningrad – Kiel (one time per week, opened
in 1993 and closed in 1995), Kaliningrad – Rostock – Vyborg (opened in
1995), Kaliningrad – Copenhagen (with containers and trailers, 2 trips per
week; opened in 1997), St. Petersburg – Kaliningrad – Kiel (ships Ro–Ro).
The new outer harbors around St. Petersburg, which are under construction
now, will be connected by rail ferry Ust’–Luga – Baltiysk – Sasnitz (for 103
wagons). The first stage of it with trailer ferry St. Petersburg – Baltiysk
(ship Mukran–138) was opened in January 2003, but is economically
inefficient.
The loss the western Baltic harbors was a reason to transfer a part of
transit freight to old Russian ports (St. Petersburg in Baltic basin), to
transform the navy harbors into commercial ones to serve export–import
72
Sergey Tarkhov
operations (Baltiysk, Vyborg, Vysotsk). New ports around St. Petersburg
(Ust’–Luga, Primorsk, Batareynaya) must relieve St. Petersburg harbor,
but new deep–water port Vostochnyi (near Baltiysk) would relieve the
Kaliningrad harbor with very old facilities and narrow and no so deep sea
channel to the open sea. To improve the capacity of Kaliningrad harbor, it
is necessary to renovate all its facilities, to deep the sea channel up to
10 meters, to realize the project ”KK” (Kaliningrad – Klaipeda), and finally
to transform it into outer harbor of St. Petersburg.
Air transport
The only civil airport is located in Hrabrovo (in 20 km to the north of
Kaliningrad), which has international flights and domestic Russian
connections (mainly to Moscow and St. Petersburg). Fare increasing and
poverty of local population are the main reasons of decreasing this mode
of transportation. The number passengers used the airplanes is reducing
step–by–step during 1990–ties as follow: 172 thous. in 1995, 121 thous. in
1996, 107 thous. in 1997, 104 thous. in 1998, 132 thous. in 1999, 111 thous. in
2000. This tendency is common for entire Russia and Kaliningrad is no
exception. Three options to modernization of airport Hrabrovo were offered
(new location, new terminal and the reconstruction of old terminal) have
a target to arrange here the international hub, but this idea is unrealistic.
Air transport has a small contribution in the local transport system
nevertheless.
The destiny of transport system of the Kaliningrad district depends on
adapted geopolitical strategy of Russian state in the Baltic macroregion
and the means of its realization. If it would be indistinct as now, the
transport–geographical location of this area will be worsening, and the
degree of isolation, stubness, psychological remoteness from Russian
mainland will increase. Landover modes of transportation in this case
would degrade, but sea (including rail ferry to St. Petersburg) and air
transport — under progress, because it is necessary to keep the balance in
common transport connections to motherland. If the active land
interconnections to Lithuania and Poland would be developed and the
high freights tariffs for Lithuanian transit would be eliminated, the
transport system of the Kaliningrad district could transform into the
element of big transit corridor from Western Europe to CIS–area, using
overloading the freight from ships into railway and motor traffic. The
official inclusion of Kaliningrad district into European corridors (Via
Hanseatica) will keep at the paper, if real progress wouldn’t make to
integrate its transport system into entire Baltic transport system.
So, the future of transport system of the Kaliningrad district would
depend on the efficiency of geopolitical progress of Russia in Baltic
Transport system of the Kaliningrad district in the context...
73
direction. Recent semi–isolation and stubness of transport system can be
out do by three ways: 1) integrate it into Baltic macrosystem, 2) find the
compromises with Lithuanian authorities to reduce transit tariffs,
3) develop sea component of the transport system. The most optimal way
would be to combine all three ways in one.
References:
• Khlipetskiy A., Fedorov G., 2000, Kaliningradskaya oblast: region
sotrudnichestva, Izdatelstvo Kaliningradskogo gosuniversiteta,
Kaliningrad.
• Kuznecov A., 2002, Kaliningradskiy transportnyi kompleks: dinamika
razwitiya nalico, Transport Rossji, 4–10.02.02, p. 2.
• Lapidus B. M., Pekhterev F. S., Tereshina N. P., 2000, Kaliningradskaya
oblast, Regionalistyka M., p. 394–408.
• Moshkov G., 2002, Istinnaya zainteresovannost na partnierskoy osnove,
Transport Rossji, 17–21.07.02, p. 2.
• O zadatchkah po povysheniyu effektivnosti raboty i koncepcii razvitiya
transportnogo kompleksa Kaliningradskoy oblasti, 2001, Transport
Rossji, 19–25.03.01, p. 5.
• Relsy idut ot granitzi do granitzi, 2002, Gudok, 6.08.02, p. 4.
• Transport i svyaz v Rossji. Statistcheskiy sbornik, 2001, Goskomstat
Rossji, Moskva.
74
Tomasz Parteka
Tomasz Parteka
Conditioning scenarios on regional
impact assessment of the Via Hanseatica
zone (the Sapphire Arc)
Assessment of regional impact of such a strong development impulse
as creating systemically developed (various means of transportation)
Via Hanseatica (VH) zone is possible: ex post (after the investment has
been completed) or ex ante (before the investment is made).
In our case, we have to do with the latter. It is thus about the assessment of
the interaction:
(a) of the new infrastructure investment;
(b)of the scale, pace and spatial distribution of the changes in the
environment of the transport axis;
(c) of external conditions (domestic and international) that can significantly
influence the interaction of the problem situations of the point a and b.
This assessment (at stage I of regional impact analysis) was based on the
scenario method. The answer to the question: why is the scenario method
so useful in this case? is of great significance here. Scenario analysis is to
serve the purpose of explaining external and internal conditions that can
appear in the concept–wise limited time perspective. It means permitting
multi–variant character of processes, where the selection of the variant is
not determined. Thus, the scenario method aims at identifying the problem
area and probable situations.
The essence of scenario analysis consists in creative attitude to any states
in the future, aiming at answering the question: what are the possible
futures (in projections, we consider mainly the possible futures of high
degree of certainty)?
The selection of the scenario method is determined mainly by its
usefulness in the situations of uncertainty and fast changeability.
The following have been considered to be especially important for the
purpose of this study:
• alternative scenarios as a type of pre–scenarios describing possible directions and tendencies for the changes of external conditions,
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
75
• conditions scenarios as the substance of multi–factor, multi–scalar and
multi–variant analysis that can be handled in the form of matrix of impact
problems set in a systemic order.
CONDITIONING SCENARIOS
It is a significant group of edge (border) scenarios defining the combination
area of possible solutions. The opportunities and threats scenarios
supporting the strategic SWOT analysis are a part of this group. This
analysis combines internal factors (strengths, weaknesses) with external
ones (opportunities, threats). Matrix combinations of those factors
(Attachment 1) constitute a basis for creating multiple scenarios answering
the following questions:
• to what an extent are internal weaknesses increased by threats ? how to
use the strengths of the area in relation to the identified opportunities?
• are the strengths sufficient to reduce the threats?
ALTERNATIVE SCENARIOS OF VH PROBLEM SITUATIONS
1. Scenario I: PANDA and GRIZZLI — of a polarised development
Via Hanseatica development zone combines two agglomerations: Tri–City
and Szczecin — both aspiring to the role of Baltic metropolitan areas. The
two big settlement centres have very specific location in relation to two
other European cities, one of which (Berlin) is a European metropolis of
the highest significance, whereas the other one (Kaliningrad) is a potential
Baltic metropolis and a ”metropolitan bridge” to Russia and its main
centres: Moscow and St. Petersburg.
It creates two bipolar systems (see Figure 1), with all the consequences
of competition and co–operation:
• Western bipole: Berlin – Szczecin;
• Eastern bipole: Kaliningrad – Tri–City.
The northern macro–regional structure, with its two poles: Tri–City
agglomeration and Szczecin — is at the same time the most urbanised
zone of south Baltic. It is thus the impact zone in the space of Poland and
the very differentiated space of the Baltic region (the Baltic Europe).
Szczecin and Tri–City do not constitute a classical bipolar system defined
as: ”the sum of direct impact on the external environment of the given
pair of agglomerations and (possibly) the area between those impact
zones.” (K. Kiciñski, T. Kud³acz, T. Markowski, Z. Ziobrowski, 2002, p. 17).
It is rather a macro–regional structure, developed in the period of real
socialism as a coastal macro–region (later on – northern), that is being
transformed into a structure of networking connections of agglomerations
aspiring to the metropolis standard.
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Tomasz Parteka
KA
M eT
SZ-Œw
BER
(MeT: Tri-City metropolis, SZ - Œw: Szczecin agglomeration,
KA: Kaliningrad district; BER: Berlin metropolis)
Fig. 1. Networking of bipolar systems of Tri-City and Szczecin
Source: own based study.
The nature of the networking is of a two–fold character:
firstly:
the new governance of the world (mainly globalisation) creates
new, not yet fully conceived, development and regional impact
conditions;
secondly: Poland’s joining the European Union and closer relations
between Russia and NATO result in totally new multi–polar
systems strengthening the co–operation and competitiveness
of big cities and their metropolitan regions.
The second aspect — spatial Europeisation – causes serious changes in
strategic planning and development programming — that is in the
instrumental layer.
The change of regional geopolitics in this part of Europe is also an
important factor. One can even risk a hypothesis of a real bi–bipolar system
being developed. What are the characteristic features of this system?
The process of growing influence and impact power of Berlin on the
Szczecin–Œwinoujœcie agglomeration has a dynamics of its own. The
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
77
favourable location (distance, efficient road and railway connections)
increases the number of transport, services and recreational relations.
Contrary to the populist slogan (Germany will ”swallow up” Szczecin) —
this impact increases the economic potential of Szczecin, and the society
opens up to European values. It is a more beneficial development effect
than the artificially created (for 40 years) planned integration of Szczecin
and the Tri–City, based on the former ”flag ship” of Poland — superficially
treated maritime economy.
The process of growing relations of also very diversified over–national
structure: Tri–City and Kaliningrad is desirable and inevitable at the eastern
pole of this system. The sum of an input potential for this structure is
impressive (see Table 1).
According to the actual place of work, without businesses in which the
number of employees does not exceed 9 persons, without the persons
working in individual farms, clergy of all denominations, foundations,
associations, etc.
It is at the same time a system (area) not only of high concentration of
political processes of Europeisation of Russia. It needs to be remembered
that:
• Kaliningrad district will be the co–host of the border with the European
Union and the level of tightness of that border on the one and intensity
of efficient flows of persons and goods on the other hand, will be our
Polish mission in the united Europe. European states, Poland included,
need not only good border relations with Russia (here with Kaliningrad
Region) but also good economic exchange with Russia.
• It is also important Kaliningrad district is also covered by European
regional development instruments (TACIS programme) and that the
Tri–City agglomeration has also an important role to play in the co–
operation.
In this system, Via Hanseatica, as a part of a big infrastructure ring of the
Baltic Region, will play the role of an integration axis of significant share
of transit of persons and goods.
It also needs to be remembered that sea transport in the ”short–sea
shipping” formula can play an important role in the economic development
of southern Baltic. Short–sea shipping is the axis of the new transport
strategy of the European Union, as a reaction to the growing transport
congestion in the excessively concentrated part of Western Europe, in which
Berlin is one of the main traffic generators.
Also Berlin and Kaliningrad will be connected, as the economic
ties increase, by air transport currently provided by Warsaw and Copenhagen.
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Tomasz Parteka
Tab. 1. Polish coastal agglomerations and Kaliningrad district
Elements
Kaliningrad
Tri-City
Szczecin
district
agglomeration
agglomeration
1999
Total area in km
2
2000
15 100
1 450
1 631
Population (thousand)
936.0
964.6
543.8
Percentage of people living in
78.0
92.2
92.8
Population density per km?
62
665
334
Birth rate per 1000 residents
•
0.2
-0.5
18.1
21.7
20.8
Population in active working age
70.5
63.4
65.0
Population in post-active working
11.4
14.9
14.2
•
258.1
154.6
in basic sector
11.0
1.2
1.8
in production
29.5
35.1
36.5
in services
59.5
63.7
61.7
•
267.6
284.3
10.4
5.0
6.6
Number of businesses (thousand)
•
105.3
72.5
National economy entities per
•
109.1
133.4
cities vs. total population (%)
Population in pre-active working
age
age
Total working population
(thousand)(a)
Number of working people per
1000 residents
Unemployment rate
1000 residents
(a) the unemployment rate for the agglomeration is the percentage of the unemployed in active
working age.
Source: www.stat.gov.pl, Statistical Office in Gdañsk, Cites and Networking: The Baltic Sea Region,
Ministry of Environment and Energy, Danish Forest and Research Institute.
2. Scenario II: SEVEN FROGS — of a concentrated development
The assumption is that there will be a tendency for effectiveness
concentration in the seven main settlement centres, three of which are
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
79
regional administrational centres. They are ”threaded” on the VH axis from
the west to the east: Szczecin, Koszalin, S³upsk, Gdynia, Gdañsk, Elbl¹g,
Olsztyn. There is a certain hierarchy among those cities determined both
by the former and present administrational significance (Gdañsk, Olsztyn,
Szczecin) as the main centres of regional self–governance and state
administration.
Jump development of the cities, which (like frogs) lived in a state of
relative hibernation in the low ”temperature” of development stimuli will
be the feature of the concentrated development of that system. The new
stimuli, in the form of funds allocated for infrastructure, will be absorbed
by those cities from the Cohesion Fund and the Structural Funds after
2004. The lack of those funds and low marketing activity have not attracted
foreign capital so far.
In the ”seven frogs” scenario, priority will be given to road transport
and its technologically highest form: express road of the features of
a motorway — especially in its tunnel effect. In this scenario, the
environment of the local roads will not benefit much, apart from the seven
cities. It is thus the scenario that is the most distant from sustainable
development and its environmental aspect.
It is at the same time a scenario of the highest development effectiveness,
consisting in multiple use of the concentration of economic and social
potential and diffusion of effectiveness onto the regional environment of
those seven cities, each of which has an impact and development zone of
its own.
It is associated with the potential possibility of developing by those
cities regional education centres in networking structures (e.g. Elbl¹g and
Gdañsk constitute a networking structure of schools of higher education
of both university and bachelor level).
All those cities and their regional environment are characterised by good
natural environment, which is a significant element of competitiveness
that has not been so far used to its full potential for marketing. All of them
also offer good location conditions and some of them (Gdañsk, Gdynia,
Szczecin, Elbl¹g) follow well the European tendencies for using post–
industrial areas of water orientation (”Waterfronts”).
Each of those cities is powerful and efficient enough to become active
beneficiary of European Union funds. S³upsk, Gdañsk and Gdynia are in
a potentially good situation because they influence the special economic
zones (S³upsk Special Economic Zone and Pomeranian Special Economic
Zone), which can and will be forced (as the European Commission is
against the protectionist national policies reducing competitiveness) to
transform into developed technological parks.
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Tomasz Parteka
3. Scenario III: A SACKFUL OF POTATOES — of an egalitarian
development of providing equal opportunities
The diagnosis of the delimited zone of VH corridor documents the level of
discrepancy between the regions and centres.
The adoption of the main objectives of European Union regional policy,
consisting in supporting of the most vulnerable regions, threatened by
marginalisation results in a different structure of support streams. As the
unemployment rate in the middle (Koszalin and S³upsk regions) and in
the eastern (Warmia and Mazury) parts is high, the main support will
come from the European Union Structural Funds.
It is necessary to select smaller centres in VH zone, which would play
the role of ”seed potatoes”, giving the effect of potato ”clusters”. It is in
fact the scenario of regional clusters that, entering into partner alliances,
are capable of creating development structures competitive to ”seven
frogs”.
The following will aspire to the role of regional clusters: Police, Gryfino,
Kamieñ Pomorski, Ko³obrzeg, Ustka, Bia³ogard, S³awno, Lêbork,
Wejherowo, Puck, Tczew, Nowy Dwór Gdañski, Braniewo, Ostróda, I³awa,
Mr¹gowo, Pisz, E³k.
This scenario is based on two durable values of those sub–regions:
• tourist and environmental values creating the settlement tissue of the
great European area of high values: Green Lungs of Poland — with the
view of development to the west in the form of the Green Lungs of
Europe;
• values of high quality farming products, where the following can
become competitive European products: milk and milk products
(¯u³awy, Warmia, Mazury) potatoes and potato products (Koszalin and
S³upsk area — as areas where potatoes of the highest agri–ecological
values are produced). It means return to the tradition of the regional
product of Central Pomerania in the 19th and 20th centuries.
This set of regional products can also include farm production of sea fish
in the Puck Bay and Vistula Bay and Oder Haff, just as salmon and cod
fish is produced in the Scandinavian countries.
4. Scenario IV: FLOCK OF PELICANS (E – region, INFOLOGIS) — of
a development of information market and knowledge–based economy
and logistics
This scenario is based on a step growth of the significance of information
technologies, which revolutionise the flow of information (knowledge
included), capital, goods and persons.
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
81
This revolution infiltrates both work and recreation and culture. The
information civilisation, of which we are both observers and actors must
be a part of regional development. We have to do with the yet hard to
define process of dematerialisation and virtualisation of regional
development. Just like the term ”sustainable development” became a part
of Polish language, so did the foreign: e–Europe, e–society, e–commerce,
e–business. In the circumstances, the terms e–region and e–gmina seem to
be justified as well. All those terms accompany the ”invasion” of ICT
technologies on the development processes.
Apart from traditional notions of regional, human resources, job, natural
resources, services, real estate markets, there has also appeared and is
beginning to dominate the information market. The essence of the problem
consists in the following:
firstly:
each of those regional markets is de facto a segment of the
global market, whose echo becomes louder and louder in the
development of each region;
secondly: the information market is not just a mono–functional market,
it penetrates other markets although the application of
innovative technologies of information management creates
a business niche of its own, mainly in the following areas:
strategic business consultancy, electronic business, business
processes management and information technology solutions.
Which segments of regional economy will be under a special impact
pressure of information and information technology factor ? It will surely
be the business area, then — job market, the whole area of research,
innovation and education, as well as some elements of technical
infrastructure (transport, power supply, and mainly telecommunications).
Regional information society is one segment of ”E – region”. The other,
equally important, is knowledge–based economy.
Human resources who either acquire that knowledge or have it are the
condition for participation in the knowledge–based economy. This obvious
truth has its relevance to the following three types of institutions:
• higher education centres, which educate both knowledge–based
economy managers and corporate staff;
• research and new technologies implementation centres, on which
progress depends;
• knowledge transfer and popularisation centres, and knowledge users
in production processes that play a key role in the mechanism of
knowledge ”pumping and suction”.
We are talking, of course, about institutions and their potential and not
about the mechanisms of learning, innovation absorption, efficiency of
research processes.
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Tomasz Parteka
The two segments mentioned above will create the new regional job
market. The operating principles of that market remain the same, but the
content changes. Job market is based on relations of employers and
employees. The employers create demand for certain professions and
qualifications. To meets the employers’ requirements, the employees must
adapt to the new job markets. The problem that regional growth will have
to tackle will be development of such an innovative formula that will create
new professions providing for employment of not only a small part of the
regional society (the elite) but also the majority, which does not limit, but
stimulates the growing demand for education. But there will still be special
demand for higher education and post–graduate lifelong education.
This new formula of job market will be characterised by a growing
dematerialisation of work and breaking the physical location bond of the
company and the employee’s job–site.
The development of the forms of tele–working means:
• improved productivity;
• improved flexibility;
• commuting time savings;
• reduction of individual transport environmental impact;
• decreased transportation load;
• decreased energy consumption;
• higher level of family safety.
Tele–working is conditioned by the existence of telecommunications
infrastructure, competitive prices of telecommunications services included.
Logistics is also a product of globalisation. It develops very intensively
in terms of transfer of chains of supplies depending mainly on information
flow — regulating the supplies terms and conditions (dates, transaction
costs). The logistics and supply chains and co–operation will also include
cargo processing in the form of commercial products going to the shots
and recipients. Logistics centres of three types will be the elements of that
system:
• regional logistics centres of big scale, grouping various types of cargo,
companies and networking connections of cluster character. The centres
will also provide services conditioning flow (e.g. customs–related
services) and services (e.g. for dispatchers);
• logistics centres of big transportat–logistics organisations (e.g. Rabben);
• logistics centres of port orientation (sea and air).
For E — region to function, two border conditions of modern transport/
communication system must be met. The system includes:
• telecommunications infrastructure providing for general fast and easy
access to the Internet, telephone and mobile telephone connections;
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
83
• road infrastructure of both basic connections and local network enabling
access of container trailers and road vehicle of axis load meeting EU
standards.
In this scenario we will have to do with a big cluster of regional relations,
in which the seven cities will be the main sub–clusters (vide ”seven frogs”
scenario), and the complementary sub–clusters will be constituted by
logistics centres of transport–logistics orientation. The main (steering)
regional cluster will develop a grid of complementary virtual connections.
The regional innovation system will be qualitatively the highest tier of
the network. Modern innovations acquire the features of a networking
and integrated process. The challenges of competitiveness result in aiming
at shortening deadlines, increase in the effectiveness of the introduction
of new technologies and products. Integration of innovation processes takes
place already at the level of a company, whose aim is to manufacture
a new product. But the capabilities for developing such a new product
depend not on the company but on co–operation organised in a network–
like manner, which acquires the features of more regional than sectoral
systems.
A new idea is not enough for a new market need, or a matching or even
artificially created social need to be met. The idea must be supported by
technical capabilities. The way from a new idea to a market product leads
through:
• research and development;
• prototype production;
• implementation;
• marketing and sales.
A common feature of innovation lies in its network–wise organised location
is. Innovation flow (diffusion) takes place in concrete, networking–wise
organised space. It is a network of intellectual contacts in the form of
technological knowledge, which is transferred within a corporate area of
a defined level of development. The relations can take the form of regional
concentrations (e.g. the European ”Blue Banana”).
Innovation transfer is not possible if there is not a similarly organised
innovation input in another place. In this way innovations are absorbed,
qualitatively multiplied and market used in closed, regional networking
structures. Virtual innovative product does not require any specific
geographical location but a material innovative product has its
geographical orientation (e.g. production of microprocessors). In this sense,
we can talk about regional innovation systems:
(a) virtual innovation regions (concentration of knowledge and information
flows);
(b)material innovation regions (concentration of products based on
knowledge and information).
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Tomasz Parteka
The objective function is the distinctive feature of a regional innovation
system (RIS). It is the development of entrepreneurship and innovation in
the region to achieve permanent competitive position. The objective can
result from the need to restructure and transform the region (e.g. the region
of traditional farming into an innovative region).
References:
• Dutkowski M., 2002, Via Hanseatica Transportation Corridor Impact
Zone, Office of the Pomeranian Region President, Gdañsk.
• Kiciñski K., Kud³acz T., Markowski T., Ziobrowski Z., 2002, Integrated
Development of Agglomerations and Competitiveness of Polish Space,
Studia KPZK PAN, Vol. CXI.
85
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
EXAMPLE OF CONDITIONING SCENARIO
A MULTI-FACTOR ANALYSIS
Attachment 1 „Seven frogs” scenario” variant of making use of strengths
and opportunities and reducing weaknesses and threats
Elements of VH
Corridor
Possible states and
processes
National road No 6
Freight flow
Passenger flow
Technical condition
Modernisation and
extension
National road No 7
Freight flow
Passenger flow
Technical condition
Modernisation and
extension
National road No 16
Freight flow
Passenger flow
Technical condition
Modernisation and
extension
Railway line
Szczecin –
Kaliningrad
Freight flow
Passenger flow
Technical condition
Modernisation and
extension
Railway line Elbl¹g –
Olsztyn
Freight flow
Passenger flow
Tri-City
Technical condition
Modernisation and
extension
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Increase /
Improvement
No change
Decrease /
Worsening
Tomasz Parteka
86
Natural and cultural
environment
Szczecin
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Natural and cultural
environment
Koszalin
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Natural and cultural
environment
S³upsk
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Natural and cultural
environment
Elbl¹g
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Natural and cultural
environment
Olsztyn
Economic and
service potential
Job market
Living standard
Natural and cultural
environment
Source: based on M. Dutkowski, 2002.
Conditioning scenarios on regional impact assessment...
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
External conditions affecting
the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
1. Waterways connecting the harbour with the hinterland and other ports.
Current status
1.1. Fairways of the Vistula Bay
Ensuring access to the system of seabound and inland waterways, which,
in turn, connect the harbour with the hinterland and other ports, is the
condition sine qua non for the reactivation of the Elbl¹g harbour. There
are two waterway systems that could serve the above–mentioned
purpose:
• sea fairways connecting Elbl¹g via the Vistula Bay with Kaliningrad,
the Bay of Gdañsk and the Baltic Sea;
• inland waterways connecting Elbl¹g with the delta and Lower Vistula
fairways and, furthermore, with the Oder fairway system via Brda, the
Bydgoszcz Canal, the canalised Noteæ and Warta.
The Vistula Bay is the natural waterway connecting Elbl¹g with the Baltic
Sea. These inland sea waters form the second greatest lagoon water body
in the South Baltic area. The Bay is approximately 100 km long and its
greatest width is 11 km. The Polish portion of the Bay is 40 km long and
approximately 9 km wide (following the coast line from Suchacz to
Przebrno). The smallest width is approximately 7 km following the coast
line from Krynica Morska to Tolkmicko. Natural depths decrease moving
from the north–east to the south west.
The Vistula Bay freshwaters are separated from the Gdañsk Bay by the
Vistula Bar. The north eastern part, which belongs to the Russian
Federation, is called the Kaliningrad Bay. It naturally connects to the Baltic
through the Pillau Straits being the starting point for the fairway, which
bifurcates:
• to the South forming the 32 km long Baltiysk–Kaliningrad branch;
• to the West forming the 68 km long branch from Baltiysk to the
Szkarpawa river mouth at Os³onka; the western channel connecting,
amongst others, to the Elbl¹g port has been neglected for more than
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
50 years now. Before World War II, it was 4,5 m deep. Currently, the
depth of that fairway portion varies from 2 to 4 m.
Throughout the entire post–war period, the Baltiysk–Szkarpawa fairway,
seeing as there was no economic justification (the border was closed), was
considered the main waterway of the Vistula Bay. It has now become clear
that the fairway branch connecting to the Elbl¹g port plays the main role,
while the Western segment from the Elbl¹g beacon to Os³onka is of
secondary importance. The main fairway measures 60 m to either side
from the central line and is more than 3 meters deep over a distance from
the national border to the Tolkmicko beacon. Between the Tolkmicko beacon
and the western pierhead, the waterway is only 2 to 2.5 m deep. Out in the
river, depths exceed 3.5 m. From this it can be seen that access to the Elbl¹g
port from the foreground direction is blocked by the waterway segment
from the Tolkmicko beam to the western pierhead. Depths in the segment
between Elbl¹g and Os³onka do not exceed 2 to 2.5 m. Approach fairways
to the Bay’s ports in Frombork, Tolkmicko, Krynica Morska and K¹ty
Rybackie branch off from the main waterway. These fairways fail to reach
3 m in depth over their entire distance. These ports, however, except for
Krynica Morska, have piers or ship–mooring stations with a depth of 3.5 m.
All this justifies the statement that the fairway depths constitute the
primary limitation for the desired sea–going vessels to access the Elbl¹g
or other Vistula Bay ports. Aids to day–time navigation in the Polish
portion of the Bay and on the river are of a good European standard.
Making if fit for navigation 24 hours per day will not be expensive. The
river bend and the Nowakowo pontoon bridge are the limitations of the
Elbl¹g river for ship length and breadth. The maximum allowable ship
length and breadth is 100 m by 22 m.
1.2. The Jagiellon Canal–Nogat–Szkarpawa–Dead Vistula waterway
The above–mentioned waterway connects the Elbl¹g and the Tri–City ports,
which are important elements of Elbl¹g’s foreground for the following
reasons:
1. Elbl¹g is coming once again to be an important co–operation centre for
the shipyard industry, including the Gdañsk and Gdynia shipyards.
This is reflected, amongst others, by the Gdynia Shipyard group
shareholdings in many Elbl¹g companies. The above–mentioned
waterway has greatly contributed to the process since it has enabled
easy and cheap transport of over dimensional ship elements directly
from the production plant in Elbl¹g to the shipyard.
2. The Tri–City ports are convenient points of dispatch for goods
originating in Elbl¹g areas to destinations outside Europe, where the
required tonnage is greater than the one permitted in the Elbl¹g port.
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89
For the above–mentioned reasons, the condition of the Jagiellon Canal–
Nogat–Szkarpawa–Dead Vistula waterway or, alternatively, of the Elbl¹g
river and the Vistula Bay (as mentioned above)–Szkarpawa–Dead Vistula
waterway is of primary importance for providing access to the Elbl¹g port.
The Nogat and Szkarpawa rivers are currently classified as class II
waterways, which means that their:
• minimum guaranteed depth is greater than 1.3 m;
• average navigational depth is 1.6 m;
• fairway width is 40.0 m.
In practical terms, the navigational depths vary from 2 to 2.5 m. The
Gdañska G³owa and Przegalino locks also meet the class II requirements,
which include a 60 m length, a 9.6 m width and a 2.5 m deep lock sill. The
Jagiellon Canal fails to meet these requirements, since its navigational depth
is not greater than 2 m (against 2.5 m required for a class II channel).
Furthermore, the existing gate, which is out of use, limits the maximum
height of a cargo–loaded vessel. Hence, it happens that cargo must be
carried to Gdynia and Gdañsk through the Elbl¹g and Szkarpawa rivers.
The parameters of Vistula, over the distance between the Gdañska G³owa
and Przegalino locks and Dead Vistula, which form the final waterway
segment, are even better, which could qualify the fairway as class III or IV.
By and large, the waterways allow unrestricted passage of craft used for
inland navigation in Poland, the only limitation being ice and periodical
lock repairs.
1.3. The Nogat — Vistula waterway
The Nogat and the Vistula connect the Elbl¹g port with the domestic
hinterland and, using the East–West waterway system, with the Oder
which provides a connection with the German and West European
waterways. As mentioned earlier, the Nogat is a class II waterway, which,
despite its four locks, allows unrestricted navigation of standard craft,
primarily those used on inland waters. Vistula meets the requirements
over a distance of 718 kms. Further southwards, the river is rated as a class
I waterway in good weather and provided that the W³oc³awek dam
discharges appropriate amounts of water. The ability to use the above–
mentioned waterways for transport services should be considered in terms
of the potential demand in the Kaliningrad district for transport services
using inland waterways to and from Poland as well as further westwards.
It is now difficult to estimate the future demand, since the above–mentioned
route is still dead. This is caused not only by the technical reasons
mentioned above but also due to the lack of any promotional activity. The
haulage of forage from Che³mno on Vistula to Kaliningrad attest to the
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
above statement. Although the river conditions often force one to lighten
the barges at the Elbl¹g port, one can expect that the positive economic
results of this undertaking will attract other shippers. Thus the Elbl¹g port
potential will become an important factor to activate haulage on Vistula
and, presumably, on the Vistula–Oder route, which is not directly connected
with the problem of availability of the Elbl¹g port. Still, the condition of
the port and the potential for changes may become important in the future.
The above assessment of this issue seems to be reasonable There seems to
be a good reason for the above assessment (based on: A. Jacewicz,
B. £uczak, S. Szwankowski, 1995).
The Bydgoszcz–Piek³o Vistula section
The existing river engineering structures date back to the end of the 19th
century. Due to a lack of funds for maintenance, its technical condition
has steadily been deteriorating, particularly over the last several years.
The main stream depth is still sufficient but shoaling over a distance of
200 to 400 m has become more common, particularly in the Che³mno area.
It should be assumed that maintenance dredging of approximately 15 to
20 thousand m3 and regular repairs to the river engineering structures over
a distance of 115 km will be required each year.
The Vistula–Oder waterway
The existing navigation locks and the bed parameters on the Brda, the
Bydgoszcz Canal and the canalised Noteæ generally meet the requirements
for a class II waterway. The greatest problems are connected with the
existing shallow sections and some excessively tight river bends.
Furthermore, some bridges are too low. The free flowing Noteæ and Warta
meet the 1.7 m depth condition for average river flows but, for below–
average and low flows, their depths may even fall to 1.2 m, which would
require vessels to navigate short–shipped. In spite of non–compliance with
the formal parameter requirements in some cases, only small modernisation
is required to permit 500–tonne barges to navigate these waterways. These
works include:
• the earthwork and dredging of approx. 500 thousand m3 of material;
• fascine and stone bank stabilisation over a distance of approx.
100 thousand m2;
• minor repairs to steel and concrete structures;
• the electrification of lock drives.
There is a conflict of interest between the shipping and farming industries
as regards the canalisation of Noteæ. It is necessary to combine forces to
regulate water conditions in the river valley. The liquidation of the
External conditions affecting the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
91
Krostkowo backwater and the reduction of the water level at the Nowe
stage should be taken into consideration. However, this would involve
the completion of a large dredging project. As farming production becomes
more intensive, more expenditure for land improvement will be required.
The Oder and a Berlin connection
The existing lower Oder and the Oder–Berlin waterways’ parameters are
sufficient for the navigation of vessels which require class II waterways.
Currently, both Polish and German shippers use these waterways.
Despite the current slowdown, one should prepare for growth when
the economy picks up in the future. The major political and economic
changes in Eastern Europe and Poland will arouse the West’s interest in
co–operation with the former Soviet Union states. This entails a boost in
trade and the ensuing necessity for the efficient transit through Poland.
Intensive work has started to extend the road and railway system
connecting the West with the East. The possibilities for water transport
development have been analysed in terms of incorporating waterways
into the above–mentioned system.
Economic analysis shows that inland waterways become cost–effective
and competitive with other means of transport if they have at least class
IV parameters under the European classification system, which means that
the minimum water depth is maintained at a level allowing safe year–
round navigation of barges with a capacity of 1500 tonnes, which are
connected in push tows with a capacity of 3000 tonnes. The achievement
by the Elbl¹g port of the class IV waterway standard would be very
desirable to ensure safe navigation in the direction of Berlin. The class IV
waterways must meet the following technical conditions:
•minimum depths
– river
2.8 m
– canal
4.0 m
– at lock sills
4.0 m
• fairway widths
– river
60 m
– canal
50 m
– minimum bend radius:
800 m
• lock chamber dimensions
– length
190 m
– width
12 m
• above–water clearance
– bridges
8.0 m
– high–voltage power lines
12.0 m.
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
It is impossible to reach the above–mentioned parameters using the
classical regulation methods, since this would require huge, costly and
long–term investments to canalise all the rivers and modernise the entire
Vistula Bay–Berlin waterway. That would be economically unreasonable,
if these waterways were to be used solely for shipping activities. Such
investments should be considered in terms of multipurpose,
comprehensive projects carried out for common goal, which would give
them enough potential for the achievement of the desired waterway class.
Such an investment could be the proposed construction of a power cascade
on Lower Vistula. The project envisages the construction of 8 water dams
between Warsaw and the estuary, which would allow the generation of
approximately 4200 GWh of electric power per annum. Each stage would
be fitted with a navigation lock. The economic analysis has proved the
undertaking to be cost–effective, but it has met with great resistance of
environmentalists who claim that it would interfere with the currently–
stabilised natural environment. Furthermore, projects of such magnitude
require long–term capital investment and, consequently, fail to attract
greater interest from potential investors. It should be noted that the
construction of the above–mentioned cascade is the condition sine qua non
for the Kaliningrad–Elbl¹g–Berlin waterway to achieve the class IV
standard. However, until the project is undertaken, one could take steps
to reconstruct other sections of the above–mentioned waterway.
The Vistula–Oder connection is another waterway that requires total
reconstruction, involving the construction of 17 new navigation locks and
40 bridges. The amount of earthwork was estimated at approximately
26 mln m3.
The Oder is another issue and the extension of this waterway to achieve
the class IV standard is considered in the context of connecting Silesia
with Szczecin. Germans, when preparing their projects involving the
“Mitteland Canal/Laba–Havel Cabnal/Lower Havel waterway” and
Oder–Havel and Hohensaaten–Friedrichstaler waterway”, considered
modernisation that would allow one to navigate 110 m long motor barges
and push tows 185 m in length, 11.4 m in width and 2.8 m in draught.
To recapitulate, it should be noted that the activation of Elbl¹g
connections with the hinterland waterways system and Western Europe
depends on whether the conditions on Lower Vistula, Warta and Noteæ
improve. Research shows (A. Jacewicz, B. £uczak, S. Szwankowski, 1995)
that in order to ensure, in the long–term future, the cost–effective use of
waterways in the Elbl¹g region and make them competitive with other
means of transport, at least class IV standard parameters under the
European classification system will be required. Such an undertaking
would demand great capital inputs and, therefore, It does not seem to be
feasible before 2010.
External conditions affecting the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
93
However, one may use existing opportunities locally, on individual
waterway sections, including different segments along the above
mentioned route to Elbl¹g and ports of the Kaliningrad district.
2. Investment areas to improve access to the port
Using the potential opportunities of the Elbl¹g port requires ensuring access
to it for the following tonnage groups (K. Luks et al., 2000, p. 72):
a) cargo shipping:
• sea–river going vessels with a capacity of 2–3 thousand DWT, their
length being 120 m, breadth 12 m, and draught up to 3 m;
• small sea–river going vessels with a capacity of up to 600 DWT, with
a maximum draught of 2.8 m;
• push tows with a cargo carrying capacity of up to 1000 tons, their length
being 80 m, breadth 9 m, and draught 2.5 m;
b) passenger traffic:
• sea–going catamarans and car & passenger ferries with a length of up
to 120 m, breadth 20 m and draught up to 3 m;
c) yachting:
• sea–going yachts with 8 to 10 crew members, with a length of up to
15 m and draught of 1.6 to 2.0 m;
• sea–going yachts with 5–6 crew members, with a draught of 1.6 – 2.0 m.
For the above–mentioned yachts, the Elbl¹g port is already fully accessible
through the Pillau Strait. One should, however, be aware of the fact that
the calling of such yachts to Elbl¹g without the possibility of using ports
and marinas on the Vistula Bay (Nowa Pas³êka, Frombork, Tolkmicko,
Piaski, Krynica Morska, K¹ty Rybackie) may be only incidental in character.
Hence, the accessibility of the Elbl¹g port is of much lesser importance
than the adaptation and promotion of other ports. Particularly, this refers
to the north–eastern portion of the Vistula Bay, where natural depths
(outside fairways) exceed 2 m. Sailing along fairways is not an attraction.
Thus the sailing issues are not the subject of this research.
In order to ensure access for the above–mentioned cargo and passenger
vessel tonnage groups, investments must primarily include the main
Vistula Bay waterway between the Polish border and Elbl¹g as well as
Nogat and Szkarpawa waterways. The adaptation of fairways is of primary
importance. Ensuring a minimum depth of 3.5 m along the entire distance
permanently is at issue. Much has been already done in this regard. In
a practical way, dredging is required over a distance from the Elbl¹g beacon
to the point of entry to the Elbl¹g river (app. 3 km). In order to create safe
navigation conditions for vessels and push tows with a length of more
than 100 m, it is necessary to cut the Elbl¹g river bend at Nowakowo. This
task was planned for the year 2000, during river bank protection works.
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However, for some reason this was never done. Fully sufficient and modern
are navigational aids for daytime traffic, which can easily be adapted for
night–time operation at low cost. By and large, the adaptation of the
waterway to the above–mentioned requirements will not be much of
a problem and may be carried out within a single year if only the project is
completed efficiently, and within 2 years, if it is done as usual. On the
other hand, it is pointless to take actions aimed at ensuring navigation in
the ice season, despite the fact that shippers called for that for the first
time ever last winter. The pointlessness of such an undertaking is not
only connected with the large costs but primarily with the fact that the
Russians would not undertake such actions on their portion of the Vistula
Bay. Hence, access to the Elbl¹g port from the direction of the Baltic would
be impossible. Winter–time maintenance of the waterway would be
reasonable provided that a canal across the Vistula Sand Bar is constructed.
Necessary investments on the Nogat–Szkarpawa waterway should be
considered in the following two aspects:
a) as an inland waterway connecting Elbl¹g with the Tri–City ports;
b) as an alternative exit to Baltic from Elbl¹g.
Regarding a), the current status of this fairway allows one to navigate
typical Polish vessels used for inland navigation. If the parameters of the
above–mentioned waterway do not change in the future, the investment
outlays could be retrenched to bank protection, periodical dredging and
repairs to the locks in Gdañska G³owa and Przegalino. This seems to be
realistic, since longer push tows could be disconnected to could pass
through the locks. However, it does not seem reasonable to carry out
expensive reconstruction works for the needs of larger push tows. The
current and the anticipated traffic of inland navigation vessels between
Elbl¹g and the Tri–City does not support the above–mentioned idea. From
the economic point of view, it would be more justified to manage the Nogat
and, primarily Szkarpawa river banks, for tourist and yachting purposes
(eg. a marina on Królewiecka Vistula).
Regarding b), making Szkarpawa an alternative waterway for sea–going
vessels seeking exit from Elbl¹g to Baltic will require:
• the construction of an entrance to the Vistula cross–heading, which is a
much more costly investment than the entrance built in Górki
Zachodnie;
• the construction of a new lock in Gdañska G³owa whose capacity
envisages the future vessel tonnage;
• dredging the waterway section from the Elbl¹g river estuary to the
Szkarpawa estuary;
• the regulation of the lower portion of the Vistula in order to catch the
river carried bottom debris (J. Kuliñski, M. Kuliñski, 2000, p. 92);
External conditions affecting the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
95
• dredging Szkarpawa to a depth of 3.5 m and straightening the
Szkarpawa line significantly.
It is clear that the outlays will be considerably higher than the previously
estimated 40 million USD required for the construction of the canal across
the Vistula Sand Bar.
The construction works should include:
• a canal which is 1300 m long, 40 m wide and 5 to 6 m deep;
• a lock which is 180 m long, 24 m wide and 5 to 6 m deep;
• entrance breakwaters on the seaward side;
• a fairway on the Bay starting at the Elbl¹g river estuary.
The required depths from the seaward side occur at a distance of approx.
50 from the banks. Research carried out by the Maritime Institute shows
that there is no threat of bank erosion following the breakwater
construction. The bottom debris movement at the planned canal site is
three times less than that at the Northern Harbour and ten times less than
that at the Hel area. The canal would shorten the distance from Elbl¹g to
the Gdañsk and Gdynia ports by approximately 50 mW against the route
via the Pillau Strait. Unlike the above–mentioned route and unlike the
Szkarpawa waterway, the canal would allow one to maintain safe
navigation conditions irrespective of season since, in this case, icebreaking
activities would be possible. Access to the Russian waterways lies in the
hands and depends on the possibilities of the Russian maritime
administration, which until that date has failed to raise funds to provide
navigational aids to the Russian portion of the Vistula Bay. As far as
Szkarpawa is concerned, the canal means that ice will need to be broken
over a distance several times longer than the section from Elbl¹g to the
planned canal exit. Hence, only such an investment would provide a year–
round access to the Elbl¹g port from the sea.
3. The political conditions which affect access to the Elbl¹g port —
freedom of navigation through the Russian portion of the Vistula Bay
The Elbl¹g port, unlike any other Polish port, has experienced the negative
effects of political conditions every year since 1945. This situation has its
origins in the foreign policy; however, there were periods in the history of
internal policy, when no attempts were taken to alleviate the above–
mentioned negative foreign policy but, on the contrary, these negative
effects were reinforced by the sovereign domestic decisions. The USSR
ignored the 1945 pact with Poland, under which Polish vessels were
guaranteed freedom of navigation through the Russian portion of the
Vistula Bay and the Pillau Strait. This eliminated Elbl¹g as a sea port and
opened the way for its total liquidation. In a practical way, the use of the
existing port infrastructure was limited to the handling of the inland fleet.
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
Consequentially, when other infrastructures were built, the needs of the
sea–going vessels were not taken into consideration. After a 9 m high
railway bridge over the Elbl¹g river was built, the majority of existing
quays has become inaccessible to higher vessels. Simultaneously, even the
«formal» maritime attributes of Elbl¹g were liquidated. The Harbour
Master’s Office was moved to Tolkmicko and the Elbl¹g river lost the
inland–sea–water status. Under such circumstances, one can perceive the
maintenance of the maritime status for the Vistula Bay and the ensuing
maintenance of good working order of navigational aids on this water
area as a success of the years from 1950 to 1989. The above–mentioned
state of affairs only complicated actions, which were taken in the new
political and economic situation to activate the port after 1990; it also
resulted in the faulty municipalization and privatisation of the assets
located within the port area. The process took place when the port was
formally non–existent and devoid of any management. No other Polish
port was in such a situation. Where there was no management, these
functions were taken over by the Maritime Office, which is the territorially
competent maritime administration authority. All other local ports included
harbour master’s, customs and border–crossing offices. In Elbl¹g, a border–
crossing had to be created, the harbour master’s office had to be restored
and the managing organ had to be appointed. The latter was possible after
the Ports and Sea Stations Act came into force in 1996. Simultaneously,
changes in political relations and market laws have increased the demand
for the Elbl¹g port services which shortly exceeded the turnover of 600
thousand tons. There was a great chance for this turnover to be maintained
in the subsequent years if the government did not act. Yet–again the
political factor exerted its negative influence. Regardless, the need for the
port and for the improvement of access to it is now unquestionable. What
has been done to date?:
a) all legal–administrative structures appropriate for seaports are in place;
b) the waterway has been restored to a condition, which allows for the
safe navigation of vessels with a draught of up to 2 m, and up to 3 m
over most of the distance (including the port area);
c) the modernised pontoon bridge in Nowakowo has parameters that
allow for the navigation of vessels whose length is approx. 100 m and
breadth 20 m;
d) the navigational aids comply with the European standards and can
easily be adopted for the needs of night time navigation.
However, it will be political factors that will primarily decide on whether
and how the Elbl¹g port is used and how effective the previously completed
projects are. Necessary decisions still belong to the political domain, since
all the facts and knowledge of the subject fully support the economic sense.
External conditions affecting the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
97
These decisions include:
a) obtaining the approval of the Russian Federation granting the freedom
of navigation of merchant vessels and sports boats flying other than
Polish or Russian flags;
b) the construction of a canal across the Vistula Sand Bar.
Contrary to the common opinion, these goals are not opposing but they
are complementary instead. Traffic through the Russian portion of the
Vistula Bay and the Pillau Strait is not an alternative route to the canal and
the construction of the canal should not be considered as the manifestation
of Polish autonomy in its relations with Russia. Allowing vessels flying
third party flags to navigate the Russian portion of the Vistula Bay would
ensure full access to the Elbl¹g port and facilitate connections to other
ports in East Baltic states. The canal across the Vistula Sand Bar would
shorten the way to Tri–City and West Baltic ports. It would contribute to
the development of the Gdañsk–Sopot–Gdynia conurbation by reinforcing
the influence of this conurbation on the Vistula Sand Bar and rural districts
located at the Bay. Only the completion of both above–mentioned goals
would create conditions for the full use of the Bay and the Gdañsk Bay
amenities, thereby meeting the European Union standards. From the
economic point of view, there are also benefits for the Kaliningrad district
of Russia. The Bay is an enclosed area and it is natural that every
investment, which improves its access to the sea is beneficial for all. The
most quantifiable benefits for the Russian party include fees for the pilotage
of foreign vessels. Furthermore, the removal of barriers would attract
foreign investments to places located at the Bay. The second exit from the
Bay is very likely to reinforce this effect. The above–mentioned arguments
need to be presented to the Russian party and it should be stressed that in
a few years the Kaliningrad district will exclusively border member states
of the European Union.
4. Desired research directions
In the last decade, there has been much research on how to use and develop
the Elbl¹g port and how to use the Vistula Bay. This research bore fruit in
the form of the current organisational, legal and material status of the port
and water region. It seems well–motivated to continue research in the
following directions:
1) regarding the port and the Bay:
a) the needs and possibilities of the activation of ports located at the
Vistula Bay;
b) the management of Nogat and Szkarpawa for transport purposes;
c) the environmental impact and the financial & economic analysis
for the construction of the canal across the Vistula Sand Bar;
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Krzysztof Luks, Dariusz Waldziñski
d) the expected conditions and possibilities of development of coastal
trade and the Bay navigation;
2) regarding inland waterways connecting Elbl¹g with the hinterland and,
possibly, with Western Europe:
a) the possibility of the modernisation of the Vistula waterway;
b) the purposefulness and conditions of the modernisation of the
Vistula–Oder waterway;
c) the needs and conditions for the activation of ports and inland
navigation on the Vistula–Oder route;
d) the role of waterways in alleviating the burden to the roads used
for wheeled transport in the context of changes that take place in
railway transport.
The latter aspect deserves special attention. The progressing liquidation
of railway connections contributes to an ever–growing burden on the Polish
roads not only in respect to long–distance transport but also local haulage.
Lack of continuity of compliance with the technical standards on
waterways causes the inland navigation to become a local shipper only.
However, this situation can be easily improved at relatively low cost and
quickly, and the waterways could become an important local development
factor for places located along them, with some co–operation on the part
of the central and local governments.
It would also be desirable to investigate the possibilities of the
management of the Vistula waterway for transport purposes, especially
northwards of W³oc³awek. Hydrotechnologists are unanimous that in the
coming years it will be necessary to solve the problem of the W³oc³awek
dam, which has significantly contributed to the worsening of navigation
conditions on the Lower Vistula. The currently prevailing views include:
1. the liquidation of the dam;
2. the construction of another dam at Nieszawa.
Without analysing this controversy in detail it should be noted that each
one of the above–mentioned solutions could improve the navigation
conditions so that the regular dredging range would be enough to reduce
transit depth fluctuations and make the lower Vistula an operational
waterway at least for the typical inland transport fleet. The gradual
improvement of water purity, which is connected with new sewage
treatment plants under construction, could also improve the tourist
amenities of this route. It seems well–motivated to carry out research to
investigate the opportunities that may arise.
External conditions affecting the development of the Elbl¹g harbour
99
References:
• Documents from Elbl¹g Port Authority.
• Documents from the Elbl¹g Harbour Master’s Office.
• Jacewicz A., £uczak B., Szwankowski S., 1995, Forecast for the
development of the Vistula Spit waterways and the possibilities of river–
sea transport development, Maritime Institute, Gdañsk.
• Kuliñski J., Kuliñski M., 2000, Zatoka Gdañska, Jerzy&Marco Kuliñscy,
Gdañsk.
• Luks K., £uczak B., Szwankowska B., Szwankowski S., 2000, Research
on the use and spatial management of the semi–enclosed and territorial
sea which falls within the authority of the Maritime Office of Gdynia,
Maritime Office, Gdañsk.
• Luks K., Szwankowska B., Szwankowski S., 1995, Forecast for economic
functions of the Elbl¹g port and landing places on the Vistula Spit.
Research by the Maritime Office, Maritime Office, Gdañsk.
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Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Development of new forms of co–operation
between the Tri–City and the Kaliningrad district
At the beginning of the nineties a new Baltic pattern for international
co–operation emerged. Within a period of more than ten years countries
around the Baltic Sea developed a dense network of governmental, non
governmental institutions and programmes. Though these new inter–
national structures, organisations and relations presently appear as early
integration forms they develop closer links and will in future further
consolidate relations between entities forming Baltic Europe.
Strong cultural and economic ties traditionally bind the area around
the Baltic. Trade and shipping on the Baltic were well developed in the
past. A sense of neighbourliness as well as certain common features of the
settlement structure remain present up to this day.
Political disruption for over 50 years starting from the end of World
War II was the reason for the exiguous co–operation in the area.
To the end of the eighties the Kaliningrad district was the most westward
stretching territory of the RFSRR, highly military in character and separated
from the motherland by republics being part of the Russian Federation, an
area treated as taboo issue as if it ”did not exist” on the political map. This
region underwent powerful changes at the verge of the eighties and
nineties. The disintegration of the USSR brought this region, which for
years remained a military enclave, back to light and to the centre of political
discussions. On Lithuania regaining independence, the district was cut
off from Russia first by one and next by several states (Latvia and Belarus).
The final isolation of the district took place on December 8th, 1991 with the
disintegration of the USSR.
The position of Kaliningrad is unique from the historical, economic
and geopolitical point of view. This former part of Eastern Prussia is
distanced 600 km from Russia to which it belongs. It is much closer to
Warsaw or Berlin than to Moscow. On the other hand the district is located
relatively close to highly developed regions of Western Europe. The region
features the status of a Free Economic Zone and since 1996 a Special
Economic Zone.
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The Kaliningrad district covers an area of 15.1 thousand km2, with
1692 km2 being part of the waters of Vistula Bay, Kaliningrad Bay and
Curonian Bay. The population of over a million inhabitants comprises 78.5%
(930 thousand) Russians, 8,7% Belarusians, Ukrainians 8,3%, Latvians 0,8%,
Poles 0,5% and Germans 0.1%1.
Economically, Kaliningrad was and is very important for Russia as it
supplied approximately 10% of fish production, 6% celluloid, 4% paper
(4 celluloid–paper plants), 100% amber (approx. 700 tons per year).
Exploitation of amber at the present pace in the area holding 95% of existing
resources should last for the next 300 years. Over one million tons of low
sulphur content crude oil was exploited per year. At present, 750 thousand
tons are mined annually. There are plans for exploitation of the sea bed
field D–6 located on the Baltic shelf. Other extensive, economically
significant resources include rock–salt, peat and mineral water.
Until recently, 10% of the district inhabitants earned their living in sea
related professions with a deep sea fishing fleet numbering 600 vessels
(A. Zbucki, 1997). As the region was strongly military and strategy oriented
several military production plants operated in the region producing navy
ships, space rockets engines, electronic equipment, optical equipment, etc.
Lack of military orders in the last few years meant problems in sustaining
these branches of industry. Lack of orders placed by the army in the last
few years have resulted in great difficulties in maintaining this branch of
industry. Only some plants managed to switch to non–military production,
others like for example OKB ”Fakel” found new target customer groups
offering their low power engines for American and French artificial earth
satellites.
The district had a relatively well developed transport system with port
of Kaliningrad, the only ice–free Baltic port directly linked with shipping
lines to Russian ports and other ports of Baltic States. Annual handling
volume of the port reached nearly 6 million tons, which is barely 1/3 of its
handling capacity.
The most important city of the district is Kaliningrad, with 46% of the
population and 60% of the industrial potential concentrated in the city
(G. Fedorov, V. Korneevets, 1996).
Geopolitical transformation of the nineties in the XX century, the gaining
of independence by Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and further development
of European structures eastwards have converted the effectively isolated
USSR Kaliningrad district – the Russian exclave neighbouring with Poland,
Lithuania and the Baltic.
1
Mladshiy syn Rossii – Kaliningrad, Kaliningrad 1996, p. 34 (statistic yearbook)
102
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Kaliningrad is located on the territory of Sambia, on the eastern bank
of Gdañsk Bay. On the opposite western bank lies the Tri–City Metropolis.
Gdañsk Bay with Vistula Bay and the nearby land are divided by a state
border of Kaliningrad district of the Russian Federation and the Republic
of Poland. Soon this will become the border between EU and Russia. These
developing centres on the opposite banks of Gdañsk Bay did not maintain
relations of any significance although they are distanced merely 150 km
from each other.
The co–operation between the Kaliningrad district and Poland takes
on two forms:
• as co–operation between Poland and the Russian Federation2 ;
• as cross border co–operation between Polish north–eastern voivodships
and the district.
This co–operation led to the establishment of a Polish–Russian Council
for Co–operation between the Regions of the Republic of Poland and the
Kaliningrad district3 , comprising 15 commissions (among others, on trade,
ecology, border crossings, finance, banking and insurance, agriculture and
food processing, self governments, education, transport and shipping,
power supply).
Since 1991, the date of signing the first understanding, the co–operation
begun covering not only the official sphere but also particular gminas,
towns, institutions and companies.
By the end of 1991, an agreement was signed between Kaliningrad
district and Olsztyn voivodship, in 1992 with the voivodships: Elbl¹g,
Suwa³ki and Gdañsk. The latter agreement foresees co–operation in
economy, trade, agriculture, banking, marine transport, international
communication, environmental protection, culture, science as well as sport
and tourism.
The General Consulate of the Republic of Poland was opened in
Kaliningrad in 1993, and in 1994 the consulate developed a Commerce
2
”Traktat miêdzy Rzeczpospolit¹ Polsk¹ a Federacja Rosyjsk¹ o przyjaznej i dobros¹siedzkiej wspó³pracy z dnia 22 maja 1992 roku [”Treaty on Friendly and
Neighbourly Co-operation between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation
dated May 22nd, 1992”].
3
Established on the basis of ”Umowa miêdzy Rz¹dem Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej a Rz¹dem
Federacji Rosyjskiej o wspó³pracy transgranicznej z dnia 2 paŸdziernika 1992 roku”
[”Agreement between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation on cross border
co-operation dated October 2nd, 1992”] and ”Porozumienia pomiêdzy Rz¹dem Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej a Rz¹dem Federacji Rosyjskiej o wspó³pracy pó³nocno-wschodnich
województw Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej i Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego Federacji Rosyjskiej
z dnia 22 maja 1992 roku” [”The agreement between the Republic of Poland and the Russian
Federation on co-operation between the North-Eastern Voievodships of the Republic of
Poland and the Kaliningrad district of the Russian Federation dated May 22nd, 1992”].
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
103
Department. The General Consulate of the Russian Federation has had
a seat in Gdañsk for many years. Reciprocal visits, conferences, exhibitions
started in 1993 in Kaliningrad and in Gdañsk, Elbl¹g, Olsztyn and Suwa³ki.
The Regional Parliament of the Olsztyn voivodship signed an agreement
on co–operation with the Kaliningrad district Duma in 1997, whereas the
Regional Parliament of the Gdañsk voivodship signed an agreement in
1998. These agreements referred to co–operation of territorial self
governments and enhanced economic co–operation.
An important event contributing to the breakthrough in Polish–
Kaliningrad relations after the period of restrained contacts (from 1996),
was the revival in 2001 of works conducted by the Council for Co–operation
between Kaliningrad district RF and the northern regions of RP. A session
held by this international body in Kaliningrad accounting for co–operation
on the local and regional levels created a framework for the work of
particular subject commissions.
In recent years, the voivodships established due to the newly introduced
administrative structure of Poland — the Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–
Mazurskie voivodships are of particular importance in the co–operation
with Kaliningrad. Interest in co–operation with the enclave is envisaged,
among others, in the agreement signed between the self government of
Warmiñsko–Mazurskie voivodship in 2001 and self government of
Pomorskie voivodship with the Duma of Kaliningrad district in 2002. The
agreement on co–operation of the Pomorskie voivodship focused on
developing co–operation of regional self governments, including exchange
of experience of self governments and information on regional and local
legislature/regulations governing business activity, including trade,
tourism, investments and functioning of free economic zones. The
agreement also concerned joint arrangements of visits, training sessions
for self governmental staff and mutual assistance in developing citizenship
society.
An agreement on co–operation, aimed at establishing and developing
economic and socio–cultural ties as well as developing conditions for
supporting contacts on the town, regional, poviat, gmina, businesses,
organisations and institutional level, was signed in the same period
between Pomorskie voivodship and the Kaliningrad district admini–
stration. The document specified such basic areas of co–operation as:
economy and in particular industry, agriculture, transport, as well as spatial
development, environmental protection, healthcare and social aid, fine
art, education, science, sport, tourism and further development of
citizenship society. It was also decided to exchange information on
development of cross border co–operation, municipal economy, prevention
of natural disasters and elimination of disaster consequences.
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Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
The agreement and dialogue between the regions, according to Vladimir
Yegorow — the Governor of Kaliningrad, is to develop a flyover between
Russia and the European Union.
By 1993, an agreement on co–operation was signed between the towns
of Gdañsk and Kaliningrad, Olsztyn – Kaliningrad, and in 1994 a similar
agreement was concluded between Gdynia and Kaliningrad. In 1996,
Krynica Morska and Baltiysk signed a partnership agreement. Bila–
teral agreements of self governments were also signed by Elbl¹g
and Kaliningrad, Elbl¹g and Baltiysk, Olsztyn and Kaliningrad,
Wêgorzewo – Czerniachowsk, Bartoszyce as well as Pionierski and
Bagriationowsk.
In 1993, an agreement was signed by the Voivodship Labour Offices in
Gdañsk, Elbl¹g, Olsztyn, Suwa³ki and Kaliningrad Regional Office Centre.
The establishment of the Kaliningrad district representative office seated
in Gdañsk, Poland and a representative Kaliningrad office in the port of
Gdañsk was an element of this co–operation.
The most important form of co–operation under the co–operation
agreement between Gdañsk voivodship and Kaliningrad district was the
Economic Baltic Forum SOPOT. The event gathered representatives of
economic and financial community, central, regional and local
administration from Poland and the Russian Federation. The seminars
included discussions on eliminating and abating business barriers. In result
of four forum sessions many individual relations were established and
lobbing undertaken to adopt solutions developed by the Forum.
Companies from the Kaliningrad district participated in the fair organised
by the International Gdañsk Fair S.A. and WTC Gdynia EXPO. Companies
of the Gdañsk, S³upsk and Elbl¹g voivodships had their presentations
during a fair organised in Kaliningrad.
Voivodship Labour Offices in Gdañsk co–operating with western
partners helped in developing labour centres dealing with employment
opportunities, counselling and social aid in Kaliningrad.
An example of co–operation on the local level with Kaliningrad district
is the collaboration of Starogard Gdañski and the Central Region in
Kaliningrad: annually arranged students, teachers exchange programmes,
self governmental authority visits and regularly organised meetings in
Starogard Gdañski called ”Starogard Gdañski — Kaliningrad Economic
Forum”.
In the cultural sphere, the leading co–operation animator is the Baltic
Cultural Centre in Gdañsk [Nadba³tyckie Centrum Kultury], higher schools
of education, primary and secondary schools collaborate with each other.
Recently, also non governmental organisations have been developing
relations.
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
105
The co–operation between Gdañsk and Kaliningrad under Baltic
Euroregion, termed by some ”Small European Union round the Baltic”,
facilitate interpersonal relations, develop closer youth relations, providing
an opportunity to learn more about the history and contemporary life of
one’s neighbours, to abate historical prejudice and contribute to improving
the life standard of the region’s inhabitants. The objectives also specify
developing steps towards sustainable economic development, co–
operation in municipal economy, natural environmental protection in
cross–border areas, developing favourable conditions for co–operation in
the field of healthcare, social aid and combating crime.
An important instrument in implementing Euroregion objectives is the
intensification of co–operation on spatial development in cross–border
regions, development of border crossing infrastructure, vocational and
language training — including learning the language of your neighbours,
scientific and cultural exchange, sport and tourism as well as protection
and care for the common cultural heritage. Support for actions aimed at
establishing co–operation between regional and local authorities is also of
significant importance.
Gdañsk and Kaliningrad co–operate with each other under many
initiatives and Baltic programmes such as the on Baltic Sea States
Subregional Co–operation Conference (BSSSC), Association of Baltic Cities,
VASAB 2010, Baltic Ports Organisation (BPO), Baltic Association of
Regional Development Institutions (BARDI), etc.
Since 1994, the commercial exchange between Poland and the district
has been developing. The growing trade exchange from USD 64 million in
1994 to 292 in 1998, after a slight decline caused by the crisis in Russia in
1999 to the level of USD 210 million, with the year 2000 showing a growing
tendency, exceeding, in the year 2002, 250 million USD.
The capital involvement of Polish small and medium sized enterprises
in the Kaliningrad district had key influence on developing the economy.
There are 575 Polish companies, i.e. approximately 32% of the overall
companies with foreign capital in the region. The majority deal in trade.
Voivodships directly adjacent to the district have opportunities to
implement local economic initiatives. For the last 10 years, the Baltic
economic forum has been held in Suwa³ki, attracting commercial and
industrial chambers as well as small and medium sized enterprises from
Kaliningrad district, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus and
Ukraine.
The exhibition organised in Kaliningrad by the Polish–Lithuanian
Economic Chamber of Eastern Markets, for the 7th time in 2003, took on
the nature of a Polish national exhibition with 280 exhibitors from Poland,
including 25 from Pomerania, 12 from Warmia and Mazury and 13 from
106
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Podhale, the exhibition was attended by 25 thousand including many
entrepreneurs from various parts of Russia. A number of contracts was
signed, among them, for export of canned vegetable and spices, assembly
of telephones, export of ball valves, etc. Areas where Polish companies
should invest, taking advantage of the Special Economic Zone benefits,
according to the Consul Zbucki, include production of pharmaceuticals,
baby food, disposable syringes, cosmetics, food stuffs, juices and frozen
food. Kaliningrad is also a huge market for Polish building companies.
In 2000, a decision was made to modernise the international transport
corridor I–A. A fragment of the national road No 22 running along this
corridor in the section Elbl¹g–Chruœciel–Grzechotki was embraced by the
governmental programme of adapting the Polish road network to European
standards. Presently, works are in progress on restructuring the viaduct
near Szylena and construction of bridges over the Pas³êka River in the
vicinity of Wielów and M³ynówka near Bemowizna. The whole section
Gdañsk–Elbl¹g — border crossing Mamonowo–Grzechotki, 114 km long
in all, is to undergo surface reinforcement (using ISPA funds). Conversion
of the road junction Elbl¹g Wschód, where road No 22 merges with
road No 7 Warszawa – Gdañsk, is projected. Completion of works on
modernising the corridor I–A is planned for the year 2005.
Poland proposes that the Kaliningrad district power system be upgraded
or developed to enable asynchrony linking to the Lithuanian or Polish
power system or provide connection of the district power system for
parallel operation with UCTE network via Poland or later Lithuania. This
would create technical conditions for Poland to sell energy to the district
and supply equipment and services to modernise the power sector in the
Kaliningrad district.
In view of the economic and political changes taking place in Poland
and the progressing integration with Europe and the world, regional
policies take on a new dimension. This is expressed by the modern
integrated approach to regional development. One of the key features of
this approach is stimulation of economic, scientific, cultural potential
through co–operation, dialogue and co–ordination of measures undertaken
by various players of the regional scene (internal integration) and (external
integration), resulting in the emergence of complex network systems.
An important phenomenon enhancing effective regional economy is
the metropolisation process, which progressing creates a co–operation and
interdependence network. This process involves institutions, social,
economic formal and informal relations, which take on varied forms:
partnerships, technological, financial and commercial alliances. Such
a variety of entities, areas, levels and trends in mutual interaction develops
a dense institutional network (J. Hausner, 2001), expressed not in the
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
107
number of organisations but in the intensity and quality of relations
between them. Institutions and events evoked by these institutions provide
the links in the network structure, which forms the grounds for
development and operation of a metropolis.
The new geopolitical situation created a favourable environment for
shaping the fundamentals of the new metropolis around the Gdañsk Bay.
The main centres of this bicentric metropolis would be Kaliningrad and
the Tri–City. A metropolis according to A. Kukliñski should be well founded
in its region, internally integrated; socially, economically, politically and
culturally, and concurrently should stimulate and develop a system of
external relations, opening new areas for co–operation and competition,
among others, in the framework of the European integration process. The
efficiency of such metropolitan networks depends to a large extent on the
degree of communication — information flow, as well as cohesion, i.e. extent
of common interest of the whole network and its elements (B. Ja³owiecki, 2001).
The present changes taking place on the banks of Prego³a both give
hope and to a certain extent give rise to concern. The contemporary
Kalingrad, which belongs to Russia, is subject to continuous change in
practically all aspects of life. Cut off from the world for tens of years it is
energetically making up for economic and cultural negligence. An attempt
to cut the city away from its past was a failure. It is now, in front of our
eyes, coming back to its roots though of different state and ethnic heritage
(J. Jasiñski, 1994).
In the past Królewiec held an important place in the history of Polish
culture particularly in the period starting from the XV to half of the XIX
century. The growing importance of Królewiec, as a community developing
a specific infrastructure for the development of intellectual culture, in 1544
saw the establishment of the University of Królewiec, commonly called
after its founder prince Albert — Albertina. One of the signs of this growing
significance was the development of printing houses and book houses.
Books in all languages used in the region were printed here — in German,
Polish, Lithuanian and even in old Prussian.
In the middle of the XVI century Królewiec boasted the printing of
more books than were printed in the whole of Poland at the time
(W. Chojnacki, 1961). The first Polish book appeared in 1544. The XVI saw
the printing of 104 Polish books in Królewiec (as compared to 297 in Latin
and 183 in German). In 1718, one of the first Polish newspapers appeared
— the weekly journal ”Poczta Królewiecka” [Królewiec Post], an initiative
which appeared in Warsaw several years later starting 1729 with the editing
of — ”Kurier Poland” [Polish Courier]. Also in the XIX century and the
first decades of the XX century 312 titles in Polish were published in
Królewiec (J. Jasiñski, 1996).
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Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
Many Poles studied at the University especially in the XVI and XVII
century. In 1744 283 out of a total of 1032 students came from the territory
of Poland, many from Gdañsk, Elbl¹g, Braniewo, Tczew, Malbork,
Grudzi¹dz, Toruñ, Olsztynek and E³k. The greatest among the Polish
students of the University of Królewiec was the poet Jan Kochanowski4 .
The masterpieces of, among others, Miko³aj Rej and Marcin Stryjowski
were printed in Królewiec and E³k.
During a period of four hundred years many remarkable representatives
of self governmental bodies and non governmental organisations,
representatives of administration, clergy, teachers and others, who played
a prominent role in the history of Pomerania got their university education
at the Albertina, among them was the prominent figure of Florian
Ceynowa5 .
The most famous figure in the history of Królewiec was Immanuel Kant,
in Gdañsk Jan Heweliusz, Artur Schopenhauer and Daniel Gabriel
Fahrenheit.
Contemporary Kaliningrad is an important Russian scientific and
academic centre. Scientific research is conducted in various fields. Special
attention is due to achievements of Kaliningrad scientists in the field of
radio astronomy and marine research with special focus on the Atlantic
Ocean and space technology with related production of plasma fuelled
engines for artificial earth satellites. Among 34 scientific institutions
operating in the area in the middle of the nineties there were five schools
of higher education, three civil universities teaching over 13.4 thousand
students. The following years showed a falling trend in the district’s
scientific potential.
The biggest, among today’s six schools of higher education, are the State
University of Kaliningrad (a decrease in the number of students from 5.1
thousand in 1991 to 3.9 thousand in the academic year 1995/96), the State
Technical University of Kaliningrad (a decrease in the number of students
from 7.1 to 2.8 thousand students) and the Baltic State Academy (a decrease
in the number of students from 3.4 to 1.2 thousand students).
Opening of new faculties and specialisations brought an increase in
the number of students. In the academic year 1998/99 their number
Other students included Jan Kochanowski’s brother Piotr, the son of Miko³aj Rej,
Erazm Gliczner, Jan and Jakub Niemojeski, Bieniasz Budny, Marcin Kwiatkowski, Stanis³aw
Sarnicki, who specialised in historical and geographical studies.
5
Among the better known are Reinhold Curicke — Gdañsk historiographer, Szczepan
Józef Gó³kowski — printer, publisher, opened the first Polish printing and book houses in
Pomerania, Daniel Gralath the Younger — rector of the Gdañsk Academic Gymnasium,
Jakub Teodor Klein — natural science expert, the founder of the Natural Science Society in
Gdañsk.
4
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
109
increased at the University to 9 thousand, to 5.3 thousand at the technical
university and at the Baltic Academy to 2.6 thousand with the total number
of students in 2001 exceeding 21 thousand.
Other schools of higher education include the Kaliningrad Law Institute,
the Higher Navy School and Kaliningrad Institute of Border Guards.
Recently, branches and consulting centres of, among others, the St.
Petersburg Agricultural University, Russian State Open Technical
University of Communication, Moscow International University of
Slavistics and International Institute of Economy have been opened in
Kaliningrad.
In 2001 research and development work had been carried out together
in 21 units employing over 2.4 thousand staff members (see Figure 1).
Fig. 1. R&D staff in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodships in 2000
Source: own studies based on: Szko³y wy¿sze i ich finanse w 2001 r., 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast
v tsifrakh, 2002.
In the year 2001, 20 schools of higher education operated in the
Pomeranian region. These schools are located in six towns: 10 in Gdañsk,
5 in Gdynia, 2 in S³upsk, l in Pelplin, 1 in Sopot and l in Kwidzyn (see
Figure 2).
The total number of students is over 78 thousand with 83% of the total
in Tri–City schools.
Education services are still dominated by public schools. Higher schools
of education teach specialists in practically all fields of knowledge. The
biggest higher school of education is the Gdañsk University with 24
thousand students, and Gdañsk University of Technology as second with
over 16 thousand students. Other schools include a Medical Academy and
110
250 17.800
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
35.350
52.900
70.450
Fig. 2. Graduates in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko-Mazurskie
voivodships in 2001
Source: own studies based on: Szko³y wy¿sze i ich finanse w 2001 r., 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast v
tsifrakh, 2002; F. Pankau, 2002.
Physical Education Academy, Fine Art Schools and pedagogical and art
schools.
The number of academic teachers in the Pomorskie voivodship
numbered nearly 5 thousand, with almost 850 teachers holding the degree
of assistant or full professor. The number of academic teachers per 10
thousand inhabitants in the region read over 20.
Among over 40 thousand students from the Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodship, nearly 4 thousand students are in Elbl¹g higher schools of
education (see Figure 3).
The presented examples of scientific research units round the Gdañsk
Bay indicate the big intellectual potential concentrated on a relatively small
area and located barely 150 km from each other. It is the co–operation of
universities, technical universities, research institutes such as the Maritime
Institute, Maritime Fishery Institute, AtlantNIRO, Maritime Academies,
Fine Art Schools, which provide an opportunity for developing a new
intellectual quality, which can become an important element in gradual
development of a new ”innovation metropolis concentrated round the
Gdañsk Bay” with two poles in Tri–City and Kaliningrad. This joint
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
111
Fig. 3. Students in the Kaliningrad district, Pomorskie and Warmiñsko–Mazurskie
voivodships in 2001
Source: own studies based on: Szko³y wy¿sze i ich finanse w 2001 r., 2002; Kaliningradskaya oblast v
tsifrakh, 2002.
”innovation metropolis concentrated round the Gdañsk Bay” should be
characteristic and competitive in the whole integrating Baltic Europe.
It is also necessary to include into this network such measures as the
newly established Pomeranian Science and Technology Park where
conditions for partnership in scientific and industrial co–operation are
being developed.
Traineeships, scientific exchange, student exchange, joint works and
research projects, scientific publications, transfer of advanced technology,
co–operation in technology, environmental protection, IT, biotechnology
and other scientific research disciplines based on knowledge are only some
potential forms and areas for developing mutual contacts and scientific
co–operation.
The effect of these joint efforts on both banks of Gdañsk Bay could result
in regional brand products characterised by a high degree of innovation,
unique solutions and attractive products for the industry. This should
generate a strong impulse for developing regional entrepreneurship,
stipulate restructuring processes in the regional economy and what follows
new jobs.
The developing of a new ”innovation metropolis round Gdañsk Bay”
may become a modal form of co–operation not only in the Baltic but also
in the European dimension. The methods here developed could be a ”model
laboratory” of co–operation between the European Union and Russia in
112
Tadeusz Palmowski, Renata Anisiewicz
the XXI century. The central location means that it is relatively close to the
commercial markets of Western Europe and Eastern Europe.
Development of the bipolar metropolis round Gdañsk Bay is an
opportunity for Kaliningrad and Russia6 . It also lies in the interest of Poland
and the European Union, which needs new regions for growth and
expansion eastwards.
The future bipolar metropolis should be a stronger innovation centre
than if it were the simple sum of potential of particular towns both on
a national and Baltic scale. The benefits of the bipolar pattern result from
the synergy effect of jointly using the same infrastructure, generating
a big market, fast circulation of capital, human resources, information and
products and depend on the degree of education, development and quality
of infrastructure.
Shaping of the metropolis region is a costly, complicated and long–
lasting undertaking. The inspiration and the co–ordination measures
should come from the state, self–governments and both domestic and
international private capital.
The new geopolitical situation integrating Europe, geographical
proximity, coastal location, relatively fair communication infrastructure,
development of border crossings, both land and marine crossings are the
presumptions indicating the special possibilities for developing cross–
border co–operation between north–east voivodships of the Republic of
Poland and the Kaliningrad district.
The presently developing cross–border contacts7 have just started to
initiate the breaking of mutual barriers and prejudice developing relatively
new, formal and informal personal relations between local societies.
Continuous efforts are necessary to lobby on behalf of Poland in
Kaliningrad and in other Russian territories and to lobby for Russia in
Poland. This necessitates intensification of co–operation of cultural
institutions like the press, the mass media, (radio and television)
publications, theatre exchange programmes (philharmonic, opera,
orchestra, musical bands), support of culture oriented education, etc. Also
non–governmental organisations face an important challenge in bringing
the societies together and assisting in developing a citizenship society.
Shall we take advantage of this opportunity generated by the new
geopolitical situation in this part of Europe? Will the new forms of
6
A number of features of a metropolis proposed by B. Ja³owiecki (2000), which are
already visible in the Tri-City. Kaliningrad does not show as many.
7
Cross-border co-operation under the Baltic Euroregion is one of the best developed
forms of co-operation.
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
113
international co–operation round the Gdañsk Bay break through the
ongoing inertia? Will the proposed model, one of the many forms of
regional integration contribute to better development of economy and life
standard of societies living on both banks of Gdañsk Bay so that under the
Baltic and European integration process this region is not driven to the
peripherals of international economic zone? To some extent this depends
on top level politics, but to a considerable degree it depends on of the
scientific, economic, cultural and organisational zest of local societies, in
other words from ourselves.
References:
• Bilczak W. S., Zacharow W. F., 1999, Ekonomika regionalna,
Wydawnictwo Wy¿szej Szko³y Informatyki i Ekonomii, Towarzystwo
Wiedzy Powszechnej w Olsztynie, Olsztyn.
• Biskup M., Wrzesiñski W. (eds.), 1993, Królewiec a Polska, Oœrodek
Badañ Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kêtrzyñskiego, Olsztyn.
• Chojnacki, W., 1996, Z dziejów drukarstwa polskiego w Królewcu,
Komunikaty Mazursko –Warmiñskie, No l.
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Schriften, No 17/1996.
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wieku, Oœrodek Badañ Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kêtrzyñskiego,
Olsztyn.
• Hausner J., 2001, Modele polityki regionalnej w Polsce, Studia
Regionalne i Lokalne, No 1(5), Europejski Instytut Rozwoju Regionalnego i Lokalnego UW, Warszawa.
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w Bia³ymstoku, Bia³ystok.
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Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa.
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(eds.) Kszta³towanie ³adu przestrzennego polskich metropolii
w procesie transformacji ustrojowej III RP, Biuletyn KPZK PAN, Zeszyt
193, p.15–32.
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Oblastnoy Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Statistiki, Kaliningrad.
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PAN, Zeszyt 199.
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podstawa budowania konkurencyjnoœci polskiej przestrzeni spo³eczno–
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•
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gospodarczej, Studia Regionalne i Lokalne, No 2–3(9), Europejski Instytut
Rozwoju Regionalnego i Lokalnego UW, Warszawa.
Mladshiy syn Rossii – Kaliningrad, 1996, Kaliningradskiy Oblastnoy
Komitet Gosstatistiki, Kaliningrad.
Pankau F. (ed.), 2002, Raport o stanie zagospodarowania przestrzennego
województwa pomorskiego, Pomorskie Studia Regionalne, Urz¹d
Marsza³kowski Województwa Pomorskiego, Gdañsk.
Parteka T., 2000, Planowanie strategiczne w równowa¿eniu struktur
regionalnych, Studia KPZK PAN, Volume CVIII, Warszawa.
Parteka T., 2002, Regionalistyka wobec nowych wyzwañ, Biuletyn KPZK
PAN, Zeszyt 200.
Plan zagospodarowania przestrzennego województwa pomorskiego,
2002, Urz¹d Marsza³kowski Województwa Pomorskiego, Gdañsk.
Serczyk J., 1994, Albertyna, Uniwersytet w Królewcu (1544–1945),
Oœrodek Badañ Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kêtrzyñskiego, Olsztyn.
Soldatos P., 1987, La nouvelle géneration des villes internationals,
Montreal.
Szko³y wy¿sze i ich finanse w 2001 r., 2002, GUS, Warszawa.
Województwo Warmiñsko–Mazurskie. Plan zagospodarowania przestrzennego, 2002, Urz¹d Marsza³kowski Województwa Warmiñsko–
Mazurskiego, Olsztyn.
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z Obwodem Kaliningradzkim Federacji Rosyjskiej [in:] J. Roc³awski,
G. Grzelak (eds.) Województwo Gdañskie 2000 plus. Strategia rozwoju,
Urz¹d Marsza³kowski, Gdañsk.
Development of new forms of co-operation between...
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Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
Improving urban competitiveness:
Polish–Russian co–operation on the example
of Gdynia and Kaliningrad
Introduction
One of the most visible aspect of political, social and economic transformation in Central Europe is establishing self–government. Decentralisation (transfer of duties and responsibilities to some important fields of
local activity) has started in Poland in 1990 by creating communes, as self–
government units at local level. Further decentralisation took place in 1998.
Growing range of responsibility and financial involvement of communes
revealed a need for possessing bigger territorial units independent of central government. Poviats and self–governed regions (voivodships) were
created. It was important step in the process of adjustment of Polish territorial administrative division to the structures of European Union, where
regions are main subjects of policy and support. Moreover, European Union
is often described as the ”Europe of Regions”.
A city in Poland doesn’t have special legal status as a self–government
unit. The position of the city in the Polish self–government system was
presented in the Figure 1. Bigger cities combine in its legal structure rights
and duties of communes and districts. It simplifies administrative structure and makes decision making process easier.
City and globalisation
The city is a spatial concentration of people and their activities. Reasons of
city locations evaluated in time and have been dependant on many different factors. In the middle ages, main locational factors were military,
trade or even religious origin, while, since the 19th century the industry
has become decisive factor influencing the process of formation of the new
settlement system.
City could be treated as a system. Being a system, city is also a functional part of higher rank of regional system. In such a system, cities are
nodes of main economic and social activities. Å. E. Andersson (2000, p. 3)
defines nodes as ”a city or a city region homogenous enough to be seen as
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Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
Fig. 1. City in Polish self-government system
Source: own studies.
an economic entity that interacts with other nodes”. These nodes are connected to its region with economic, demographic, social, cultural as well
as psychological links (J. Beaujeu–Garnier, G. Chabot, 1971, p. 478).
Internal structure of the city encloses many subsystems being immanently linked, ensuring adequate level of quality of living for the urban
society. Moreover, the city as an opened system is linked with other cities,
being the base for the economic development of the region and country.
Urban space encompasses activities of many different subjects with
different targets and goals, generating externalities and economies of scale. The city could be seen as a permanent scene of conflicts which are solved with participation of many agents. Their activity creates a ”network”
that enables improved flow of information and knowledge. Such unpriced sharing of information, knowledge and technologies between agents
and places (presented on Figure 2) creates spillovers, which are kind of
dynamic externalities. ”Spillovers are unpriced because sharing and
exchanging them occurs informally, not through established market mechanisms” (A. J. Krmenec, A. X. Esparza, 1999, p. 270).
Present situation of cities in Central Europe is strongly affected by two
powerful trends: European integration and globalisation. European integration was initiated as a political process after decomposition of central
planned economy but with very specific economic consequences. From
the other side, globalisation seems to be rather economic process, however strongly transforming political, social and cultural sphere of urban
Improving urban competitiveness: Polish–Russian co-operation...
117
Fig. 2. The city as a network of interacting agents
Source: R. Camagni, 2002.
life. The process of globalisation could be seen in some new aspects, being
one of the most important determinant of creation a new external environment for Baltic cities.
Most important characteristics of that process are:
• decreasing role of national governments due to decentralisation and
regionalisation in EU countries;
• growing importance of transnational companies, having the power to
substantially transform the regional or even national economy,
• exceptional opportunities for mobility of people and information —
different modes of fast and efficient transport, the Internet giving almost unlimited opportunities for informational flows;
• unification of legislative, administrative, social and economic environment.
What is the influence of globalisation on the cities, especially those located in Central Europe? One of the effects of decentralisation is growing
economic power of many regions and cities with abilities to attract new
companies and residents. From the other side, diminished significance of
national government leads to increase of competitive pressure at a local
and regional stage. Cities and regions aiming to maintain of their competitive advantage, try to develop network of partnership co–operation. At
last, as Ph. Kotler says that ”globalisation leads to greater specialisation of
regions and places” (Ph. Kotler, et al., 1999, p. 20). Higher specialisation
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Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
creates better opportunities for further development and more effective
usage of possessed resources. However such specialised local economy is
very sensitive for any sudden shift in global dimension and very dependant on external factors.
As it was underlined before, one of the way of improving competitiveness is development of international co–operation with other foreign partners — cities. The advantages of such co–operation are as follows:
• improvement in flow of information, experience, people and capital;
• making a solid base for future EU projects;
• increased potential of institutions inside the city (and improvement of
their competitiveness);
• higher level of education;
• improved touristic product of the city.
Sometimes the international activity of the particular city is a separate
value and could be effectively used in marketing strategy. The image of
”the opened city” plays an important role as a new location factor for foreign investments. Potential awards could be used in promotional purposes, being an ”unique selling proposition”, an element that differentiates
particular city from its competitors.
Gdynia
One of the most active Polish city in the sphere of international co–operation is Gdynia, city established in 1926 as a competitor for Gdañsk and its
harbour. Within few years Gdynia has become main industrial and trade
center of northern Poland. Nowadays Gdynia presents itself as a modern
city, being part of Tri–City conurbation — the urban structure with almost
1 million inhabitants. Gdynia is a maritime industry centre (three shipyards) with modern seaport which is place of intensive investment and
economic and spatial transformation. Strong industrial profile is represented mainly by private sector of small and medium enterprises. The
total number of firms is about nearly 30 thousands, of which only 1,3% are
public ownership. Such level of advancement of private ownership in economic sector is one of the few reasons that gives Gdynia leading positions
in all ranking of city attractiveness in Poland. While position of industrial
sector is stabile, the service sector exploded in last years. From four banks
in 1990, banking sector has grown to 127 banks in 2003. Companies investing in Gdynia find very friendly environment with significant numbers
of universities and research institutes like Sea Fishery Institute, Sea Research Centre of the Polish Academy of Sciences and Tropical and Maritime
Disease Institute. Cultural offer of the city is very wide, and some cultural
events are very well known abroad. Gdynia is also attractive destination
thanks to its ferry connection with Karlskrona in Sweden (which is also
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Improving urban competitiveness: Polish–Russian co-operation...
Gdynia’s twin–city). 365 thousand passengers were carried by this comfortable mode of transport in 2002.
International co–operation of Gdynia
An important part of the process of European integration at the urban
level is international co–operation of Gdynia. Twin cities of Gdynia were
presented in Table 1.
Tab. 1. International activity of Gdynia
Year of establishing
No
City
Country
co-operation
1
Plymouth
Great Britain
1976
2
Kiel
Germany
1985
3
Aaalborg
Denmark
1987
4
Kotka
Finland
1988
5
Karlskrona
Sweden
1990
6
Kristiansand
Norway
1991
7
Brooklyn
USA
1991
8
Baranovichi
Belarus
1993
9
Klaipeda
Lithuania
1993
10
Kaliningrad
Russia
1994
11
Seattle
USA
1994
12
Liepaja
Latvia
1999
13
Kunda
Estonia
2001
Source: internal data of Gdynia City Hall.
Great significance of international involvement of the city is exhibited
in the newly passed Development Strategy of Gdynia where priorities of
strategic development were divided into three main spheres: Space, Gdynia Citizens and Economy. Place of international cooperation has been
shown in the Figure 3.
Basing on analysis of the Strategy, main goal of international activity of
Gdynia is to be well prepared to the integration with European Union. It
greatly determines the strategy of international co–operation of the city.
Main partners are other cities located in EU membership countries, or
willing to join EU in the first group of countries — candidates in may 2004.
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Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
PRIORITIES OF STRATEGIC DEVELOPMENT
SPACE
GDYNIA’S CITIZENS
ECONOMY
Revitalisation of the city
center
Supporting the economic
activity
Companies of maritime
economy
Development of urban
districts
Improving of citizen’s
activity
Setting up a transport
node
Urban transport system
Services realised for
residents
Efectiveness of Gdynia’s
economy
Families of Gdynia
people
tourism
Natural and landscape
strenghts
Urban space
management
Culture
Institutional cooperation
Within Tricity
conurbarion
Process of european
Integration
Physical culture and
sport
Fig. 3. Place of international co-operation in Development Strategy of Gdynia 2013
Source: own studies.
Gdynia is member of international organisations like Union of Baltic
Cities (since 1991) and Euroregion Baltic (since 1998). It co–operates also
with Baltic Chamber of Commerce Association. International involvement
of Gdynia has been awarded with Golden Stars of Twinning Award (1995),
Council of Europe Flag of Honour (1996), Council of Europe Plaque of
Honour (1998) and at last Europe Prize awarded in 2002 by Council of
Europe.
History of twinning link between Gdynia and Kaliningrad has started
in May 1994. During Europartenariat official contacts between municipalities had been set up. Few months later, in October 1994 declaration of
co–operation was signed, and finally in July 1997 agreement of co–operation between two cities was established. Kaliningrad, similarly to Gdynia
was greatly involved in international co–operation. It is member of Union
of the Baltic Cities since 1991, and Euroregion Baltic since 1998. European
awards for Kaliningrad includes Council of Europe Flag of Honour (1999)
and Council of Europe Plaque of Honour (2002). Kaliningrad developed
many international links, which was presented in Table 2.
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Improving urban competitiveness: Polish–Russian co-operation...
Tab. 2. International co-operation of Kaliningrad
No
1
2
3
Cities
Elbl¹g, Olsztyn, Gdynia, Gdañsk, Toruñ, Bia³ystok,
Zabrze, Racibórz
Vilnius, Kaunas, Panevezys, Klaipeda, Siauliai
Rostock, Kiel, Bremerhaven, Berlin-Lichtenberg
District
Country
Twin-cities common
with Gdynia
Poland
Lithuania
Klaipeda
Germany
Kiel
Aalborg
4
Aalborg
Denmark
5
Kalmar
Sweden
6
Lipepaja (informal)
Latvia
7
Cork
Ireland
8
Scherbourg
France
9
Norfolk
USA
10
Southampton
Great Britain
Liepaja
Source: own studies.
Co–operation between Gdynia and Kaliningrad could be seen in following spheres:
• education and science (students exchange between schools, scientific
and didactic cooperation between Maritime Academy in Gdynia and
Baltic State Academy of Fishery Fleet in Kaliningrad, fishery resource
management in Gdañsk Bay and Vistula Bay — Sea Fishery Institute in
Gdynia and AlantNIRO in Kaliningrad, fish processing — Sea Fishery
Institute in Gdynia and NPO Rybtechcenter in Kaliningrad);
• sport and tourism (Twin Cities Competition in Gdynia organisd in 1993,
Tallship Races, Gdynia – Kaliningrad Hydrofoil — summer season of
1997, Gdynia – Baltiysk ship connection by ¯egluga Gdañska, regular
bus and train connection Kaliningrad–Gdañsk–Gdynia);
• experience exchange of selfgovernments, social and municipal institutions, NGOs (especially humanitarian aid where Gdynia is an organizer of aid from private sector);
• culture (BALTICA 2000 – congress of NGOs organised as an event of
Gdañsk, Gdynia, Sopot, Tczew and Rumia for their twin cities, ”No to
Ecological Danger!” — children of Gdynia and Kaliningrad drawing
competition on board of Kruzenstern in Gdynia);
• co–operation within UBC and Euroregion Baltic (multirateral projects:
International Integration Camp for Children, 1999 and United Against
Drugs, 2000, both granted by Phare CBC, where Gdynia played role of
organizer and coordinator).
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Ewa Depka, Marcin Wo³ek
Further co–operation and mutual benefits from it are severly reduced by
political influence of EU enlargement. Polish cities are preparing to maximize positive effects of integration in field of technical infrastructure, ecology and landscape improvement, local economy, etc. Willing to maintain
its competitive advantage in Pomorskie voivodship and in Poland, Gdynia has to concentrate its international activity around opportunities that
integration is going to bring. From the other side Kaliningrad will still
remain 190 km far from Gdynia, but since May of 2004 it will be placed
beyond east European border. That’s why international co–operation with
Kaliningrad would face such serious problems in forthcoming years like:
• unstable situation on the Polish–Russian border (visas, long queues);
• different EU founds for co–operation for Polish and Russian side;
• different economic levels of the cities’ limit the international contacts
and participation in EU projects;
• too many foreign partners to co–operate with, what results in uneffective usage of human resources;
• language (as a barrier for especially younger citizens of Gdynia).
References:
• Andersson Å. E., 2000, Gateway Regions of the World — an Introduction [in:] Å. E. Andersson, D. Andersson (eds.) Gateways to the Global
Economy, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham/Northampton,
• Beaujeu–Garnier J., Chabot G., 1971, Zarys geografii miast, PWE,
Warszawa.
• Camagni R., 2002, On the Concept of Territorial Competitiveness:
Sound or Misleading? Urban Studies, 39, 13.
• Kotler Ph., et al., 1999, Marketing Places, Financial Times Management,
p.2.
• Krmenec A. J., Esparza A. X., 1999, City Systems and Industrial Market Structure. Annals of American Geographers, No 89 (2).
Improving urban competitiveness: Polish–Russian co-operation...
123
Natalia Klimenko
The role and methodology of territorial zoning
in the course of spatial planning development
in the Kaliningrad district
In accordance with an operational Spatial-planning Code of the Russian
Federation, the Territorial Complex Scheme of spatial planning development of a subject of the Russian Federation (such as Kaliningrad district,
in particular) and its parts (the TKS) represents the integrated planning
document that fastens together different aspects (and directions) of socioeconomic and environmental development of a region in its spatial expression during prospective term. The general target of the current TKS is
working out of a regional spatial development strategy up to 2030 which
provides environmentally sustainable and economically competitive development of Kaliningrad district in the course of co-operation between
Russian Federation and the Baltic Sea region countries.
Development of the TKS so as the Scheme of territorial zoning as a part
of it is within the framework of the Department of Architecture and Spatial Planing at Kaliningrad district Administration (see Figure 1).
Considering an exclave position of Kaliningrad district, its spatial development planning implements on the basis of coordination of federal,
regional and international interests. It guesses acceptance of a regional
strategy which, from one side, realizes spatial policy of the Russian Federation as well as corresponds a regional development strategy and, from
another side, coordinates to spatial development strategies of neighbouring countries (first of all Poland and Lithuania).
The purposes of the Kaliningrad district spatial development up to
2030 are:
• assistance of transnational integration of a region with other Baltic Sea
region countries;
• creation of a balanced system of moving;
• improvement of the quality of inhabitability medium in peripheral districts; diversification of small cities economy;
• creation of an optimum network of natural and cultural landscapes;
formation of a large-scale integrated zones of ecological stability of
a region;
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Natalia Klimenko
• development of a region infrastructure of tourism and its integration to
tourism infrastructure of the Baltic Sea region;
• creation of an effective facility of protection of water environment and
near-shore areas of Vistula and Kuronian Bays against contamination;
• technical improvement of transport communications and public transport system; decreasing of negative influencing of transport on environment;
• development of the power supply system; maintenance of power safety of a region.
Above listed purposes will be realized on means of perfecting of the system of moving, territorial zoning and functional organization of a region,
and engineering and transport construction of a terrain.
Territorial zoning represents a tool of perfecting of functional organization of the Kaliningrad district on means of installation of regional
priorities, requirements and limitations of land-use development at
implementation of spatial-planning activities. The regime of land-use, established by the Scheme of territorial zoning, is a legislative and methodological basis for:
• opening-up of town-planning tasks for different levels of spatial planning documentation;
• opening-up of the requirements, guidelines as well as assessment of
branch plans and programs that will be realized in a region (i.e. consideration of capabilities of transport and engineering infrastructure arrangement);
• opening-up of the sanctions on demarcation of land;
• working out of the feasibility report of accommodation of the investment projects.
Territorial zoning assures the spatial-planning conditions for decision of
following tasks of federal, regional or local significance:
• socially and environmentally sustainable so as economically effective
development of a system of moving that provides suitable differentiation of an impact on any different functional unit of terrain;
• conservation of wild and weakly disturbed natural complexes in size
and quantities that ensure reproduction of regional genetic fund and
self-regulation of environmental systems as a basis of the Baltic ecological network;
• conservation of natural landscapes, its ecological functions and aesthetic character, providing public demand in various kinds of recreational land-use;
• conservation of essential amount of land suitable for agricultural
production, increasing of its fertility.
The role and methodology of territorial zoning in the course...
125
Territorial zoning represents the model of mutual development of a regional system of moving (the urban framework) and a system of natural
complexes (the natural framework).
Sustainable functioning of such a model presupposes the environmentally optimal structure of spatial planning. That means mutual location
and essential sizes of urban, agricultural and natural zones in a way that
provides sustainable functioning of natural landscapes and its components,
conservation of wild and weakly disturbed elements of bio-diversity, effective development of settlements function.
Spatial-planning structure of the Kaliningrad district realizes the concept of ‘polarized landscape’ that combined contradictory interests of environment protection and further economic development. The principle
point of a structure is concentration of harmful impact within relatively
limited urban areas providing natural self-regulation on territories relatively distant from urban centers.
The procedure of territorial zoning of the Kaliningrad district presupposes:
• considering the amount and type of zones essential to be distinguished;
• determination of zone boundaries in accordance with current elements
of a territory (frontiers of land-tenures, administrative boundaries,
river valleys, configuration of transport and engineering infrastructure,
etc.);
• development of land-tenure regime on the territories of distinguished
zones, recommendations on its optimization, zone features.
Zoning is a widely used approach in which various parcels of land are
designed for certain uses. Spatial analysis of mutual development of an
urban and natural framework allows to draw the scheme of territorial zoning that consists of (see Table 1, Figure 1):
1. Agglomeration core (Urban zone) — city with more than 20 thousand
inhabitants and its suburban zone.
2. Conservation zone — zone of natural reserves and natural restricted
areas.
3. Agricultural zone.
4. Recreational zone and its restricted area.
5. Specialized and military zone.
As a rule, zones divide into sub-zones where is a considerable variation of
land-use intensity and environment transformation:
126
Natalia Klimenko
Tab. 1. The scheme of territorial zoning
Urban zone
Conservation zone
Agricultural zone
Recreational
Specialized
zone
zone
Sub-zones:
Sub-zones:
Sub-zones:
Sub-zones:
Urban
Urban
Urban
Urban
Conservation
Gulf water protection
Fishery facility
Agricultural
Agricultural
Perspective reserves
Recreational
Recreational
Conservation
Source: own study.
Urban zone (7 ) of cities with more than 20 thousand inhabitants is a territory of intensive urbanization and land-use mainly intended for building
and development of city functions. City development initiates sprawl (suburban zone) — territory of 0.5-hour transport accessibility that composes
with sprawl core a single social, natural and economic whole. Suburban
zone designed for development of agricultural production, recreational
zones, land reserve for development of urban functions, green and conservation zones. The scheme of the Kaliningrad district territorial zoning
realizes the concept of ‘bicentral model’ of regional system of moving. In
accordance with this model in the Kaliningrad district have formed two
compact urban zones:
• Zone of active urbanization (Kaliningrad agglomeration) — well-developed
polycentral agglomeration with a core in Kaliningrad city; the zone
consist of countryside and settlements (towns, estates and villages) that
are spatially and functionally united with Kaliningrad city development. 73% of regional inhabitants are living here, 86% of them are urban.
• Zone of potential urbanization (Chernyakhovsk–Gusev agglomeration) — linear bicentral spatial system which is based on two potential points of
growth — sub-regional multifunctional city Chernyakhovsk and industrial city Gusev subordinated to it1 . Demographic and economic
growth of this zone is considered as a purposive scenario of regional
development because of it importance for increasing social and economic attractiveness of eastern periphery of a region.
1
In accordance with research conducted by Kaliningrad State University, during next
15-20 years the Kaliningrad district will not have any internal demographic resources even
to develop Chernyakhovsk city up to the range of subregional center. Current population
of Chernyakhovsk city accounts about 47 thousand people, while in accordance with rangesize rule subregional center in Kaliningrad district should account at least 100 thousand
people.
Source: Department of Arcitecture and Spatial Planning of Kaliningrad region Administration (Russia)
Fig. 1. The scheme of territorial zonning of Kaliningrad region
The role and methodology of territorial zoning in the course...
127
128
Natalia Klimenko
Conservation zone (Ð) consists of protected natural reserves and ecologically sensitive areas of special conservation, scientific, cultural, aesthetic,
recreational and resort significance which are partially or in full withdrawn
from economic circulation and designed for intensive conservation of nature, self-rehabilitation of natural complexes. There are prohibited any
kinds of economic activity or exploitation of natural resources that cause
considerable disturbance of natural landscapes. Amalgamation of all wildlife reservation to united spatially uninterrupted system is the only effective way to manage sustainable development of the Baltic sea region. This
network of wildlife reservations, including migration waterways, facilitates an equilibrium in nature-urban system. Besides restricted land-use
regime in wildlife reservations its also necessary to optimize the current
state of river channels (limitation or restriction of some kinds of activity,
drainage melioration, timber exploitation, etc.). Current network of natural reservations represented by the National Park „Kurshskaya kosa” and
8 reserves. In total it occupies 1591.7 km2 or about 12% of a regional terrain. Beside the National Park, the only land-use restriction in 8 reserves
is temporal ban of hunt. Thus conservation regime on the territory of reserves is rather formal.
Agricultural zone (C) consists of lands of agricultural, fishery and timber exploitation significance. It predominantly designed for agricultural
production and location of food production plants.
Recreational zone (P) consists of protected areas that possess considerable recreational and aesthetic potential, resort and therapeutic resources
suitable for organization of resort and sanatorium complexes, recreation,
tourism, sport activities. Resort complexes require establishment of an okrug of sanitary protection. There is prohibited location of objects that do
not relate to development of recreation, activities that cause environmental contamination and degradation of resort and recreational resources.
There are limitation for location of industrial and agricultural sites.
Specialized zone (Cneø) consists of territories intended for special kinds
of activity such as military training ground and defense.
The balance of territories illustrate the table 2.
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The role and methodology of territorial zoning in the course...
Tab. 2. The balance of territories in the Kaliningrad district
General balance of territories
Total
Agricultural
Urban
100%
63%
4%
Conservation
22%
Area of gulfs
11%
Balance of agricultural territories
Total
100%
(Ñ) Agricultural zone
49%
(Óñ) agricultural sub-zone within Urban zone
21%
(Ïñ) agricultural sub-zone within Conservation zone
26%
(Êñ) agricultural sub-zone within Recreational zone
4%
Balance of urban zones
Total
(Ó) Urban zone (Agglomeration zone)
100%
67%
(Óó) urban sub-zone within Urban zone
21%
(Ïó) urban sub-zone within Conservation zone
14%
(Ñó) urban sub-zone within Agricultural zone
4%
(Êó) urban sub-zone within Recreational zone
10%
Balance of conservation territories
Total
100%
(Ï) Natural reservations
46%
(Ïï) perspective natural reserves
36%
(Ïó) urban sub-zone within Conservation zone
10%
(Óð) recreational sub-zone within Urban zone
2%
(Ïð) recreational sub-zone within Conservation zone
5%
(Êï) conservation sub-zone within Recreational zone
1%
Source: own study.
130
Tomasz Michalski
Tomasz Michalski
The enlargement of the European Union
vs. epidemiological safety
(case study of the northern aspect of the integration)
Introduction
The 1970s were a period of great euphoria — it seemed that very soon all
infectious diseases will be under control. Unfortunately, in the last twenty
years the threat of such viruses as e.g. Influenza; Hantaan, Seul, Rift Valley fever, Junin, Machupo, Lassa fever, Marburg, Ebola, HIV, HTLV (cf.
P. Haggett, 1994) has significantly increased. Initially, this resulted in great
social agitation, especially in relation to HIV (M. Sznajderman, 1994).
Now people have already become accustomed to their constant
presence, in the same way as in the Middle Ages, leprosy was taken for
granted. It does not mean, however, that these diseased are no longer
a problem.
Until recently Africa was regarded to be the most important region affected by HIV/AIDS. Nowadays Eastern Europe and Central Asia are considered to be areas where the threat of HIV/AIDS emerges the fastest (this
area is approximately equivalent to the former USSR). According to UNAIDS data, in 2002 there were estimated 250 000 new infections, bringing
the number of people living with HIV/AIDS to 1.2 million. The epidemic
has claimed the lives of 25 000 people in this region (Eastern Europe ...,
2002). Besides, it is an area not only of a high HIV/AIDS incidence but
also of STD, STI and other social diseases such as tuberculosis or viral
hepatitis. The expansion of European Union to the East will result in the
fact that it will directly border on the countries of a very bad reputation in
that respect (Russia, Belarus, Ukraine). Furthermore, three countries of
the former USSR (also with a very high incidence of these diseases) with
become part of the EU.
The purpose of the present study is to present the situation with regard to the aforementioned diseases, particularly HIV/AIDS. Secondary purposes are suggestions for actions aiming at limiting the negative
influence of these diseases on the integration processes in this part of
Baltic Europe.
The enlargement of the European Union...
131
HIV/AIDS Specifics
HIV/AIDS infection may take place through (J. Juszczyk, A. G³adysz, 1992):
1. Sexual contacts with an infected person.
2. Exposure to infected blood and its products.
3. Infection of a fetus by an infected mother.
There are several ways of spreading HIV/AIDS through sexual contacts,
of which the most important remain sexual contacts between homosexual
men (MSM), sexual contacts between bisexual men and women, and using the services of FSW. A particular population exposed to this type of
HIV/AIDS infection is prisoners. At the initial stage, MSM dominated
among the sexual way of HIV infection. Yet, relatively soon a heterosexual
way of infection became dominant. In the second half of the 1990s about
5–10% of new HIV infections were transmitted in this way. Regions with
an increased threat of MSM way of infection are: North America, parts of
Latin America, most of Eastern Europe, Australia and New Zealand (AIDS
and MEN who have Sex with Men, 1998). Bisexual sex and MSM in prisons are inseparable from MSM as a way of spreading HIV/AIDS. Prisons
have always been an important way of spreading STD, STI and HIV/AIDS
among men. Additionally, inmates belong to groups of an increased risk
of infection with other social infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and
viral hepatitis (Prisons and AIDS, 1997). However, in recent years heterosexual sex has become a dominant form of HIV/AIDS transmission through
sexual contacts. Initially, the main way of transmission of infection was
via bisexual men, but nowadays it is no longer a rule. This way of HIV/
AIDS transmission dominates in regions where sexual liberty is widespread
with a simultaneously low level of awareness of protection. These are
primarily (interior) Africa, and, to a lesser extent, southern Asia and Latin
America. A substantial group particularly exposed to infection via this
way are FSW and children prostituting themselves. Also in this case countries of the former USSR take a lead among those threatened by this way
of infection — this is because of a synergic effect between sexual liberty
(including using FSW services) and IDU (C. M. Lowndens and others,
2003).
The second place (the first one in the analyzed part of Europe) is occupied by infections through exposure to contaminated blood and its products. Here infections among IDU dominate. The danger lies in the fact that
FSW are also frequently among IDU (e.g. in Moscow every tenth prostitute is HIV positive). At the beginning of HIV/AIDS epidemic there were
also many infections in health care institutions. For instance, in the former
USSR in the first years of the spread of HIV/AIDS (years 1988–1991) 266
infections (as much as 39.5% of all reported cases) took place in this way
132
Tomasz Michalski
(J. Juszczyk, A. G³adysz, 1992). At present, this way is of a minimal significance.
The situation in the region
The downfall of the communist system resulted in an economic crisis and
the loosening of social discipline in most countries of the region. Both
processes brought about the appearance of a number of social pathologies
in post–communist countries, especially of the former USSR (A. Whiteside,
A. Renton, 2002).
The Russian Federation is experiencing an exceptionally steep rise in
reported HIV infections. HIV epidemics have been discovered in more
than 30 cities and 86 of the country’s 89 regions. Up to 90% of the registered infections have been attributed officially to injecting drug use, which
reflects the fact that young people face high risks of HIV infection as occasional or regular drug injectors.
A particularly bad situation is predominant in large cities (St. Petersburg,
Moscow, Irkutsk) and Kaliningrad. HIV/AIDS epidemic is spreading
primarily in large Russian cities. Risky behavior and drug abuse are conducive (it is estimated that over 2/3 HIV carriers in Russia are IDUs, probably as much as 1% of Russian population are IDUs. Obviously,
this percentage among young men is much higher). From among
average cities, a particularly bad situation takes place in Kaliningrad
(N. Mashkilleyson, P. Leinikki, 1999). The city’s function of a ”Russian
gateway” is conducive. This results in the fact that the structure of HIV/
AIDS positive persons is different from the one in Russia (in 2001 as many
as 30% of the infected persons in the district are FSW). The first HIV infection in Kaliningrad was reported in 1988 (which means just after the first
reported HIV case in the Soviet Union – Moscow 1987).
Reported HIV incidence is rising sharply elsewhere. In Estonia reported infections soared from 12 in 1999 to 1474 in 2001. (In relation to the
population size, Estonia now has the highest rate of new HIV infections in
this region — 50% higher than the Russian rate).
A rapidly growing epidemic is also visible in Latvia, where new reported infections rose from 25 in 1997 to 807 in 2001, and where a further
308 new HIV cases were registered by the end of June 2002.
The other Baltic State, Lithuania, is experiencing a major HIV outbreak
in one of its prisons, where 284 inmates (15% of the total) were diagnosed
with HIV between May and August 2002. This confirms the important,
though often overlooked, role of prisons in the spread of HIV in many
countries of the region (Eastern Europe and Central Asia, 2002).
Drug users are the most serious threat in all countries (the situation is
typical of Europe), sexual contacts are in the second place (primarily
133
The enlargement of the European Union...
through using FSW services). For instance, in Estonia (in 2001) the number of IDU infected with HIV was estimated at 15–30 thousand people
while FSW at 3–5 thousand and MSM at 1–2 thousand.
Diagnosis (quality of statistics)
An essential issue making it almost impossible to thoroughly analyze the
spread of HIV/AIDS, STD, TB and other social diseases is a very deficient
state of medical statistics, particularly in Russia. It is obvious that during
an economic crisis less money is pumped into health care systems (regardless of the model of its financing). The first measure a system takes is
to cut the number of preventive actions (which later results in an increased
disease incidence, and thus high expenditures on treatment). In the second stage there is a decline in the standard of treatment. In the third one,
official data describing the health situation of the population improve. It
does not mean at all that the actual health situation improves. Quite the
contrary — it declines further. Yet the health care at this stage is so bad in
itself that the medical statistics system is no longer capable of registering
the cases of disease incidence and deaths which should be subject to compulsory registration. Such a situation takes place in Russia. In Table 1 incidence of selected social diseases has been presented. It is interesting to
note that officially (according to data reported to WHO) in 2000 there was
not a single case of AIDS registered in Russia. Table 2 presents the number
of people inflicted with AIDS (according to data reported to UNAIDS). If
the official data revealed by Russians were true, it would mean that this
country has no problems with HIV/AIDS and that the situation there is
really enviable — less than 500 people came down with AIDS since the
first occurrence of the disease in Russia until 2001.
Tab. 1. Incidence (per 100,000 people) of the most important diseases fully or partially
sexually transmitted in new Baltic States of the EU and Russia. State in 2000
Country
Syphilis
Gonococcal
Viral hepatitis B
infection
Clinically
New HIV infections
diagnosed AIDS
reported
Estonia
42.28
*79.45
31.91
0.1452
107.04
Latvia
43.03
*45.28
30.26
1.66
33.54
Lithuania
31.71
*33.87
9.42
0.244
1.95
Poland
2.13
No data
7.31
0.3966
1.45
Russia
*187.16
*120.17
*44.18
0
60.26
* – data from 1999.
Source: European health for all database, 2002.
134
Tomasz Michalski
It seems that in the case of Russia, the reason for such totally false statistics may be not only the breakdown of the health care system (including medical statistics) but also a practice from the communist times when
statistics gave such data which were welcome by the authorities (undoubtedly such a practice has been abandoned in many parts of Russia, but
surely it is still practiced in many regions).
Tab. 2. AIDS cases by year reported in new Baltic members of the EU and Russia
Country
1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001
Total
Estonia
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
4
7
3
4
2
3
2
28
Latvia
0
0
0
0
2
1
1
3
2
3
5
3
11
17
24
42
114
Lithuania
0
0
1
0
1
1
1
0
2
1
3
3
8
7
8
7
43
Poland
1
2
2
23
22
35
40
42
94 120
96 117 132 113 109
Russia
0
1
1
19
16
16
54
21
27
57
39
13
94
39
50
46 1004
0
451
Source: Estonia. Epidemiological..., 2002; Latvia. Epidemiological..., 2002; Lithuania.
Epidemiological..., 2002; Poland. Epidemiological..., 2002; Russian Federation. Epidemiological...,
2002.
Much more credible data on new diagnosed cases of HIV infection seems
to be published by F. F. Hammers and A. M. Dows (2003) (see Table 3.).
Still, even they, in reference to Russia, appear underestimated due to the
weakness of the health care. In the provinces far from large cities there is
a glaring lack in diagnostic equipment.
Tab. 3. Newly diagnosed HIV infection rates per a million people in 1996 and 2001 in
selected new Baltic EU candidates and Russia
Country
1986
2001
Estonia
5.5
1067.3
Latvia
6.8
346.9
Lithuania
3.2
19.7
Poland
14.3
14.4
Russia
10.3
594.4
Source: F. F. Hammers, A. M. Dows, 2003, Tab. 1., p. 1036.
Counteraction
Measures intended to stem the spread of HIV/AIDS and other STD in the
Baltic Europe region can be divided into two groups. The first one, let us
call it internal, is connected with actions taken within the hazardous po-
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135
pulations. First of all these should be awareness raising actions aimed at
homo– and bisexual men, FSW, IDU, prisoners (men), children of the street.
These actions should be accompanied by the treatment of already infected
persons. Additionally, in the Russian part of the Baltic Europe health care
system should receive a substantial financial support (in view of its weakness and inability to cope with HIV/AIDS epidemic). The second group
of actions should be directed at migrants as potential carriers of HIV/
AIDS, STD etc.
STD analyzed here are inseparably connected with a person’s sexual
activity. Some of them are typical STI, others, such as AIDS, can be transmitted also through ways other than a sexual contact. Because initially
HIV/AIDS was considered to be an MSM disease and MSM appears mainly
in large cities which have an infrastructure enabling sex between homosexual and bisexual men (S. Adler, J. Brenner, 1992), preventive actions in
Russia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia should be aimed at large cities. Gay
organization should take an active part in these operations since their street
workers are more trustworthy for the subjects of prevention than outsiders. Actions should primarily propagate safe sex through all sorts of promotional materials and free condoms together with lubricants left in cruising places as well as in gay discos and pubs (M. Brown, 1994). Obviously,
afterwards more refined steps should be taken.
Unlike MSM, infections through FSW are put in Russia in the second
place following IDU). Actions directed at FSW should be carried out in
a similar way to those having MSM as their objective (i.e. awareness raising
actions through leaflets, distribution of free condoms, co–operation with
organization helping FSW). Additionally, actions directed at men using
FSW services should be started. Unfortunately, the main factor which
makes such actions very difficult in Russia is high criminalization of agents
making money on FSW and the lack of proper legislature in that respect.
Experiences of other, equally poor countries, where the situation of prostitution is not fully regulated show the ineffectiveness of the prevention
carried out by the authorities (L. Law, 1998). A better situation and chances to implement effective actions is in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and
Poland.
All analyzed countries are very much exposed to the threats of drug
addiction. Differences in the spread of this phenomenon mainly result from
the standard of living of the society. This has effect on the kind of taken
drugs. On the other hand, the intensity of drug addiction is conditioned
by factors connected with a hedonistic lifestyle and a feeling of alienation
(wealthier societies) or despair and a lack of hope (poorer societies). Actions aiming at stemming the spread of HIV/AIDS among drug addicts
are similar in all countries of the region and should concentrate on: infor-
136
Tomasz Michalski
mation, communication and education; providing easy access to health
and social services; reaching out to injecting drug users; providing sterile
injecting equipment and disinfectant materials; providing substitution
treatment (Principles for preventing ..., 1998).
Such a similarity of situation is absent in the case of prisoners. The
situation in Russian prisons is totally dissimilar from other countries of
the analyzed region. In Russian prisons, inmates live in horrible conditions. The cells are overcrowded, food provided by the authorities insufficient, hygiene is below every civilized norm. All this incites aggression
and auto–aggression which are conducive to deviations manifested in
building subjection relationships such as anal and oral sexual contacts in
which the dominating inmate naturally plays the active part. Very often
the sex is not protected. This is conducive to the spread of HIV/AIDS, STI,
STD. Additionally, terrible living conditions result in a very high TB incidence (e.g. out of 204 new case of HIV–1 registered in Orel district in 2000,
as many as 32% were among inmates (B. Kazionny and others, 2003). This
is why the first measure that should be taken in order to lower the threat
of HIV/AIDS in Russian prisons is the improvement of the inmates’ living conditions. Preventive and awareness raising actions are secondary.
Of course, in Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish prisons the situation is much better and here the emphasis should be put on preventive
actions.
As mentioned above, children of the street are particularly exposed.
Firstly, due to frequent earning the living by prostitution. Secondly, due to
drug abuse. Also here the situation in Russia and the other countries of
the region is dissimilar. The economic crisis persistent in Russia resulted
in the appearance of a very large number of the street children. According
to ECPAT data, in the second half of the 1990s 20–30 thousand children in
Russia prostituted themselves (B. M. Willis, B. S. Levy, 2002). Still, even
this number seems underestimated. This problem appears also among new
EU members from the Baltic region but to a much lesser extent. Among
the programs co–financed and coordinated by UNDCP/UNAIDS there
are many directed at this particular social group. Lithuania is very active
in allocating these funds. It is much worse in the Kaliningrad district. On
the basis of available materials, it has been ascertained that in Russia they
concentrate mainly in Moscow (e.g. Medecins sans frontieres — Holland)
and St. Petersburg (Medecins du monde collaborated with Vozvrastchenyie Foundation).
In view of the weakness of Russian health care, foreign aid plays a very
important part in stemming HIV/AIDS epidemic in this country. Scandinavian institutions are very active here. The program ”Epidemiological
characterization of the HIV–epidemic in Kaliningrad and local resource
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137
building” might be an example. Its objectives are molecular characterization of the HIV epidemic in Kaliningrad to understand the kinetics and
risk factors and resource building to meet the needs of HIV–infected IDUs
in the city of Kaliningrad. Program activities include: research collaboration, training, laboratory equipment and reagents, policy support. Another program, ”Kaliningrad – Malmö: prophylaxis of HIV transfer from
mother to the child,” though it is mainly directed at St. Petersburg within
its lies also Kaliningrad (where e.g., in 2001 there were over 140 children
infected by mothers). Of course, not only Scandinavians provide help.
Among others also the Dutch are active. For instance, the program run by
Medecins sans Frontieres provided a training for medical specialists from
different regions and as a result of this training currently there are about
50 programs on HIV prevention among IDUs (one of the cities where it
functions is Kaliningrad). Also the World Bank supports financially Russian health care (P. Webster, 2003).
The enlargement of the European Union with countries of a high HIV/
AIDS, STD, and TB incidence, in connection with facilitating the border
traffic, will increase the threat to the Polish society. Even worse situation
is in Russian regions bordering on four ”new” Baltic EU members. This
creates a need to take precautionary measures by new EU member states
(particularly by Poland, which is characterized by a very good situation in
that respect). According to authors of the report ”Population Mobility and
AIDS” (2001) these measures should concentrate on:
• the ability to protect oneself by making informed choices and being
supported in these choices;
• specific prevention programs grounded in the psychological, social and
cultural constraints and opportunities of migrants and mobile people;
• access to ”migrant mobile–friendly” care and support those with HIV/
AIDS.
The most immediate steps in the analyzed region should include: actions
concerning FSW, border programs, education of migrants.
Actions directed at FSW (both awareness–raising activities and compulsory
tests). Although enforcement of medical tests constitutes a breach of civil
liberties, in case of higher goals it is the only way to stem the spread of an
epidemic. Drastic measures taken by Chinese authorities in order to stop
the SARS epidemic are the case in point. This is particularly important for
Poland because, according to B. Chodynicka et al. (2002), there is a heightened gonorrhea incidence in the eastern provinces of the country. It may
involve other STD in the future.
Introduction of border programs directed at prophylactics. Such programs
have already been implemented elsewhere in the world (e.g., CARAM
encompassing Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines,
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Tomasz Michalski
Thailand, Vietnam). In the analyzed area, euro–regions would play an
important part, especially the largest of them — “Euro–region Baltic”.
Awareness–raising among migrants. As R. Goodwin et al. (2003) shows in
the poll carried out among business people and health professionals from
Central and Eastern European Nations (Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Poland and Russia) — the level of knowledge about HIV/AIDS among the
Russians was lower than the average (unfortunately, Poles also did badly
in this poll).
An entirely separate issue is the negation of the scope of the epidemic
in Russia and looking for culprits abroad. For instance, several years ago,
when it was announced that (according to official underestimated data)
there were 2000 HIV carriers in Kaliningrad, the city’s authorities claimed
that the proximity of Poland, Lithuania and Belarus were mainly to blame
(G. Œlubowski, 2000). Without the awareness of the seriousness of the situation by authorities of all levels, Russia stands no chance of bringing the
epidemic under control. After the seriousness of the problem is acknowledged, financial expenditures should follow (e.g., in 1999 the central budget of Russia spent 2 million rubles on prophylactics while the government of the US much less affected by HIV/AIDS epidemic spends 20 thousand dollars annually on each carrier’s treatment).
The last resort in preventing the spread of infectious diseases would be
to strictly limit migration and close the country’s borders. However, in
view of globalization processes and technological advances in transportation, closing the borders seems a rather ineffective measure. This results
in an ever decreasing epidemiological safety of inhabitants of many countries (cf. Ch. P. Howson et al., 1998). Thus, the only viable way of increasing the epidemiological safety of a country (in this case of Poland as the
only one of the analyzed here which has a good STD epidemiological situation) is to carry out assistance activities in neighboring countries, in the
case of Poland — mainly in the Kaliningrad district. It is the more so important that the situation insofar as the spread of HIV/AIDS is very bad
in the province. On the other hand, according to police statistics, every
year in Poland there are about 5000 prostitutes from the former USSR
(A. Stelmach, 2001).
Conclusions
After the enlargement of the European Union with new candidates, the
Baltic Europe region will become the part of the Union most threatened
with HIV/AIDS as well as STD, STI, TB and other diseases endangering
procreation processes and having serious social consequences. Nowadays
Africa is the region of the world most afflicted by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. At present, more and more frequently the appearance of the second
The enlargement of the European Union...
139
HIV/AIDS epicenter is alluded to, mentioning the majority of the countries of the former USSR. It is estimated that at the end of 2003 there may
be one million HIV carriers in Russia. Too inadequate financing of the
”Anti–AIDS” program by the Russian state, the appalling attitude of the
Orthodox Church officials (most of them still claim that AIDS is a punishment for sins) as well as poverty and accompanying it nihilism in the Russian society are the main reasons for the spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. A bad situation is also in Estonia, but is country incurs substantial expenditures in order to curb the epidemic. Besides, it is not as dangerous
due to a small number of inhabitants. An average situation is in Lithuania
and Latvia, a good one in Poland. If a bad demographic situation in Russia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (T. Michalski, 2001) is connected with
a bad epidemiological situation insofar as HIV/AIDS, STD and TB then
a very bad demographic–health situation in this part of the European Union
will emerge.
A new Baltic dimension of the integration and European co–operation
is increasingly more often talked about within the EU. The very bad demographic situation of new Baltic members of the EU presented above
(Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) may result in many unfavorable social, economic and political phenomena, which may significantly limit the benefits which these countries might draw from the integration with the European Union. Besides, the HIV/AIDS, STD and TB epidemic in Russia (particularly in the Kaliningrad district as well as in St. Petersburg and Leningrad district) may influence in a destabilizing way the situation in new
Baltic members of the EU (the three above mentioned countries plus
Poland, especially its north–eastern part).
In order to counteract these real threats, new Baltic members of the
European Union (in cooperation with Russian authorities, especially from
the border provinces) should adopt a number of common programs aiming at minimizing the threat of these diseases, particularly HIV/AIDS.
Explanation of the used abbreviations:
AIDS – Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States
FSW – Female sex worker
HIV – Human immunodeficiency virus
IDU – Injecting drug user
MSM – Man sex with man
STD – Sexually transmitted disease
STI – Sexually transmitted infection
TB – Tuberculosis
140
Tomasz Michalski
UNAIDS – United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS
UNDCP – United Nations International Drug Control Program
WHO – World Health Organization
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