"Wandervogels" Women: Journeymen's Concepts of Masculinity in Early Modern Germany
Author(s): Merry E. Wiesner
Source: Journal of Social History, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Summer, 1991), pp. 767-782
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3788856 .
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WANDERVOGELS AND WOMEN:
JOURNEYMEN'S CONCEPTS OF MASCULINITY
IN EARLY MODERN GERMANY
By MerryE. Wiesner
Universityof Wisconsin-Milwaukee
The earlymodernperiodhas recently been describedas a time of the triumphof
patriarchy,patrilinealidentity and Protestantdomestic ideology.1Both feminist
and non- (or anti-) feminist scholarsagreethat there was a strengtheningin the
power of the male head of household through legal and institutional changes,
though they often disagreeon the meritsof these changesand the resultingeffects
on women'srolesandstatus.2The malehead of householdwasnot the only model
of masculinitywhich developed in the early modernperiod, however. Journeymen createdtheir own definition of manhood, a definition achieved not only in
opposition to notions of womanhood,but also to the ideal of manhoodproposed
by religious and political authorities. This definition, I hope to show in this
article,was at the same time anti-patriarchaland anti-female,providingthose of
uswho have alsocriticizedearlymodem patriarchywith someratherembarrassing
bedfellows.
I became interested in journeymen during my research on early modern
working women in Germany, when I discovered that journeymenfrequently
strenuouslyopposed any women workingin guild shops. Though often this can
be explainedfairlyeasily as resultingfroma desireto securemoreworkplacesfor
themselves, at times journeymen'sopposition to women worked to their own
economic disadvantage.For example, their demands that widows who were
running craft shops not be able to hire any journeymenlimited the numberof
workplacesavailableto them. As they demandedthat all tasksin a shop, even the
most unskilledsuch as preparingrawmaterialsor packingfinished products,be
reservedfor a journeymanor apprentice,their own wages sufferedas such tasks
were paid at a lower rate than the more highly skilled ones. Journeymen's
oppositionto femalelaborthus can not be explainedsolely on economic grounds;
the violence of their attacksmakes it clear that there is something else at work
here.
Some of journeymen'shostility to women workinggrewout of moregeneral
craft guild restrictionson women, which began in Germany during the midfifteenth century.3Though the timing of these restrictionsand their specifics
variedfrom craft to craft and from city to city, in general masters'widowswere
increasinglylimited in the time they could keepoperatinga shop,femaleservants
wereprohibitedfromdoing any production-relatedtasks,and all women limited
to producinglower-priced,lower-qualitygoods.This gradualexclusion of women
from craft guilds was motivated in part by economic pressures,but also by an
ideology of guild honor which held that the workshopwas a male preserve,and
that workingnext to a womanor in a guildwhich still acceptedwomen madeone
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just as dishonorableas being bor out of wedlock or having servile ancestry.4
Female labor made a guild dishqnorable in part because it was linked with
householdproductionin the eyes of craftsmenwho wereattemptingto maintain
a monopolyon marketproduction.5Craftguildswerealso coming to view themselves explicitly as a groupof men, and whateverthey did as "a learnedart and
given to men alone."6No longerwas a good shop one in which there was simply
MannsZucht).7
decorum(Zucht),but "honorablemale decorum"(ehrbarer
viewed
their
as
a
male
shops
preserve,craftguilds,
Though they increasingly
or more properlysaid, guild masters,could not go too far in judgingwomen as a
groupdishonorable.Most guildsrequiredthat mastersmarry,as they recognized
a wife was essential in allowing a shop to function. She not only fed and clothed
the journeymenandapprentices,butoften soldthe productsof the shopat the city
marketand purchasedrawmaterials.In her husband'sabsenceshe ran the shop.
Other women might taint the shop, but not the master'swife;the restrictionson
women's work imposedby the guilds themselves pointedly did not include the
master'swife.
Ideology also set a limit on the guild masters'disparagementof women,
particularlyafterthe ProtestantReformation.MartinLuther'scritiqueof celibacy
andchampioningof marriagemadethe idealwomanin muchof Germanythe wife
and mother.8Protestantpamphleteersextolled the family as the foundationof
society, and later in the sixteenth century Catholic writers also somewhat
begrudginglybegan to praisemarriageas a perfectlyhonorableChristianway of
life. In fact,this positiveevaluationof marriagehadbegunbeforethe Reformation
with some of the Italian and Englishcivic humanists,so that GermanCatholic
authorshad acceptableauthoritiesto quote and did not have to admit that they
wererespondingto Protestantviews.9Booksandpamphletsadvisingmen on how
to be good husbands, fathers, and heads of household abounded (the
all of which recommendedthat husbandstreattheirwives with
Hausvdterbiicher),
respect.10Women could not be part of the Manns-zuchtof a shop, but they had
their own sourcesof honor in sexualfidelity,obedience, motherhood,and piety.
Becauseso much of his self-identitywas that of husbandand head of household,
a guildmastercould not criticizewomen too sharplywithout implicitlycriticizing
himself.
These economic and ideological limits to hostility to women's work and
women in generaldid not applyto journeymen,who formost of the medievaland
earlymodem periodwereunmarriedand in most tradeswereexplicitlyprohibited
from being heads of households.Journeymenbegan formingassociationsindependent of mastersin Germanyin the earlyfourteenthcentury in weaving, and
in the earlyfifteenth centuryin other trades.These associationswerefirststudied
in Germanyover a centuryago,aspartof an interestin the rootsof whatwerethen
contemporaryindustrialworkers'organizations.11Despite some voices to the
contrary,the generalconclusion seems to have been that they, like craftguilds,
did not reallyrepresent"theworkingclass,"and thus,becausethey werenot truly
they were largelyignoreduntil very recently by historiansof
"protoproletariat,"
labor. This lack of attention has changed in the last decade, and a numberof
GermanandAmericanscholarshave madeboth regionaland morebroadlybased
studiesof journeymenand their organizations.12
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WANDERVOGELSAND WOMEN
769
Only rarelyin this new research,however,do the authorsnote what is to my
mind the most strikingthing about journeymen'sassociations- that these were
associationsmadeupalmostexclusivelyof men. Other than afewfemalemembers
in some of the earlyassociationsthat were primarilyreligiousin orientation and
purpose(more on that in a moment), they were totally male bodies, but no one
has consideredhow their masculinenaturemight have influencedtheir aimsand
actions.
This neglect of the obvious maycome fromthe fact that we as historiansare
so usedto studyinggroupsof men that we only feel it necessaryto comment when
our focus of studyis not a man or groupof men. (Who calls Michelangeloa male
artist, or the scholastics male philosophers?)In this case, however, gender is
particularlyimportant,forthe journeymennot only weremen, but came to define
themselves primarilyby their masculinityand their membershipin an all-male
group.Their opposition to women may have had some of its roots in craftguild
restrictionson women'swork,but they were able to carrytheir opposition much
furtherthan guildmasterscould, who wererequiredto live and workwith at least
one woman.
When they were firstfounded,journeymen'sorganizationshad a varietyof
aims, none of which was the explicit restrictionof women'swork.They were to
providefinancial supportfor journeymenwho had been injuredor were not able
to find a position, arrangefor memorial masses and hold regular memorial
services,bargainfor betterwagesand workingconditions, help joureymen who
werenew in town findpositions,erect an altarin orestablisha specialrelationship
with a local church or chapel. In orderto accomplish their aims, they began to
collect smallfees fromjourneymen,and to meet regularlyto decide futureactions
and how to deal with those who did not meet their obligations.
The structureof these organizationsand the balancebetween their religious/
caritativeaims and their economic aims variedwidely throughoutGermany.In
some places two separateorganizationswere set up, a small one made up of only
journeymento handle strictlywork-relatedissues,and a largerone, essentiallya
religious confraternity,which sometimes admitted individuals who were not
journeymen.It was this largergroup that before the Reformationoccasionally
admittedwomen,particularly
duringtimeswhenthe numberof currentjourneymen
was not high enough to pay the costs of all religiousservicesdeemed necessary.
The degree to which these two organizationswere distinct from one another is
hotly debatedat this point, a debate which has become quite bitter and personal
and which to a degreerevolves aroundwhat a journeymen'sorganizationchose
to call itself.13This issueis partof a largerdebateaboutwhat to call journeymen's
organizations- associations,brotherhoods,guilds,societies - and whether contemporarieswere making distinctions when they used different terms. (e.g.,
Genossenschaft,Gesellschaft,Verbinde, Briiderschaft)In some ways the whole
debate is more about terminology than substance, and for our purposesquite
pointless.The only groupswhich did admiteven a few women were those which
had simply religiousfunctions; a woman might occasionally pay a groupwhich
had mixed religiousand economic functionsto light a few candlesforher, but she
was never considereda full memberin termsof economic rights.
Both the craftguildsand the municipalauthoritieswere often suspiciousor
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openlyhostile to these journeymen'sorganizations,butall attemptsat suppressing
them failed. If a city forbadethe journeymenfrom organizingor attempted to
restrictthe actionsof theirorganizations,the journeymensimplyleft that city and
went elsewhere.This happenedin 1551.and1568 in Nurembergand throughout
the sixteenth centuryin other cities.14Even imperialedicts were not successful;
the imperialdiet (Reichstag)promulgatededicts against separatejourneymen'
associations in 1530, 1548, 1551, 1566, 1570 and 1577, with practically no
effect.15The cities of the Empireweresimplyunableto develop a common policy
towardthe journeymen'sdemands,somethingwhich Swisscities wereable to do.
In 1475 the Swisscities stood up to a strikeby journeymen,telling all those who
were from the Empirethat they would be forced to leave if they persisted in
claimingthe rightto punish those who brokethe rulesof their organization.This
was the last major action by journeymen in Switzerland,and many of their
organizationsthere disappeared.16
The Swiss example points out what would become the key issue for both
journeymenand those tryingto suppresstheir organizations- the rightto punish
those who broke their rules, the right to have independent jurisdiction
over members.Without this right, joureymen's organizations
(Gerichtsbarkeit)
would always remain more-or-less voluntary, a fact which was not lost on
journeymenat the time. As they establishedseparateorganizations,they set up
schedulesof fines for those who brokegrouprules,and also demandedthe right
of placement.They, not the masters,woulddetermineif a joureyman would be
given a position in a workshop,and, more importantly,if journeymenwould be
sent to a workshop.Their rightof placementgave them powerthus not only over
their own members,but also over the masters.The mastersfoughttheir claimsto
the rightof placementbitterly,but werelargelyunsuccessfulagainbecauseof the
inability of German cities to unite on this.17
The journeymen'sorganizationsbuilt upgroupsolidaritythrougha varietyof
means. New memberswent through an increasinglyelaborateinitiation ritual,
modeled on Christianbaptism,in which they were often given a new name and
There they learneda secret
an older memberwho would be their "godfather."18
oath, secret originallybecause journeymen'sguilds were ostensibly prohibited,
but one which remained secret because this increased group cohesion. The
organizationmet regularly,at least monthly and in some cases weekly, holding
whatwastermeda "Schenke"to welcomejourneymenwho werenew in town, bid
farewellto those leaving and reportany memberswho had violated rules.At first
these meetings were held in public taverns,but many organizationsarrangedto
have permanentprivatedrinkingrooms (Trinkstube)which they decoratedand
maintained. In addition to the regularSchenke,journeymenalso held periodic
memorialserviceswhere they rememberedtheir dead colleaguesas well as those
who had simplymoved away.19At this service,the namesof both living and dead
members were often read aloud, connecting the present with the past, and
implyingalso a connection with the futurebecausethose listening knew at some
point they, too, would join the list of past members.
Nothing in the regulationsand ritualsdescribedso far necessitated an allmasculinecontext, and, as mentioned, duringthe fifteenth centuryjourneymen
were not especially anti-female in their aims or actions. This changed in the
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WANDERVOGELSAND WOMEN
771
sixteenth centurywhen the economic situationof mostjourneymenworsened.In
the late middleages,journeymenhad looked forwardto the time when they, too,
could become masters,marry,and establishtheir own shop and household.They
formedorjoinedseparatejourneymen'sorganizations,butviewedtheirmembership
as temporary,ending when they opened their own shops. This began to change
in the sixteenth centuryas craftguilds,feeling economicallythreatened,became
morerestrictiveand limited membershipto sons of mastersor those who married
a master'swidow or daughter.Many journeymencontinued to workfor a master
all their lives, becomingessentiallywagelaborersratherthan masters-in-training.
Their work became proletarianizedand their affiliation with a journeymen's
associationbecamea life-long or at least verylong termone. They demandedthe
right to marchas a separategroupin municipalprocessions,clearlydemarcating
their distinction from the masters.Journeymentook two restrictionsinitially
placedon them by the masters- the prohibitionof marriageand the requirement
of wandering- and madethese the keys to their separategroupidentity. In doing
so, they grewincreasinglyanti-familyand anti-female,as Ihope to show in the rest
of this article.
Journeymenhad originally been forbidden to marryin most craft guilds
becausethey wereexpected to live with a master'sfamilyuntil they could become
mastersthemselves.As their opportunitiesto become mastersdiminishedin the
sixteenth century,one might have expected journeymen'sguildsto push for the
right to marry,which they did in a few cities, but in most cases they did not.
Instead they became the most vigorous enforcersof the laws against married
journeymen, in some cases pressuringguilds which had originally accepted
marriedjourneymen to forbid them.20 In 1578, for example, the journeymen
potters received an imperialprivilege for their association which forbadeany
marriedjourneymanto make a masterpiece.21In 1597, the journeymanfustian
weaversin Nurembergforcedthe mastersthere to agreenever to hire any married
journeymen.22State authoritiestryingto promotethe free movement of laborin
the eighteenth century orderedjourneymento accept their marriedcolleagues
and providedstiff punishmentsfor those who did not, but opposition remained
strongwell into the nineteenth century.23By marrying,journeymenautomatically came to be consideredB6nhasen(literally"binrabbits,"a term used for all
illegal workerswho were regardedas stealing their food in a way rabbitsor cats
mightfroma storagebin) andweredrivenfromjobsin the samewaymen who had
never been officially trainedwere.24
The hostility to marriedjourneymencan be partiallyexplainedas an attempt
unmarried
journeymento securemore workplaces, but the vehemence with
by
which marriedjourneymenwere attackedhints at somethingdeeper.Partof this
vehemence may be explained as a rathernormal psychologicalreaction to the
realizationthat they would never have the opportunityto have an independent
shop, and, given the decreasingrelative value of their wages in the sixteenth
century,probablycould never affordto have a familyanyway.Downgradingthat
which one can't attain seems to be basic human nature.
Another sourceof the hostilityto marriagecamefromthe living arrangements
which journeymendeveloped once their economic situation worsened.Though
before the sixteenth century most journeymen had lived in their master's
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journalof social history
household,when their statusgrewmorepermanentthey beganto live in all-male
joureymen's hostels (Herberge).A journeyman'smove to such a hostel often
occurredaftera quarrelwith his masteror the master'swife, or when a masterwas
being boycotted. It is important to remember that a strike or boycott by
journeymen who lived with their employers meant more than just a work
stoppage;it also meant having to find a new place of residenceand severingties
with the master'sfamily.Thus by living in a hostel, joureymen couldkeepstrikes
frombecomingfamilyquarrels.In manycities these hostels replacedthe drinking
room as the site of the Schenkeand other ceremonies, and provided the journeymen with a substituteforfamilylife. What beganas a necessitywastranslated
into a virtueas journeymenincreasinglyspent what little disposableincome they
had on ceremonies in their drinking-roomor hostel ratherthan saving it for a
futurefamily.25They attemptedto limit theirconnection with the master'sfamily
by tryingto get theirmealssent to them in the hostel, a practicewhich mostcities
prohibited.26Apparently they were more comfortableeating with each other
than with the master'sfamily,wheretheir demeanorand portionswouldboth be
observedandto somedegreecontrollednot only by the masterbut alsobyhis wife.
This increasingorientation towardtheir all-maleresidencefits in well with
theories of male bonding developed by sociologists and psychologists. In the
wordsof Lionel Tiger, "Malesconsciouslycreate secret groupsfor the gregarious
and efficaciouscontrol of political, religious,and/oreconomic worlds,andforthe
enjoyment of male company under emotionally satisfyingconditions."27Tiger
comments that the need to form all-male groupsand to prove oneself a "man
among men" is strongestamong men feeling "relativelydeprived;"given their
declining social and economic position, the journeymencertainlyfit the pattern
here.
Severalof Tiger'sother findingsaboutmale bondingalso appearto applyto
journeymen. He notes "the male bonding process may constitute a strong
inducement to sever family-of-originties and circumscribereproductive-family
activity."28We know that journeymenhad often broken ties with their birth
families by travelling, and certainly opposed marriagein theory, but it is very
difficult to document how totally they "circumscribe[d]reproductivefamily
activity"in actuality.Most studiesof marriagein early moder Germanyfocus,
not surprisingly,on maritalage and nuptialratesamongwomen, becausethey are
primarilyinterestedin demographicquestions.29A few local studiesdo look at
differences in marital age for men, and age differencesbetween spouses, but,
though some of these are broken down by occupational group, they do not
considerjourneymenas a separatecategory.30Even highly detailedstudiesbased
on familyreconstitutionadmitthat the one weaknessin their maritalstatisticsis
the inability to arriveat figuresfor the proportionof the populationwho never
married.31Clearly, further study of marriageregisters, where they exist for
Germany, is needed to assess whether the hostility to marriageon the part of
journeymenactuallyled to life-longcelibacy;this is complicated,however,by the
questionof whethera journeymanwho wasmarryingwouldlabel himselfas such,
or whetherhe wouldbe hopefulaboutthe impactof his marriageand call himself
"artisan"or realisticand call himself"daylaborer."A focus on journeymenwill
also providean importantnuance in the currentdebate about the demographic
impact of both proletarianizationand migration.32
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WANDERVOGELSAND WOMEN
773
Though we can't know at this point how frequentlyjourneymencontinued
to live in hostels all their lives, we do know that in the middle of the sixteenth
century these journeymen'shostels became even more like families when the
residents began to call the couple who ran them "father"and "mother,"and
includedthese individualsin their memorialservices.33Journeymenmight toast
their "mother"at their regularmeetings, although I can find no reportof these
women attending ceremonies the way they apparentlydid in France.34Their
apparentrespectfor or fondnessfor their "mother"might be seen as a relaxation
of their anti-familystance, but in my opinion somethingelse is at workhere. The
journeymenbegin to use the terms "father"and "mother"only after the Reformation, at a time when, especiallyin the Protestantpartsof Germany,the maleheaded family was seen as the only acceptable living arrangement.Single sex
householdsweresuspect,even all-maleones. Thus by stressingthat they did have
"parents,"the journeymencould somewhatmitigate the authorities'distrustof
their hostels. With "parents,"they not only appearedmore like a family,but also
as more clearlyunder the control of an authorityfigure,something which both
Protestantand Catholic authoritiesregardedas importantin the late-sixteenth
century. The "mother"had no voice in the actual runningof the journeymen's
organizations.She was a woman, yes, but one who provided the same sort of
inspirationthe VirginMaryhadbeforethe Reformationto the manyjourneymen's
confraternitiesspeciallydedicated to her honor.35(I would love to analyzethe
journeymen'srelationwith this mother in psychoanalyticalterms,but think this
is stretchingthe point a bit. I will note that manyverymale-orientedcultures,for
example the highly developed machismoof contemporaryLatin America, also
have a strong veneration for actual mothersor mother figures.)
The anti-family sentiment built up in journeymen'shostels or drinking
roomsled in some waysquite naturallyto an anti-femalestance, a stance that was
furthersupportedby economic change andthe growinghostility to womenon the
partof the craftguildsnoted above. Journeymenoriginallyobjected to women's
workfor economic reasons,viewing women as takingworkplaces they regarded
as rightfullytheirs. During the sixteenth century, women's work also became a
political issueforjourneymen;as their opportunitiesto become mastersdeclined,
forcinga master'sfemale servants,wife and daughtersout of a shop became one
wayof demonstratingtheir powervis a vis the masters.They arguedthat not only
shouldfemaledomesticservantsbe excludedfroma shop, but the master'sfemale
relativesand familymembersshould as well. In their eyes, a shop or guild which
continued to allow any female laborwas tainted.
A good example of this attitude among journeymencan be seen in a midsixteenth century dispute among belt-makersA Strasbourgbelt-maker,Hans
Kranicher,employedhis step-daughteruntil the journeymenprotested,and the
belt-makers'guild in Strasbourgorderedhim to quit utilizing her. They agreed
that he should be punishedby being forcedto workwithout journeymenfor two
years,a punishment which the journeymendid not regardas stringent enough.
All five joureyman belt-makersleft the city, worriedthat continuing to work
there might make them dishonorablein the eyes of their colleagues elsewhere.
The Strasbourgmasterbelt-makersbroughtthe issue to a inter-city meeting of
belt-makersin Frankfurt,a meeting which included representativeschosen by
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journalof social history
journeymen. These representativesagreed that journeymen should return to
Strasbourg,but they werenot able to convince their rank-and-fileof this, and ten
years later the Strasbourgbelt-makerswere still workingwithout journeymen,
despite repeated attempts to end the boycott on the part of belt-makersin
Frankfurt,Worms,Speyerand Augsburg.36Similarcases, though usuallynot so
drawnout, maybe foundin otherGermancities. In 1607journeymencordmakers
in Frankfurtforced the mastersthere to stop employingfemale servants in the
shop, and to use only their daughtersfor finishing and cleaning.37 In 1701,
journeymenbookbindersin Nurembergwere able to exclude all women and in
1703 journeymentailors successfullypressuredthe Nurembergcity council to
allow them to refuseto work"next to the masters'relativesor maids."38
Occasionally a city attempted to stand up to the journeymen'shostility
towardwomen. In 1530 the journeymenbagmakersin Nurembergaskedthe city
council to approvean ordinanceregulatingtheir association.(Nuremberghadno
independentguilds;all craftguildsandjourneymen'sassociationswereunderthe
control of the city council.) The council agreedto accept the ordinancewordfor
word, except for two clauses which prohibitedwork by marriedjourneymenor
maids.Pressureby journeymenresultedin the exclusion of maidsanyway,and by
seventeenth centurythe council was approvingjourneymen'sordinanceswhich
specificallyprohibitedworkby maids.3
The inabilityof even a strongcity like Nuremberg,which had seen women
assisting in craft shops throughout the Middle Ages, to allow work by female
domestic servantsto continue resultedfrom the same lack of concerted action
which hamperedmost attemptsto forbidjourneymen'sassociationsor limit their
right of placement. Though craft guilds in Germanywere independent in each
city, they alwayspaidgreatattention to whatguildsin othercities weredoing, and
wanted to follow what appearedto be currenttrendsand practices.This tended
to militate againstwomen'swork in most crafts,as guildshurriedto prohibitor
limit it once they realizedtheir counterpartsin othercities weredoing likewise.40
Thus foreconomic andpoliticalreasons,not workingnext to womenbecame
an importantpartof journeymen'scode of honor, at a time when, becausetheir
opportunitiesto become mastersor amassactualcapitalweredeclining, they were
becoming increasinglyobsessed by what Andreas GrieBingerhas called "the
symboliccapitalof honor."41Becauselosing his honor meant a journeymanalso
lost the right to a workplace,honor was an economic commodityfor him in the
same way his training was; his career was "more threatened by the taint of
dishonorthan an establishedmaster'swas."42The skillshe hadacquiredwerepart
of his honor - John Rule describesthis as "the propertyof skill"- but honor also
involved knowingand followingthe veryelaborateset of rulesestablishedby the
journeymen'sassociation.43At times theirconcernforhonorcausedjourneymen
to do things which workedagainsttheir own economic interests.They achieved
high prestigeby learning and transmittingthe elaborateinitiation ritualsor by
servingas a guildofficer,even if the time spent resultedin a lossof wages.44They
refusedto work in the shops of masterswho were suspectedof moralinfractions,
though this meant a decline in the total numberof workplacesavailable.45They
left cities which tried to restricttheir actions or which tried to force them to do
things judgedless than honorable,despite lawswhich prohibitedthis and prison
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WANDERVOGELSAND WOMEN
775
sentences enforcingthose laws.46They fought other groupsof journeymenwho
had somehow offendedtheir honor, though this led to injury,inability to work,
and occasionally even death.47
Journeymencarriedtheir code of honor, includingtheir hostility to women's
work,with them when they travelledfromtown to town. Travellinghad always
been a traditionforjourneymen,institutedoriginallyto encouragethe expansion
of training and the transferof skills. Most journeymentravelled at least some
distanceasearlyasthe fourteenthcentury,andby the end of the sixteenth century
journeymenwere obligatedto travelfor a fixed periodof years.48This obligatory
periodof travelwasoriginallyset by the mastersin orderto lessencompetition for
places - duringtheir wanderings,some journeymendied, some turned to crime
and othersweredraftedinto one or anotherarmy,which madethem ineligiblefor
futureguildmembership.49Those who were assuredof a place, generallymasters'
sons, were usuallyexempted from the requirementof wandering.Rather than
opposingthe requirementof wandering,however, the journeymenturnedit into
something positive. They gained status among themselves and thus increased
their honor accordingto how many places they had been and how much of the
worldthey had seen.5 In their eyes, a Wandervogel
(literally,wanderingbird)was
a hero and not the suspect creaturehe was to political authoritieswho favored
stability.Transformingwhat had been a traditionof moving fromtown to town
into a requirementpreventedtheir settlingdown,furtherdecreasingtheirchance
of a connection with any past, present or futurefamily.
Travellingwasone of the reasonsjourneymen'sguildswerecreatedin the first
place, and also assuredthat guild actions would be enforcedeven in areaswhere
formalguildsdid not exist. The names of individualmastersor journeymenwho
had been reprimandedor punishedwere carriedby journeymenon their travels,
and such individuals were boycotted or excluded throughout a huge area.51
Travellingalso servedto help journeymenreinforcetheir bondswith each other,
as the most regularceremonies were those in which an incoming memberwas
welcomed or departingmembersent on his way.
Though their local influence was less than that of craftguild masters,their
transientstatusgavejourneymena greatdeal of influencethroughoutthe empire,
perhapsmore than they had in the centralizedstates of western Europe.They
recognizedthis power,and wereveryunwillingto give it up. The firstattemptsby
state authoritiesto compel journeymento relax their code of honor precipitated
a wave of strikesand riots in the 1720s, and an imperialedict of 1772 permitting
women to work in craftshad little actual effect.52A later Prussianedict again
allowing women to work specifically orderedthat journeymenwere not to be
punished or censuredfor workingnext to a woman, but this, too, probablyhad
little effect.53Recent studiesofjoureymen's associationsin westernEuropehave
not commented extensively on the effects of their hostility to women's labor,
though yearsago Alice Clark noted that journeymen'sorganizationsand their
ability to "bargainadvantageouslywith the masters,"had similar deleterious
effects on women's work in seventeenth-centuryEngland.54Their power may
have been greaterin Germany,but they certainlywere not powerlesselsewhere.
Once the notion that women made a shopdishonorabletook hold among
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journalof social history
joureymen, it was not very far to the idea that all contact with women was
dishonorable,which furtherhelps explain their hostility towardmarriageand
their marriedcolleagues. This is also one reason why by the sixteenth century
journeymen'sassociations banned any journeymanknown to frequent prostitutes. Earliermention of prostitutesin journeymen'sordinanceshad not totally
forbiddencontact, but had simplyprohibitedthe women from being invited to
ceremonies and dances, and limited the days journeymenmight visit them in
order to exclude holy days and Lent.55Though prohibitions of contacts with
prostituteswerecertainlynot effective everywhere,they did in some caseslead to
a journeyman'sbeing barred from work.56Combined with the hostility to
marriage,this left journeymenwith no sexualoutlet, makingjourneymen'sguilds
a good example of a groupin which the need for male bonding is "functionally
equivalent to, and probablymore powerfulthan, the development of a sexual
bond."57
Perhapsmore than any other group of men in the early modem period,
journeymendeveloped a self-identity which was tightly bound to an all-male
group.Their notion of what it meant to be a man requiredthat they limit contact
with women both within and outside the shop, and that they cut off close family
connections. Thus their sense of manliness and masculine honor was very
differentfromthat of the mastercraftsmen,for whom honor involved being the
head of a household and family. Transience, prodigality,physical bravery,and
comradlinessmade one a true man amongjourneymen,in sharpcontrastto the
masters'virtues of thrift, reliability,and stability. The journeymen'smasculine
honor wasveryclassspecific,setting them off not only fromwomen,but also from
their employers,whose own ideasof manhoodhad a religiousas well as economic
base.By the end of the sixteenth century,both Protestantand Catholic moralists
viewed the patriarchalhousehold as the cornerstoneof society, and the "best
man"asthe headof that household.This view wasechoed bypoliticalauthorities,
who increasinglyquestionedthe wisdomof journeymen'swanderinganddebated
closing the hostels.58
Thoughjourneymen'snotion of the "bestman"wasincreasinglyat oddswith
that held by guild masters,religiousleaders,and political authorities,it was one
which lasteda long time. In assessingthe importanceof journeymen'sidentification of themselves as a group of men, we can first point to the survival of
journeymen'sassociationswell into the nineteenth century. Journeymen'sassociations carriedout a series of strikes in many cities of Germanyduring the
period1790-1820,andweresupporters,asa group,of manyof the 1848 uprisings.59
In Nurembergthey were still active until the city repressedthem in 1868.60
Journeymen'sopposition to female labor also survived;in the late eighteenth
centuryjourneymensilk-makersin Austriafought all attemptsto bringwomen
workersinto shops, and in 1794 journeymenribbon-makersin Berlin entered a
new ribbonfactorythere,grabbedthe youngwomen who had been employedand
beat them.61
This last incident points out what is, in my opinion, the greatersignificance
of journeymen'sconception of the honorableworkplaceas a place for men only,
and of workersas a groupof men. This notion did not end when journeymen's
associations finally died out, but was carriedover into the trade unions that
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777
replaced them. The hostility of many trade unions to female labor is well
documentedand has some economic basis,for women (and children) were used
by employers to drive down wages and were often brought in wherever an
occupationwasdeskilledbecauseof technologicalororganizationalchange.62As
in the case of journeymen, however, trade unions also opposed female labor
becauseit was seen as destroyingthe "honor"of a shop. To have women working
alongsideone meant a reductionin one's "propertyof skill,"even if it broughtno
actualdecreasein wages,for women'sworkwas alwaysjudgedless "skilled'than
men's,though the actualdexterityandfacilityrequiredmight be morethan those
in men'swork.Jobswhich normallywent to women were termed"unskilled"and
thus lowerpaid,while "skilled"jobswent to men. As in the divisionbetweenguild
workanddomesticworknotedabove,genderbecamea moreimportantdeterminant
of the division between skilledand unskilledthan the actualdifficultyof the tasks
concerned.63
Women could never be asfullyexcludedfromfactoryworkasthey couldfrom
journeymen'sassociations, but trade unions often accomplished symbolically
what they could not in actuality.In tradejournals,union newspapers,postersand
illustrations, women were visually and verbally excluded, making "worker"
someone invariablymale, and the "workingclass"masculine.64Journeymen's
associations are of course not the only root of the trade unions' hostility to
women's work, but the fact that both groupsthought of themselves, and represented themselves, as groupsof men does point to some link.
Though ultimatelycraftguildsmayhave mademoreof an impacton German
society as a whole and on Europeanpolitical philosophy, in termsof achieving a
masculinesense of self which wasalsopickedup by latergroups,journeymenwere
more successful.65By turningrestrictionsimposedfrom the outside, such as the
prohibitions of marriageand the requirementof wandering,into virtues, they
definedthemselvesas a groupand ultimatelyachieved powerover those who had
limited them in the firstplace. They createdan idealof masculinityseparatefrom
that of the mastersand increasinglydistinct from that proposedby religiousand
political authorities.The ideal was one not only cut off fromwomen, but one in
which women could not share in the least. Women could exhibit the qualities
expected of an ideal head of household- permanence,honesty, thrift,control of
children and servants- and were, of course,as widowsquite regularlythrustinto
the position of household head. The qualities of the journeymen'sideal, the
- transience, foolhardiness,bravery,spendthriftiness- were never
Wandervogel
seen aspositive in anywoman,andcould in fact landher in jail or see her banished
froma town. In the wordsof an anonymoussixteenth-centuryauthor"Onethinks
highly of journeymenwho have wandered,but absolutelynothing of maidswho
have done so."66
Departmentof History
Holton Hall - P.O. Box 413
Milwaukee,WI 53201
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journalof social history
ENDNOTES
I first began thinking about these issuesfor session titled "Aspettieconomici della emarginazionee
delladiscriminazione"
forthe XXISettimanadi Studi,"LaDonna nell'Economiasecc.XIII-XVII,"held
at the IstitutoInternazionaledi StoriaEconomica"F.Datini"in April of 1989. My remarkstherehave
been translatedinto Italian and publishedin Memoria:Revistadi storiadelledonne27 (1989): 44-67.
I wouldlike to thank the Datini Institutefor its supportin allowingme to attend this conference,and
alsothe conferenceparticipants,especiallyGretheJacobsen,ChristinaVanja,Hilde Sandvik,Liliane
Mottu-Weberand BrigitteSchnegg whose comments have greatlyinfluencedthis article.
1. Michael Mitterauerand ReinherdSeider,TheEuropeanFamily:Patriarchy
toPartnershipfrom
the
MiddleAges to thePresent,transK. Oosterveewand M. Horzinger(Oxford, 1983); R. Po-Chia Hsia,
SocietyandReligionin Miinster,1535-1618 (New Haven, 1984); ChristianeKlapisch-Zuber,Women,
Familyand Ritualin RenaissanceItaly,trans. LydiaCochrane (Chicago, 1985); David Underdown,
"TheTamingof the Scold: The Enforcementof PatriarchalAuthority in EarlyModernEngland,"in
Anthony FletcherandJohnStevenson,OrderandDisorderinEarlyModemEngland(Cambridge,1985);
MargaretEzell,The Patriarch'sWife:LiteraryEvidenceand theHistoryof theFamily(London, 1987);
SusanCahn, Industryof Devotion:TheTransformation
of Women'sWorkin England,1500-1660 (New
York, 1987).
2. Natalie Davis, "Womenon Top," in her SocietyandCulturein EarlyModemFrance(Stanford,
1975); LawrenceStone, TheFamily,Sex, andMarriagein England1500-1800 (London, 1977); Steven
Ozment, WhenFathersRuled:FamilyLifein Reformation
Europe(Cambridge,Mass., 1983); MerryE.
Wiesner,"Frail,WeakandHelpless:Women'sLegalPositioninTheoryandReality,"in Regnum,Religio,
et Ratio:Essaysin Honorof RobertM. Kingdon,ed. Jerome Friedman(Kirksville,Missouri, 1987);
Augsburg(Oxford, 1989).
LyndalRoper,The Holy Household:WomenandMoralsin Reformation
3.
See my "Guilds,Male Bonding and Women's Work in EarlyModernGermany,"Genderand
History1 (1989): 125-137 fora longerdiscussionof this, and also MarthaHowell, Women,Production
in LateMedievalCities(Chicago, 1986) foran analysisof women'sdeclining role in the
andPatriarchy
craftsin Leiden and Cologne.
Mack Walker, in GermanHome Towns: Community,State, and GeneralEstate 1648-1871
4.
(Ithaca, New York, 1971) discussesthe idea of guild honor extensively.
5. JeanQuataert,"TheShapingof Women'sWorkin Manufacturing:Guilds,Households,andthe
State in Central Europe,1648-1870,"AmericanHistoricalReview90 (1985): 1122-1148.
6.
Munich Stadtarchiv,Ratsitzungsprotokolle,1599, fol. 164.
7.
1742baker'sordinancein Linz,quotedin GerhardDanninger,DasLinzerHandwerkundGewerbe
biszumInnungszwang.LinzerSchriftenzurSozialvomVerfaUderZunfthoheit
iiberdieGewerbefreiheit
und Wirtschaftsgeschichte,vol 4 (Linz, 1981), p. 75.
8.
MerryE. Wiesner, "Lutherand Women: The Death of Two Marys"in James Obelkevich,
andPolitics(London,
RaphaelSamuel,andLyndalRoper,eds., Disciplinesof Faith:Religion,Patriarchy,
1986).
9. John Yost, "The Value of MarriedLife for the Social Orderin the EarlyEnglishRenaissance,"
Societas6 (1976): 25-39;MargoTodd,"Humanists,Puritansandthe SpiritualizedHousehold,"Church
History 49 (1980): 18-34; Katherine Davies, "Continuity and Change in LiteraryAdvice on
Marriage,"in R.B. Outhwaite,ed., MarriageandSociety:Studiesin theSocialHistoryof Marriage(New
York, 1981).
10. CyriacusSpangenburg,Ehespiegel(Strasbourg,1556); AndreasMusculus,Widerden Eheteuffel
(Frankfurt,1556).
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WANDERVOGELS
AND WOMEN
779
11. G. Schanz, ZurGeschichtederdeutschenGesellenverbande
(Leipzig,1876; reprintedGlashutten
in Taunus, 1974); B. Schoenlank, SozialeKampfevor dreihundert
Studium
Jahren:Altniirnbergische
(Leipzig,1907).
12. AndreasGrieBinger,Dassymbolische
undkollektives
KapitalderEhre:Streikbewegungen
Bewuf3tsein
deutscher
im 18.Jahrhundert
(Frankfurt,1981); WilfriedReininghaus,DieEntstehung
Handwerksgesellen
imSpatmittelalter
(Wiesbaden1981);KarlheinzBade,"AltesHandwerk,Wanderzwang
derGeselengilden
undGute Policey:GesellenwanderungzwichenZunft6konomieundGewerbereform,"
Vierteljahrsschrift
69 (1982): 1-37;Knut Schulz, Handwerksgesellen
undLohnarbeiter:
fur SozialundWirtschaftsgeschichte
und OberdeutschenStadtgeschichte
des 14. bis 17 Jahrhunderts
Untersuchungenzur oberrheinischen
(Sigmaringen,1985); Michael Neufeld, "GermanArtisansand Political Repression:The Fallof the
Journeymen'sAssociations in Nuremberg,1806-1868,"Journalof SocialHistory19 (1985-86): 492502. Journeymen'sassociationsin Franceand Englandhave also been the subjectof recent scholarly
and popularstudies.See especially:EricHobsbawm,LabouringMen: Studiesin theHistoryof Labour
(London, 1964); Cynthia Truant, "Solidarityand SymbolismamongJourneymenArtisans,"ComparativeStudiesin Societyand History21 (1979): 214-226; R.A. Leeson, TravellingBrothers:The Six
Centuries'RoadfromCraftFellowshipto TradeUnionism,(London, 1979); C.R. Dobson, Mastersand
A Prehistory
Relations(London, 1980); Daniel Roche, "Work,Fellowshipand
Journeymen:
of Industrial
Some Economic Realities of 18th-centuryFrance,"in LaurenceKaplanand Cynthia J. Koepp,eds.,
Work in France:Representations,
Meaning, Organization,Practice(Ithaca, NY, 1986), pp. 54-73;
MichaelSonenscher,"Journeymen's
MigrationsandWorkshopOrganizationin 18th-centuryFrance,"
in Kaplanand Koepp,Workin France,pp. 74-96 and "Mythicalwork:Workshopproductionand the
of eighteenth-centuryFrance,"in PatrickJoyce,ed., TheHistoricalMeaningsof Work
compagnonnages
(London, 1987);John Rule, "ThePropertyof Skill in the Periodof Manufacture,"in Joyce,Meanings.
There are also a numberof older studiesavailablefor France:G. Martin,LesAssociationsouvrieresau
XVIIISiecle,1700-1792 (Paris,1900);E.M.Saint-Leon,LeCompagnonnage,
sonHistoire,sesCoutumes,
ses reglementset ses rites(Paris, 1901); E. Coornaert,LesCompagnonnages
en France(Paris, 1966).
13. WilfredReininghaus,"ZurMethodikderHandwerksgeschichtedes
14-17.Jhds."Vierteljahrsschrift
72 (1985): 369-378; Knut Schulz, "BemerkungenzurDiskussion
fur Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte
um die Handwerksgesellenund uberden Umgang mit Quellen,"VSW 73 (1986): 355-361.
14. Schoenlank, SozialeKampfe,pp. 90-102.
15. Schulz, Handwerksgesellen,
p. 149.
16. Anne-Marie Dubler, Handwerk,Gewerbeund Ziinftin Stadtund LandschaftLuzern,Luzerner
HistorischeVeroffentlichungen,vol. 14 (Lucern, 1982), pp. 99-101.
17. Reininghaus,Entstehung,
p. 156. Evenareaswhich sawmorepoliticalunityweregenerallyforced
to give in to the journeymenon this, however, for they won the right of placement in Franceand
Englandas well, though somewhatlaterthan they won it in the Empire.(Leeson,TravellingBrothers,
p. 45; Cynthia Truant,"Independentand Insolent:Journeymenand their 'Rites'in the Old Regime
Workplace,"in Kaplanand Koepp,Workin France,pp. 132, 139).
18. Reininghaus,Entstehung,
pp.86,214; Schulz,Handwerksgesellen,
p. 137;Truant,"Independent,"
p. 142.
19. Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 113.
20. Walker, Home Towns, p. 83; Rudolf Wissell, Des alten HandwerksRecht und Gewohnheit,
EinzelveroffentlichungderhistorischenKommissionzu Berlin, 7 (Berlin, 1974), vol. 2, p. 448; Klaus
in Bremenwihrenddes 18. Jahrhunderts,
Schwarz,Die LagederHandwerksgesellen
Veroffentlichungen
aus dem staatsarchivder FreienHansestadtBremen,44 (Bremen, 1975), p. 38.
21. Schulz, Handwerksgesellen,
p. 158.
22. Schoenlank, SozialeKdmpfe,p. 137.
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780
journalof social history
23. See, forexample, the ImperialTradesEdictof 1731, translatedin Walker,HomeTowns,p. 448
and a proclamationof MariaTheresa in 1770, reprintedin Wissell, AltenHandwerks,vol. 1, p. 449.
24. Wissell, vol. 2, pp. 446-450.
25. GrieBinger,Symbolische
Kapital,p. 451; Roche, "Work,"p. 65.
26. Schulz, HandwerksgeseUen,
p. 174.
27. Lionel Tiger, Men in Groups(New York, 1969), p. 9.
28. Ibid., p. 135.
29. Fora studyelsewhere in Europewhich does focus on male ratesof marriageand which finds a
surprisinglyhigh rate of permanent bachelorhood, see Stanley Chojnacki, "PatriarchyDenied?
PatricianBachelors in RenaissanceVenice" (unpublishedpaper). I would like to thank Professor
Chojnacki for sharingthis with me.
30. Arther Imhof, HistorischeDemographie
als Sozialgeschichte.
Gie3fenund Umgebungvom 17. zum
19. Jhd. (Darmstadt,1975), pp. 304-312; John E. Knodel, Demographic
Behaviorin thePast:A Study
in the18thand 19thCenturies(Cambridge,1988), pp. 130-135.
of FourteenGermanVillagePopulations
31. Knodel, Demographic
Behavior,p. 129.
32. For a European-widediscussion see Charles Tilly, "DemographicOrigins of the European
and FamilyHistory(New York, 1984), pp. 1-85.
Proletariat,"in David Levine, ed., Proletarianization
inZeitraum
ForGermanyspecifically,seeWilhelmKaltenstadter,
BevolkerungundGeseUschaftOstbayems
derfriihenIndustrialisierung(1I780-1820)
(Kallminz, 1977), especiallypp. 99-114,157-189; W.R. Lee,
andSocialChangein Bavaria1750-1850 (New York,1977);
PopulationGrowth,EconomicDevelopment
DieterLangenwiescheand FriedrichLenger,"InternalMigration:Persistenceand Mobility,"in Klaus
J. Bade, ed., Population,Labour,and Migrationin 19thand 20th centuryGermany(LeamingtonSpa,
1987), pp. 87-100.
33.
Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 160.
34. Truant,"Independent,"p. 143; Sonenscher, "MythicalWork,"p. 34; Wendy Gibson, Women
in Seventeenth-century
France(London, 1989), p. 110.
35. Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 112. Her symbolic,ratherthan political importancecan be seen in
reportsfromFrancethat journeymenaccompaniedtheir "mother"to churchwith greatpomp on the
day honoring their patronsaint. (Sonenscher, "MythicalWork,"p. 44).
36. Schoenlank, Soziale Kampfe, pp. 58-66; Ernst Mummenhoff, "Frauenarbeit und
EineEpisodeausderHandwerksgeschichte
des 16.Jahrhunderts,"
Arbeitsvermittlung:
Vierteljahrsschrift
199 (1926): 157-165; Wesoly, "Weibliche,"pp. 112-113.
fur Sozial-undWirtschaftsgeschichte
37. Benno Schmidt and Karl Biicher, Frankfurter
Amts- und Zunfturkunden
bis zumJahre 1612.
Veroffentlichungender historischenKommissionder Stadt Frankfurta. M., vol 6 (Frankfurt,1914)
pp. 417-420.
38.
Schoenlank, SozialeKimpfe,pl 144; Wissell, AltenHandwerks,vol 2, p. 445.
39.
Schoenlank, SozialeKampfe,pp. 58-63.
40. See my WorkingWomenin RenaissanceGermany(New Brunswick,NJ, 1987), pp. 149-185 for
a fullerdiscussionof this.
41. GrieBinger,Symbolische
Kapital.
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AND WOMEN
WANDERVOGELS
42.
Walker, HomeTowns, p. 95.
43.
Rule, "Property.
44.
Kapital,p. 451.
Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 101; GrieBinger,Symbolische
781
45. Strasbourg,Archives Municipales,AktenderXV, 1628, fols. 152, 164;Wissell, Vol. 1, p. 253am Mittelrheinvom 14. bis
Die Handwerkerbande
254; FrankGottman, Handwerkund Bundnispolitik:
HistorischeAbhandlungen,no. 15 (Wiesbaden,1977), pp. 153, 280.
Frankfurter
zum17. Jahrhundert.
46.
Wissell, Handwerks,Vol. 1, p. 271.
47. GrieBinger,Symbolische
Kapital,p. 451; Sonenscher, "MythicalWork,"p. 46.
48.
Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 49, Bade, "Altes Handwerk,"p. 10.
49.
Bade, "Altes Handwerk,"p. 18.
50. GrieBinger,Symbolische
Kapital,p. 68.
51. Walker,HomeTowns,p. 84; GrieBinger,passim;Wissell, AltenHandwerks,vol 2, p. 445; Beata
Brodmeier,Die Frauim Handwerk,Forschungsberichteaus dem Handwerk,vol. 9 (Miinster, 1963),
p. 19.
53. Wissell, Alten Handwerks,vol. 2, p. 445.
54. Clark, WorkingLifeof Womenin theSeventeenthCentury(London, 1919), p. 298.
55. Reininghaus,Entstehung,p. 99.
56. Wissell, Alten Handwerks,vol. 2. pp. 140, 271; Schmidt and Bucher,Frankfurter,
p. 280.
57. Tiger,MeninGroups,p. 172.Journeymenelsewherein Europealsodevelopeda growinghostility
towardwomen.Prostitutesin Londonwerethe frequenttargetsof riotsbyapprenticesandjourneymen,
who also attackedQuakers,a groupalso known for its "deviant"women. (S.R. Smith, "The London
Apprenticesas Seventeenth-centuryAdolescents,"PastandPresent61 [1973]: 154-175; BarryReay,
"PopularHostility towardsQuakersin mid-seventeenth century England,"SocialHistory5 [1980]:
389.) I have not foundevidence yet of journeymenin Germanybeing especiallyhostile to Anabaptist
groupswhich allowed women to preach, though I would not be surprisedif some surfaced.German
Anabaptist groupswere rarelyas sexually egalitarianas the English Quakers,which may partially
explain why they were not targetsof hostility by journeymenor apprentices.
58. Bade, "Altes Handwerk,"p. 2; Neufeld, "Artisans,"p. 491.
59. GrieBinger,Symbolische
Kapital,passim;Reininghaus,Entstehung,pp. 235-243.
60. Neufeld, "GermanArtisans,"p. 498. In Francethe compagnonnagessurvived long after the
guildswere officiallyabolishedin 1791. Anthony Black,GuildsandCivilSocietyin EuropeanPolitical
Thoughtfromthe 12thCenturyto thePresent(London, 1984), p. 167.
im 18. Jahrhundert,"
61. Rita Bake,"ZurArbeits- und Lebensweisevon Manufakturarbeiterinnen
in Hans Pohl and Wilhelm Treue, eds., Die Frau in der deutschenWirtschaft,Zeitschrift fur
Unternehmensgeschichte,Beiheft 35 (Wiesbaden, 1985), p. 58.
Womenin the UnitedStates(New
62. Alice Kessler-Harris,Out to Work:A Historyof Wage-earning
York, 1982); Cynthia Cockburn,Brothers:MaleDominanceand SocialChange(London, 1983); Ava
Baron,"Questionsof Gender:Deskillingand Demasculinizationin the U.S. PrintingIndustry,18301915,"Genderand History1 (1989): 178-199.
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782
journalof social history
63. Anne PhillipsandBarbaraTaylor,
"SexandSkill in the CapitalistLabourProcess,"FeministReview
6 (1980): 79-88; PaulThompson,TheNatureof Work:An Introduction
toDebateson theLabourProcess
(London, 1983).
6 (1978): 12164. EricHobsbawm,"Manand Woman in Socialist Iconography,"HistoryWorkshop
138; William Sewell, "Visionsof Labor:Illustrationsof the Mechanical Arts Before, In and After
Diderot'sEncyclopedia,"in Kaplanand Koepp,Workin France,pp. 258-286;Joan Scott, Genderand
thePoliticsof History(New York,1988), p. 163;ElizabethFaue,"TheDynamoof Change:Genderand
Solidarityin the American LabourMovement of the 1930s,"GenderandHistory1 (1989): 138-158.
65. Forthe impactof craftguildssee Walker,HomeTowns;Black,Guilds;R. Po-ChiaHsia,"Minster
and the Anabaptists,"in his The GermanPeopleand the Reformation(Ithaca, 1988); Roper, Holy
Household.
66. TheatrumDiabolorum,Das ist: Warhaffte,eigentlicheundkurtzeBeschreibung
allerleygrewlicher,
undabschewlicher
schrecklicher
Laster...(Frankfurt,
1575), quoted in Wesoly, "Weibliche,"p. 77.
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