Cultural participation between the ages of 14 and 24:
intergenerational transmission or cultural mobility
Paper to be presented at the RC 28 Conference in Montréal, Canada, August 14 - 17
Ineke Nagel
VU University Amsterdam
Department of Methodology
Faculty of Social Sciences
De Boelelaan 1081
1081 HV Amsterdam
Netherlands
FA. [email protected]
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INTRODUCTION
Theatre and concert attendance and visits to museums are cultural activities from which in western
societies a certain prestige can be derived. Participation in these kinds of highbrow cultural activities is
more common among members of the higher social status groups and also in schools these cultural
activities are taught to be valued and to be pursued (Bourdieu & Darbel, 1991 [1969]; Dimaggio &
Mohr, 1985). Cultural participation can be considered as a means to express ones social position to
others. Because participation in highbrow cultural activities is associated with a high social status, it
may be a subtle way to show that one has the taste of higher social status groups. In these social
circles, participation in high culture would confirm the social position (Dimaggio & Useem, 1978),
whilst non-participation would raise doubt of ones membership. Furthermore, cultural participation
would enable social status groups to assess potential status group members and to admit them to their
social circles or to exclude them. In reverse, for newcomers, participation in highbrow cultural
activities would be a strategy to get access to the higher social status groups (Bourdieu & Passeron
2000 [1970]; Dimaggio & Useem, 1978; Lamont & Lareau, 1988). This way, a culturally oriented
lifestyle may be of help to get a successful educational career, a good job, or a spouse of high social
status (Dimaggio & Mohr, 1985). As cultural participation can be considered to play a role in the
maintenance and allocation of high social status positions, it is an important question to what extent
social inequalities arise in the participation in highbrow cultural activities.
Consequently, a considerable amount of sociological research has been done on the question of how
cultural participation emerges (Bourdieu & Darbel, 1991 [1969]; Dimaggio & Useem, 1978),
especially also in the Netherlands (De Jager 1967; Wippler, 1968; Ganzeboom, 1982). From these
studies, it has become clear that there are two main determinants of cultural participation: cultural
participation in the family of origin and the attained educational level.
Yet in the sixties, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu emphasized the importance of the family for
cultural participation. Bourdieu (Bourdieu & Darbel, 1991 [1969]) was convinced that the
competence, necessary to understand high culture and to distinguish between good and bad taste,
could only be acquired in the parental family. The ease toward highbrow culture of higher social status
groups could only be the result of the long period during which their members, from an early age
onwards, repeatedly have been confronted with expressions of highbrow culture by their parents. In
the Netherlands, De Jager (1967) was the first to stress the importance of this so-called primary
socialization for cultural participation. He claimed that those who have grown up in a culturally active
family would have a life-long advantage in their cultural participation to those who have been
introduced into highbrow culture at a later age and in another way. Although also the school offers art
lessons, its influence would be only temporary and would disappear if not supported by the social
environment. Although both Bourdieu and De Jager have emphasized the importance of the family of
origin, they have not offered convincing empirical results for it (Bourdieu & Darbel, 1991[1969]; De
Jager, 1967).
It was only later on that a large number of studies have empirically established the importance of
intergenerational transmission for cultural participation. In most of these studies cultural participation
by the parents was measured by asking respondents to report on their parents’ behavior during the
period the respondent was growing up. These studies all show a strong relation between actual cultural
participation and the former cultural activities by the parents (Ganzeboom, 1989; Ganzeboom & De
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Graaf, 1991; Van Eijck, 1996; De Haan & Knulst, 2000). These same strong effects occur when
parents themselves have been interviewed on their cultural behavior (Nagel & Ganzeboom, 2002; De
Vries, 2006). Studies estimating the effects of parental background by comparing siblings show that
the total effects of family background may be even larger than the measured example of parental
cultural participation (Ganzeboom & De Graaf, 1991; Van Eijck, 1996; Nagel & Ganzeboom, 2002).
The other important determinant of cultural participation is the attained educational level.
Systematically, also large differences in cultural participation are found between the higher and the
lower educated (Wippler, 1968; Katz & Gurevitch, 1976; Dimaggio & Useem, 1978; Ganzeboom,
1984; De Vries, 2006). Often, these are interpreted as an effect of education itself. Higher educated
would have been confronted with highbrow culture during their longer educational career. However,
empirical studies show that, although art lessons at school may affect higher cultural participation later
in life (Ranshuysen & Ganzeboom, 1993; Kracman, 1996; Nagel, Ganzeboom, Haanstra & Oud,
1997), they can only for a small part explain the relation between educational level and cultural
participation (Maas, Verhoef & Ganzeboom, 1990; Ranshuysen & Ganzeboom, 1993). Furthermore,
several studies show that differences in cultural participation between the higher and lower educated
have to be partly attributed to differences in the family of origin. Children of culturally active parents
have more success in their educational careers than those whose parents are not inclined to cultural
activities (De Graaf, 1986, 1988; Aschaffenburg & Maas, 1997; Niehof, 1997; De Graaf, De Graaf &
Kraaykamp, 2000; De Graaf & De Graaf, 2002). However, independent of in-school art education and
the parents’ cultural participation important there remain important differences in cultural participation
between the higher and the lower educated.
The fact that both family of origin and the attained educational level are strongly related to cultural
participation indicates that both intergenerational transmission and cultural mobility are at work as
mechanisms for cultural behavior. Partly, a culturally oriented lifestyle is reproduced from parents to
their offspring; for another part cultural participation may also be developed during the educational
career. The extent to which cultural participation resulting from intergenerational transmission, can
indeed change under the influence of the educational career, is still an open question, which can only
be answered by analyzing longitudinal data.
To gain more insight in the influences of intergenerational transmission and cultural mobility, in this
paper I analyze panel data to examine the development of cultural participation in between the ages of
14 to 24, an age range during which the educational career develops. In early adolescence, differences
in cultural participation are expected to be mainly the direct result of differences in cultural
socialization by the parents. It can be assumed however, that adolescents from the age of 14 onwards
are able to participate in cultural activities themselves, without being accompanied by their parents or
their teachers, and to make their own choices of where to go. By using longitudinal data on cultural
participation, it can be studied how and to what extent initial differences in cultural participation,
arising from the parental family, develop as a consequence of changes in the educational career. This
paper answers the following research questions:
How strong are the effects of parents’ cultural participation and educational level on cultural
participation between the ages of 14 and 24 and what is their relative influence?
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To what extent do parents’ cultural participation and educational level affect cultural
participation independently? To what extent does parents’ cultural participation affect cultural
participation through the attained educational level?
To what extent does cultural participation change as a consequence of changes in the
educational career?
Do parents’ cultural participation and attained educational level interact: do they reinforce
each other or do they compensate?
The data are from the Dutch research project ‘Youth and Culture’ (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007). The
effective sample analyzed in this paper consists of 2547 students of Dutch secondary education who at
the age of 14 to 17 have filled out a questionnaire on their cultural participation while they were at
school. Subsequently, they have received a questionnaire by mail, on average every two years
afterwards. At the same time of the first postal questionnaire, also one their parents were sent a
questionnaire on their social background and their cultural participation. The result is a panel data set
containing information on developments in cultural participation between the ages of 14 and 24,
including independent information on cultural socialization by the family.
HYPOTHESES
To explain the role of cultural participation in social status attainment, Dimaggio (1982) proposed two
models: the cultural reproduction model and the cultural mobility model. Although Dimaggio
introduced both models to explain differences in educational attainment, one can derive hypotheses on
the role of intergenerational transmission and cultural mobility in cultural participation. The
hypotheses below are based on these models, which include, in contrast to Dimaggio (who did not
have data on parents’ cultural participation), the cultural participation of the parents as well to explain
differences in children's cultural participation.
The cultural reproduction model is based on the notions of Bourdieu. According to this model, parents
transmit both their life styles and their social position strongly to their children (Bourdieu & Darbel,
1991 [1969]; Bourdieu, 2000 [1970]). Children being raised by culturally active parents get introduced
into high culture at an early age, and are gradually becoming familiar with their parents' culturally
oriented life styles. According to Bourdieu, a culturally oriented life style can only be acquired during
these prolonged and partly unconscious processes of cultural socialization, taking place in the parental
family, and not by education by the school system (Bourdieu & Darbel, 1969 [1991]). Therefore, this
model assigns a predominant influence to the parental family (H1a). Whether the intergenerational
transmission has been accomplished in early adolescence, or this process are still going on during
adolescence, is an open question. However, the parental influence is expected to remain substantial
during the period from adolescence to early adulthood.
The culturally oriented life style by the parents does not only affect their children’s cultural
participation. The cultural reproduction model assumes that children of culturally active parents attain
higher levels of secondary education than their schoolmates, and, consequently, move on to higher
levels of tertiary education. As the school system rewards a culturally oriented life style, children of
culturally active parents are expected to succeed better to sustain the (self)selection processes during
the schooling period and finally to accomplish a more successful educational career. As this model
assumes the attained level of education to be largely a spurious effect of parents' cultural participation,
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it predicts only a small independent contribution of the level of education (H2a). If this is the case, it
can also be expected that the differences in cultural participation of adolescents do not increase when
they proceed through their educational career and attain higher levels of education, but that these
differences exist beforehand (H3a). Finally, the model predicts that, if there are independent effects of
educational level, especially children whose parents are culturally active will profit from school. The
influences of the parents’ cultural participation will reinforce the effects of educational level (H4a), so
that the initial advantage of children of culturally oriented families will only increase during the
educational career.
According to the cultural mobility model, intergenerational transmission is not decisive in explaining
differences in cultural participation. Although this model acknowledges the importance of cultural
transmission by the parents, it does not consider its influence as overwhelming as is assumed by the
cultural reproduction model. According to the cultural mobility model it is well possible to become
interested in high culture beyond the family of origin. One obvious way for adolescents to get
introduced into high culture, is by the school. It can be assumed that attending higher schooling levels
will lead to a stronger participation in cultural activities, for example because arts and high culture
activities are a stronger part of the curriculum at higher schooling levels, or because there are more
students with culturally active parents than at lower schooling levels. According to this model, it can
be expected that the educational level will be as important for cultural participation as
intergenerational transmission (H1b). In addition, the cultural mobility model predicts that differences
in cultural participation will increase as soon as differences in educational level become apparent
(H3b).
According to the cultural mobility model children’s school success is not that strongly determined by
the parental family. Therefore, cultural participation by the parents and educational level will affect
cultural participation independently (H2b). According to this model, schools offer opportunities to
children of less culturally active parents to get introduced into high culture. In that case, the
educational level will affect cultural participation by children of less culturally active parents more
strongly (H4b). This way, children of less culturally active parents may make up for their lower
cultural participation. The school system will reduce initial differences resulting from differences in
cultural socialization by the parents. Figure 1 presents an overview of the hypotheses.
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CULTURAL REPRODUCTION
CULTURAL MOBILITY
H1a
The effect of parents' cultural participation
on children's cultural participation
dominates the effect of educational level.
H1b
The effect of educational level on children's
cultural participation is as least as strong as
the effect of parents' cultural participation.
H2a
The educational level does not offer an
additional explanation for differences in
children’s cultural participation, next to
parents' cultural participation.
H2b
Parents´ cultural participation and educational
level affect children’s cultural participation
independently.
H3a
Differences in children’s cultural
participation according to their educational
level exist before the educational career has
been completed.
H3b
Differences in children’s cultural participation
according to their educational level increase
with growing differences in their educational
level.
H4a
The effects of parents' cultural participation
and educational level on children's cultural
participation reinforce each other.
H4b
The effect of educational level on children's
cultural participation is stronger for children
of less culturally active families.
Figure 1: Overview of the hypotheses
METHOD
Data
As described earlier, the data to be used to answer the research questions come from the Dutch
research project 'Youth and Culture' (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007). In this large-scale research project,
281 classrooms of Dutch secondary school students have filled out a questionnaire on their
participation in cultural activities. Next, after a period of one or two years, these (former) students
received a questionnaire by mail. At that time, also one of their parents has been asked to answer a
questionnaire on their cultural practices and on their social backgrounds. The data to be used in this
article refer to three cohorts of secondary school students who participated in one of the classroom
surveys of September 1998, May 2000, or May 2001. The follow-up surveys took place in March
1999 (cohort 1998), September 2000 (cohort 1998), September 2002 (all cohorts), and December 2004
(all cohorts). The information of the parents to be used here comes from the questionnaire, distributed
among them in September 2000 (cohort 1998) or in September 2002 (cohorts 2000 and 2001).
The research design of the ´Youth and Culture project´ stems from the design of the first survey in
September 1998, a classroom interview of 1521 students in secondary education. The purpose of this
data collection was to evaluate a field experiment, organized by the Dutch Ministry of Education,
Culture, and Science to stimulate the cultural participation among younger generations (Ganzeboom &
Nagel, 1999). In order to do this, fourth graders in secondary education (age 15-16) in eight middlelarge towns in the Netherlands received a discount card to be used to get reductions on the entrance
fees of museums, theatres, and cinemas. To examine whether the discount card led to an increase of
cultural participation, in each of the eight towns at three classes at three randomly selected secondary
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schools filled out a questionnaire: two fourth grade classes (experimental group) and one third of fifth
grade class (control group). One half year afterwards (in March 1999), a sample of these students were
interviewed by telephone. In September 2000, this cohort of students was approached again, this time
with a postal questionnaire. In addition, also the parents of these students then received a questionnaire
by postal mail.
The classroom surveys of May 2000 and May 2001 were also carried out because of an evaluation
research by order of the Dutch Ministry of Culture (and Cultuurnetwerk Nederland). This time, the
purpose was to examine the effects of a new Dutch art course in secondary education. Again,
classrooms of third-, fourth- and fifth graders in secondary education were interviewed by selfadministered surveys. In the sampling procedure of these cohorts, levels of education and grade were
purposely spread within schools. In addition, the higher secondary school levels were oversampled,
because the new art subject is taught at these levels (senior general and pre-university education).
Furthermore, the sample was extended to 14 municipalities in the Netherlands, now including also two
large cities and four smaller municipalities. In addition to that, the number of schools in each
municipality was heightened, large cities containing more schools than in the smaller municipalities.
In September 2002 and in December 2004, a written questionnaire was distributed among all three
cohorts of (former) secondary school students. For the youngest cohorts of 2000 and 2001, these are
the first and second follow-up surveys; for the eldest cohort it is then the third and fourth time that
they were approached at home. In 2002, also the parents of the cohorts 2000 and 2001 were asked to
fill out a written questionnaire.
Nonresponse has occurred at the level of schools, classes and individuals. In 1998, all schools
participated in the research; in May 2000 some schools refused their cooperation and these have not
been asked to participate again, in May 2001. None of the schools approached in 2001 refused their
participation. At the class level, the largest nonresponse has occurred. The impression is that in spring
(May 2000 and May 2001) time pressure increases among teachers because of the restricted time left
to finish their lessons program for the year, especially at grades four and five of senior general and
pre-university levels of education. At the individual level, almost no nonresponse has occurred during
the classroom surveys. In principle whole classes participated in the research and therefore,
nonresponse only refers to the students who were absent for some reason other than refusal to
cooperate in the ‘Youth & Culture’ research project. However, some students have made impossible
their future cooperation by refusing to give their names and addresses. The follow-up surveys suffered
from the usual nonresponse. In 2000, 72 percent of cohort 1998 responded; in 2002 and 2004 49
percent and 43 percent of the total groups of students1. Of the parents, 54 percent has responded.
Out of the total group of 3897 secondary school students, a selection was made of those having
responded during at least one of the follow-up surveys. The selected sample therefore contains 2547
respondents, 65 percent of the original sample. Earlier analyses of these data made clear that the
response during the follow-up surveys in 2000 and 2002 was to some extent selective (Ganzeboom,
Haanstra, Van Hoorn, Nagel & Vingerhoets, 2001; Ganzeboom, Haanstra, Damen & Nagel, 2003),
which is problematic for applying panels models. By selecting on response to at least one follow-up
survey (explicitly not to more than one) it was tried to restrict the problem of panel attrition, while at
1
Including thse who could not be send a questionnaire due to missing names and adresses.
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the same time keeping the number of respondents as large as possible. In addition to that, determinants
of selectivity, like educational level, parents' cultural participation, sex, age, and ethnicity, are part of
the analyses. Table 1 presents the distribution of secondary educational level and grade for both the
original and the selected sample.
Construction of variables
Cultural participation
At all measurement times respondents were confronted with the same set of nine questions on their
cultural participation. Five items aimed to measure participation in traditional high culture: visits to
theatre, cabaret, classical concerts, ballet and museums. Four items referred to participation in popular
culture: attendance at pop concerts or musicals, film, dj/vj-events and youth manifestations. The
question wording has been adopted from the questionnaires of the 'Aanvullend Voorzieningengebruik
Onderzoek' (AVO) of the Social and Cultural Planning Office in the Netherlands (for example SCP,
1999). Respondents were asked whether or not in the past twelve months they had participated in a
cultural activity (yes-no) and, if yes, how often in a year they usually participate in that activity (less
than once a year - once a year - two or three times a year - four to eleven times a year - once a month
or more often).
To examine whether these nine items contain a high culture and a popular culture dimension, they
were submitted to a factor analysis. Visits to theatre, cabaret, classical concerts, ballet and museums
appeared to constitute one factor; attendance at film, dj/vj-events and youth manifestations a second;
attendance at pop concerts or musicals had a high factor loading on both dimensions. The correlation
between both factors was .15. The factor structure appeared to be stable across different ages. The
index of high culture participation was constructed of the items visits to theatre, cabaret, classical
concerts, ballet and museums. The internal consistency of the index varies across ages between .54
and .67 (see table 2).
To construct the index, the individual items were ranked into percentiles. These percentile scores
somewhat correct the characteristic left skewed distribution of cultural participation items by scaling
few occurring values on the right closer to each other. In addition, they correct differences in
popularity of the items, so that popular items, like museum visits, not dominate the index. A third
advantage of using percentile scores is that they are well interpretable, indicating at a theoretical scale
from 0 to 100 the relative position. The percentile scores are based on a ranking of individual items on
7981 observations of 2547 respondents, who are weighted by the inverse of the number of times they
occur in the data (varying between two and five times). The index was computed as the mean of five
percentile scores.
Parents' cultural participation
The index of parents' cultural participation is based on the information provided by the parents
themselves. Of the 2547 selected respondents, 2009 parents have answered the questionnaire,
containing the same questions on high culture as the respondents’ questionnaire. In 58.7 percent of the
cases it was the mother who provided the information.
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In 669 of the cases, the score on at least one of the items is missing, a consequence of (partial)
nonresponse. The missing values have been imputed by an imputation method, known as ‘hot deck
nearest neighbor imputation’ (Little & Rubin, 1987). In this method a variable with missing values is
predicted by some covariates in a regression analysis and the resulting predicted value is used to sort
the data. Next, the real value of the adjacent respondent 'the nearest neighbor' is imputed. In this case,
information provided by the students during the classroom survey, on their mother's cultural
participation and their parents' education, was used to predict parents' cultural participation as
provided by one of the parents. In the analyses an indicator is added of whether parents' cultural
participation was an imputed score.
The index of cultural participation by the parents is based on the same five items on high culture
participation as the children's cultural participation (see table 2) and is also a mean of percentile scores
of the individual items. The index of parents' cultural participation was centered and divided by 100,
and consequently ranges from -.5 to .5. This way, parents with a mean cultural activity are the
reference group, facilitating the interpretation of the interaction-effects. The effect of this index can be
interpreted as the difference in cultural participation between respondents with the least and the most
culturally active parents.
Educational level
At the time of the classroom interview, students can be classified into one of the five levels of Dutch
secondary education: pre-vocational (vbo), junior general (mavo), senior general (havo), pre-university
education (vwo) and gymnasium. In constructing the educational level at the classroom interview, not
only information of the students themselves was used, but also information provided by the
classmates. Missing values and large and illogical deviations (for example one gymnasium student in a
classroom full of students of junior general education) were replaced by the rounded class mean. Prevocational secondary education (vmbo), since 1999 a combined level of pre-vocational (vbo) and
junior general education (mavo), was recoded to pre-vocational (vbo: vocational programs) and junior
general education (mavo: theoretical program). At the time of the subsequent waves, a growing part of
the students has moved up to further education: senior secondary vocational education (mbo), higher
professional education (hbo) or university education. The educational level therefore varies over time
and refers to the actual educational level as provided by the respondents themselves. For those who
said not to follow education anymore, their highest attained educational level was used, or, if this
information was lacking, the level of secondary education at the time of the classroom interview.
In the scaling of the educational level, senior secondary vocational education (mbo) was placed
between junior (mavo) and senior general education (havo). This scaling shows an almost linear
relation with cultural participation. The somewhat unusual position of higher professional education
(hbo), lower than pre-university education (vwo), is the result from the fact that these respondents
have been observed while they have not attained their final level of education yet: many pre-university
students will end up at the university level. Also, senior secondary vocational education (mbo) could
better be placed between pre-vocational and junior general education as the cultural participation
associated with this level is concerned. However, as senior secondary vocational education (mbo) is a
follow-up education for both levels, its position was maintained. Another exception to the linear
relation between educational level and cultural participation is the category gymnasium, pre-university
education including classic languages, which is associated with the highest level of cultural
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participation. However, because both pre-university education and gymnasium represent the same
educational level, gymnasium was scaled before university education. In the analyses a variable was
added, indicating whether the respondent had attended gymnasium in secondary school.
The actual educational level varies over time. To test the hypothesis on developments in cultural
participation as a result of changes in the level of education, two components of education were
constructed which are constant over time. The first time-constant variable is the level of education at
the time of the classroom interview. By holding this component constant, the effect of the actual
educational level shows the extent to which further education adds to the explanation of cultural
participation, over and above the differences associated with the level of secondary education. The
second time-constant component of education is the last observed educational level, in most cases the
most plausible value of the highest attained educational level. By controlling this variable, it can be
examined to what extent differences in cultural participation develop under influence of changes in the
educational career, and vary within persons, and to what extent they are stable, and are present before
the final educational level is attained. The assumption that the last known value of educational
represents the highest attained educational level may however be somewhat risky, and the more so
when the last measurement took place short after the classroom interview. Especially for students who
were relatively young during the classroom interview (third graders) and who have participated on the
first occasion, the stable component of educational level will be underestimated.
Parents’ education
Parents' educational level serves as a control variable. It was measured in nine categories and is based
on the information provided by the parents themselves. The index was constructed as the mean of the
highest attained educational level of the parent who filled out the questionnaire, and his or her spouse.
The 594 missing values were imputed according to the same procedure as the missing values on
parents' cultural participation, namely through hot deck imputation. The predicted value here was
based on information given by the children on the educational level of both parents (and was
substituted by the mean when this information was missing too). In the analyses a variable is added,
indicating whether the information on parents' education was imputed. The scaling of parents'
educational level differs from the children's educational level: higher professional education was
scaled higher than pre-university education. Table 2 presents the highest attained educational level of
the parents.
Age
Age refers to the age at the time of measurement and differs within classes, because of the difference
between calendar year and school year. Age ranges between 14 and 24, of which 15 years was
subtracted, so the constant refers to 15-year old respondents. Table 2 presents the number of
observations in each age category. In the analyses, splines are used to estimate the age effects: linear
effects allowed to vary between different ages.
Art education
At the time of data collection, a new curriculum was introduced in Dutch secondary education. Some
schools started in 1998, some schools in 1999. A part of the new curriculum was a new art course
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which has cultural participation as its core activity. The main variant of the course is taught at senior
general (havo) and pre-university (vwo) education. Students of this variant have to do six (senior
general (havo)) or ten (pre-university (vwo)) cultural activities. Students of gymnasium and of lower
levels of secondary education get other, less compelling variants of the course. A large part of the
sample has been observed before, during and/or after enrollment in this course (see table 2).
Evaluation research showed that students indeed participate more in high culture during enrollment
than their schoolmates, who are not (yet) enrolled (Ganzeboom a.o., 2003). Because enrollment in the
new art course is also correlated with age and (secondary) educational level, the effects of age and
education can only be interpreted correctly when enrollment in the art course is held constant.
For the first two surveys of 1998 and 1999, information on enrollment in the art course comes from
interviews with teachers. From 2000 onwards, students have been asked about their enrollment in the
art course. Enrollment during the classroom interviews was determined by the answer of the majority
of a class, to increase the reliability of the measurement. The impression was that some students - in
the first years after introduction of the new subject - thought they had (had) the art course, while that
should be impossible considering schooling level and grade. Furthermore, enrollment in the course is
not an individual choice and consequently differs between classes and not within classes (although
within a class different variants of the subject can exist). During subsequent waves, however, (past)
enrollment in the art course is primarily based on individual reports (because now individual
differences in school careers may have occurred) and a differentiation was made between current and
past enrollment. Missing values have been imputed by the score of the majority of the classes, if
possible; otherwise they have been replaced by zero, while including an indicator for missing values.
The different variants of the course were represented by interactions of enrollment in the course times
the level of secondary education. Although enrollment in the art course is controlled for in the
analyses, its effects will not be reported.
Sex and ethnicity
Sex and ethnicity are control variables. In the selected sample 51.3 percent is female. Ethnicity is
determined by the country of birth of the respondents, their fathers and their mothers, which have been
coded to western or non-western. In 3.4 percent of the cases the respondent and both parents are born
in a non-western country; in 5.7 and 3.9 percent two and three members of the family are born in a
non-western country. The index of ethnicity is zero when the respondent and both of his parents are
born in a western country and is one when all three of them come from a non-western country. The
index varies between zero and one. These values indicate that one or two of the members of the family
are of non-western origin. Sex and ethnicity will be held constant, but their effects will not be
reported.
Method
The samples in the research project 'Youth and Culture' are hierarchically ordered. First, a sample of
schools was drawn, then within schools samples of classes were drawn, and subsequently students
within classes were handed out a questionnaire. In addition, these students have been approached
several times to fill out a questionnaire. The observations are thus not independently collected. To
correct for the dependencies of the observations at different levels, hierarchical linear models were
estimated, using the program MLwiN, version 2.02 (Rasbash, Browne, Healy, Cameron & Charlton,
11
2005). These models consider the schools, the classes within schools and the individuals as random
samples from populations of schools, classes and individuals (Snijders & Bosker, 1999, p. 42).
Longitudinal data can also be estimated through the use of hierarchical linear models. The scores of
individuals on several occasions are the units, nested within individuals. These models are more
complicated, because it is likely that the variances of - in this case - cultural participation vary between
the occasions, and also the covariances between cultural participation at these occasions. Hierarchical
linear models can take into account these varying variances and covariances by specification of the
random part of the model. As the hypotheses will be tested through the regression coefficients, the
'fixed effects', I chose to use a model with the least possible restrictions to the random part. In this socalled fully multivariate model (Snijders & Bosker, 1999, p. 167) variances at each occasion and the
covariances between the occasions are freely estimated. In the analyses here, this occurs at both the
individual and the class level 2. The loss of degrees of freedom, a disadvantage of this model, is
thought to be relatively small in comparison with the number of observations, and thus to have little
consequences for the stability of the estimates. In the tables only the regression coefficients will be
reported (the variance-covariances matrices are available on request). The improvement of fit of
subsequent models are to be read from the difference in Deviance (minus two times the loglikelihood)
between two models. This difference can be used as a test statistic which has a 2-distribution with the
number of degrees of freedom equal to the difference in the estimated parameters between both
models.
RESULTS
Model 1 in table 3 is the baseline model, showing the cultural participation at the several time points
varying with regard to the first measurement in September 1998. The level of cultural participation
during the classroom surveys in May 2000 and 2001 is somewhat higher than that of the first
classroom survey, probably as a consequence of the period and of differences in composition between
the cohorts. As the index of cultural participation is based on percentile scores, the mean is about 50
percentile points3. There is not much variation over time: cultural participation increases slightly, but
remains around 50.
In model 2, age, sex, ethnicity and parents’ cultural participation are added to the model. Differences
in cultural participation between those with the least and the most culturally active parents are 19.63
percentile points (actually, the difference is about 13 percentile points, because those with the least
culturally active parents have a score of .33). This result confirms the important role of
intergenerational transmission in explaining cultural participation. However, the effect is somewhat
smaller than in other studies on cultural participation in which parents and children have been
interviewed independently (like in Nagel (2002), Nagel & Ganzeboom (2002) and in De Vries
(2006)).
Model 3 examines whether the effect of parents' cultural participation varies with age. The findings
make clear that the effects of parents' cultural participation do not change in the age range between 14
and 24. In none of the age segments the effect of parents' cultural participation interacts significantly
2
A model allowing variances and covariances to be freely estimated at the school level also, did not converge.
It is not exactly 50, because the dependent variable is a mean of percentile scores and because in the analyses
large groups contribute stronger in determining the mean than small groups.
3
12
with age. Also, the difference in Deviance compared to model 2 shows, that, given the difference in
degrees of freedom, model 3 is not a significant improvement.
In model 4, the educational level is added to the analyses. Also, enrollment in the new art course is
controlled for. It turns out that differences in cultural participation relate strongly to education, a
higher educational level being associated with a stronger participation in cultural activities. The almost
linear relation between educational level and cultural participation justifies the scaling of educational
level. However, those with an education of secondary vocational level (mbo) are somewhat less
culturally active than those with junior general education (mavo, vmbo-t), although both categories do
not differ from the one which contains the least culturally active, those of pre-vocational education
(vbo or vmbo-b). The category gymnasium shows the highest level of cultural participation: these
students do not only participate more in cultural activities than pre-university students (vwo), but also
than university students.
The difference between pre-vocational level and university is seven percentile points. The influence of
educational level thus appears to be smaller than the effects of parents' cultural participation, which
was 13 percentile points. This result gives more support to the cultural reproduction model, which
predicted an overwhelming influence of the family of origin (H1a), than to the cultural mobility
model, according to which the influence of educational level was expected to be at least as strong as
that of the parental family.
The effect of parents' cultural participation does hardly change now educational level is controlled for.
Also, no age variations of the effect of parents' cultural participation occur. There are no indications
that parents’ cultural participation affects their children's cultural participation indirectly, through their
children's educational level, as was expected according to the cultural reproduction model (H2a).
Parents' cultural participation influences cultural participation next to the educational level, just like
the prediction of the cultural mobility model (H2b). Also, the effect of educational level of the parents
hardly decreases and remains significant.
Model 5 is the same as model 4, but now the educational level is added as a continuous variable. The
model serves as a model of reference for the next models in which interaction terms will be estimated.
Because in model 4 students of gymnasium turned out to be more culturally active, a variable is added
which indicates whether a respondent was found at the gymnasium level during the classroom
interview. The difference in Deviance shows that the model fits equally well as model 44. The model
shows again that parents' cultural participation and educational level are both important determinants
of cultural participation. Converted into standardized effects, the effects of parents' cultural
participation and educational level are respectively .225 and .154. Again, the influence of the parental
family appears to be stronger than that of education, as was expected by hypothesis H1a.
In model 5 it was shown that cultural participation is related to a higher educational level. However,
not clear is to what extent the educational career adds to the differences in cultural participation,
associated with the secondary schooling level. Therefore, in model 6 the educational level is split up
into the level of secondary education at the time of the classroom interview on the one hand, and the
actual educational level on the other. The results make clear that cultural participation is only related
4
A model without this indicator had a significantly poorer fit.
13
to the actual educational level and are thus better explained by the stronger differentiation associated
with further movements in the educational career. Apart from the actual educational level, secondary
schooling level does not exert an independent influence on cultural participation. Except for (former)
gymnasium students: they continue to be the most culturally active, irrespective of their further
educational career.
The association between cultural participation and further movements in the educational career does
not mean that differences in cultural participation actually come into existence during education. It is
possible that differences according to the actual educational level (during later waves often the highest
attained educational level) are existent before the final educational level was attained. For example, in
a senior general education class (havo) there may already be differences between students who will
continue their education at secondary vocational level (mbo) and those who will go to higher
professional education (hbo) or pre-university education (vwo). Therefore, in model 7, next to the
actual educational level, the last known educational level is added. This time-constant variable
indicates the extent to which differences in cultural participation, according to the highest attained
educational level, are stable and thus exist befóre this level was attained. The effect of the actual
educational level indicates to what extent cultural participation changes during the educational career.
Model 7 shows that there are both stable and time-varying differences in cultural participation
according to the educational level. In the observed age period, the stable differences between those
who end their educational career at pre-vocational level (vbo) and those who attain university level are
4.69 percentile points. In addition to these stable differences, cultural participation changes during the
educational career. The maximum increase (between the lowest and the highest educational level) is
3.93 percentile points. A university student starting at senior general level in secondary school
becomes 2.24 percentile points more culturally active during his educational career (4 * 3.93 / 7). The
results offer more support for the cultural mobility model (H3b), according to which changes were
expected due to educational career. The stable effects do not lend support to the cultural reproduction
model. This model predicted that the effects of educational level would be present befóre the
educational career was finished, but the explanation was that these were in fact spurious effects of the
parental family. However, also the stable effects of educational level occur independently of the
effects of parents' cultural participation. It appears that there are differences in cultural participation
between adolescents apart from their parents’ cultural participation (and their educational level). And
that also rather points to cultural mobility than to cultural reproduction.
Model 8 examines whether the educational level reinforces or compensates initial differences caused
by parents' cultural participation. According to the model of cultural reproduction, differences in
cultural participation would grow, because children of culturally active families would profit more
from education than children of less culturally active parents. According to the model of cultural
mobility differences in cultural careers would equalize because children of culturally active parents
make up for their disadvantage during their educational career.
The interactions in model 8 between parents' cultural participation and the actual educational level
indicate that parents' cultural participation affects their child's cultural participation stronger only as
far as gymnasium students are concerned. Among those of other educational levels the effect of
parents' cultural participation does not vary, meaning that there are neither indications for cultural
14
reproduction nor for cultural mobility5. For these educational levels both hypotheses 4a and 4b have to
be rejected. Only for (former) students of gymnasium the hypothesis of the cultural reproduction
model is confirmed (H4a). The former analyses showed that these students participate more in cultural
activities than their peers. This model shows that they participate even more when they come from a
culturally active family.
CONCLUSION
This paper contributes to the question to what extent a culturally oriented lifestyle, which is assumed
to facilitate membership of higher social status groups, is determined by intergenerational transmission
on the one hand and by cultural mobility on the other. It was examined how initial differences in
cultural participation resulting from differences in parents' cultural participation develop between the
ages of 14 and 24, under influence of the educational career. This age range is an interesting one,
because from early adolescence onwards persons are gradually breaking away from their parents and
start to attain their own social status, in the first place their educational level.
The results confirm that both family and education are important determinants of cultural
participation, also between the ages of 14 and 24. There are large differences in cultural participation
associated with the family of origin and these do not change in the age range between 14 to 24, not
even when changes in the educational career are taken into account. The results show that parents'
cultural participation and the children’s level of education independently affect the children's
participation in cultural activities. Although the effect of education is smaller than the effect of family,
it is also an important cause of differences in cultural participation. Cultural participation is best
explained by the differentiation in the educational level associated with further movements in the
educational career, after secondary education. Partly, the differences in cultural participation according
to education already exist before the education has been attained; for another part these differences
come into existence during the educational career. The effects of education do not depend on the
effects of parents' cultural participation. An increase in cultural participation due to an increasing
educational level occurs for both children of culturally active family backgrounds and children whose
parents have less interest in cultural activities. The higher cultural participation of those of culturally
active family backgrounds therefore remains the same. Except for those who attend gymnasium in
secondary school. These children do not only participate more in cultural activities than those
attending other school types, they are also affected more strongly by their parents´ cultural activities.
In general, the results do not give a convincing indication for either cultural reproduction or cultural
mobility as a decisive mechanism behind the development of a culturally oriented lifestyle. Support
for the cultural reproduction model rather than the cultural mobility model in these results, is the
finding that the effects of parents' cultural participation are stronger than those of education. In
addition, the stronger family effects for students of gymnasium are more in line with the cultural
reproduction model. However, there is no indication that parents' cultural participation affect their
children's cultural participation indirectly, through the children’s educational level and this presumed
association is in fact the core of the cultural reproduction theory. Furthermore, there are clear
differences in cultural participation according to the educational level, independent of the family
effects and this points rather to the cultural mobility model. In sum, both processes, intergenerational
5
A model with the two components of education level form model 7 leads to the same conclusion.
15
transmission and cultural mobility, seem to play a role in the development of cultural participation.
Based on the results in this paper, one cannot decide for either the cultural reproduction model or the
cultural mobility model.
A finding calling for further examination is the relatively small effect of parents´ cultural participation.
In other studies in which parents and children have been interviewed independently on their cultural
participation, effects have been found which are about twice as high (Nagel, 2002; Nagel &
Ganzeboom, 2002; De Vries, 2006). In addition to that, the differences in cultural participation,
according to the level of education are an interesting subject for further investigation. In this paper it
was found that these differences partly come into existence during the educational career. For another
part, however, they seem to reflect stable differences between persons, at least in the age period
between 14 and 24. If there is, apart from the family of origin and education itself, a large association
between cultural participation in adolescence and the educational level to be attained later on, is
interesting to find out where these differences come from. One possibility is that these differences are
the consequence of the educational career proceeded thus far. However, there are other possible
explanations. One interpretation may be that young people adopt a lifestyle according to the social
status position they hope to attain (anticipating socialization). If this also holds for those of less
culturally oriented family backgrounds, this effect could be interpreted as cultural mobility. Further
research could examine to what extent expectations on the later social status position would determine
the cultural participation in early adolescence.
One way to become culturally active, apart from parents and school, could be by influences of the peer
group. The age period of 14 to 24 can be considered to be a phase during which peers become an
important reference. Young people associating with peers of culturally oriented families may adopt a
culturally oriented lifestyle in adolescence. If this occurs more strongly among those attaining a higher
educational level, and also among those of less culturally oriented family backgrounds, this could be
an explanation for differences in cultural participation according to the level of education, and these
could be interpreted as cultural mobility (see also Dimaggio, 1982, p.190).
Finally, a psychological explanation may be that stable differences in cultural participation according
to education, are the consequence of differences in intellectual capacities, indicated by level of
education, leading to an appreciation of complex leisure activities, like cultural participation
(Ganzeboom, 1984). Further research could find out to what extent indicators of intellectual ability
(for example, grades) are able to explain differences according to education.
The causal relation between education and cultural participation can also be the other way around: a
culturally oriented lifestyle leads to a higher educational level. It will therefore be meaningful to study
the influence of cultural participation on the attained educational level by analyzing the level of
education as a dependent variable, and including as independent variables both parents' and children's
cultural participation. The extent to which the children's cultural participation, apart from parents'
cultural participation, affect their educational level, will bring more clarity in the tenability of both
models of cultural reproduction and cultural mobility (Aschaffenburg & Maas, 1997). Such an
analysis could also include parents' and children’s reading behavior. It is possible that in the Dutch
school system cultural reproduction is not manifested by cultural (outgoing) behavior, but rather by
parents' reading behavior (De Graaf, De Graaf & Kraaykamp, 2000; De Graaf & De Graaf, 2002).
However, the causal order of the association between education and cultural participation in these data
16
can only be established as far as the educational career after secondary education is concerned. In the
association between secondary education and cultural participation, the direction of the effect remains
unclear.
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19
Table 1:Students of cohorts 1998, 2000 and 2001 according to secondary schooling level and grade at the time
of the classroom interview. Absolute numbers in the original sample and in the selection, percentages
grade 3
(age 14-15)
grade 4
(age 15-16)
pre-vocational (vbo)
516
251
48.6
151
101
66.9
667
352
52.8
junior general (mavo)
387
233
60.2
175
134
76.6
562
367
65.3
senior general (havo)
372
250
67.2
745
468
62.8
84
70
83.3
1201
788
65.6
pre-university (vwo)
310
208
67.1
540
423
78.3
242
140
57.9
1092
771
70.6
gymnasium
132
100
75.8
151
116
76.8
92
53
57.6
375
269
71.7
total
1717
1042
60.7
1762
1242
70.5
418
263
62.9
3897
2547
65.4
Source: Youth & Culture (1998 – 2004) (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007)
20
grade 5
(age 16-17)
total
Table 2: Cultural participation and social background characteristics of the selected sample between the ages of 14
and 24 and characteristics of the parents. Percentages
CULTURALPARTICIPATION
theatrea
cabareta
classical
concerta
balleta
museuma
Cronbach’s
Alphaa
EDUCATION
no education
primary school
pre-vocational
junior general
senio general
pre-university
gymnasiumb
secondary
vocational
higher
professional
university
age
14
age
15
age
16
age
17
age
18
age
19
age
20
age
21
age
22
age
23-25
parents
24.0
12.1
26.8
13.1
35.9
21.2
36.6
26.4
28.2
26.5
28.6
32.6
26.5
32.1
27.9
39.2
24.4
34.3
26.1
37.7
33.3
31.2
10.4
9.6
11.7
11.0
10.0
12.1
12.9
12.9
11.5
4.3
30.6
6.8
58.6
6.0
60.3
9.2
61.2
9.7
58.2
8.8
52.3
8.7
49.7
8.1
48.2
7.5
53.7
6.6
49.8
7.4
44.1
13.6
65.5
.61
.54
.58
.62
.63
.67
.63
.61
.59
.63
.68
15.9
26.1
18.6
22.1
17.3
ART
EDUCATION
actual
past
unknown
1.6
N
571
a
b
.8
2.2
7.3
12.6
7.5
4.6
16.2
17.8
24.2
28.9
10.9
9.9
9.1
32.5
26.3
9.0
6.3
3.1
23.0
29.9
7.7
3.8
1.9
10.8
12.8
2.4
4.1
2.4
5.1
4.1
.4
3.9
2.0
4.6
2.7
.3
2.5
2.0
6.3
1.6
.4
4.5
3.3
6.6
.8
.4
7.2
5.8
10.1
2.1
12.3
19.5
21.9
24.1
15.1
13.5
15.6
10.1
18.1
.9
9.2
29.4
32.1
41.5
36.3
42.8
47.8
28.9
1.1
17.0
27.7
29.8
37.5
25.9
18.8
17.9
21.5
.2
.6
40.3
6.8
4.5
25.8
23.3
5.9
7.5
55.7
4.4
1.9
50.9
5.1
.2
66.0
3.9
.2
53.5
3.7
39.1
3.7
18.8
1447
1567
1150
925
823
588
512
243
69
Percentage indicating to participate less than once a year.
In the data on the parents this category was not differentiated
Source: Youth & Culture (1998 – 2004) (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007)
21
2547
Table 3: Cultural participation between the ages of 14 and 24, fully multivariate hierarchical linear panel model: estimated
regression coefficients and standard errors (N = 67 schools, 281 classes, 2547 persons, 7895 observations)
2a
1
Intercept t0 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t0 (cohort 2000)
Intercept t0 (cohort 2001)
Intercept t1 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t2 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t3 (all cohorts)
Intercept t4 (all cohorts)
47.17
5.28
3.45
.64
1.74
2.53
2.03
.70
.75
.72
.48
.57
.49
.50
*
*
*
3ab
44.54
5.13
3.45
.50
1.66
2.83
2.45
.76
.73
.76
.49
.66
.77
1.10
Age 14 – 16
Age 16 – 18
Age 18 – 20
Age 20 – 25
.43
-.50
-.07
.25
.29
.29
.34
.36
Parents' educational level (0-1)
Parents' cultural participation
(.33-.97)
* Age 14 – 16
* Age 16 – 18
* Age 18 – 20
* Age 20 – 25
3.32
.75
19.63
1.24
*
*
*
*
*
*
44.57
5.12
3.44
.49
1.66
2.82
2.42
.76
.73
.76
.50
.66
.78
1.10
.37
-.48
-.11
.27
.32
.31
.37
.41
*
3.32
.75
*
18.84
1.50
.25
-.01
1.45
1.28
1.44
1.22
1.55
2.03
*
*
*
Pre-vocational
Junior general
Secondary vocational
Senior general
Higher professional
Pre-university
Gymnasium
University
Deviance
Number of fixed effects
60488.4
7
60092.1
18
4 abc
60087.8
26
*
*
*
41.54
2.27
2.13
.51
1.00
1.40
.27
.81
.69
.67
.50
.70
.78
1.11
-.17
-.02
.20
.50
.32
.31
.36
.42
*
2.15
.74
*
*
19.18
1.48
*
-.07
-.21
1.59
.78
1.43
1.21
1.54
2.03
0
1.35
.30
2.75
3.03
5.30
8.58
7.16
.75
.68
.73
.78
.77
.97
.87
*
*
*
59800.9
39
* = p < .05
a
Control variables (5): sex, ethnicity, indicator missing information ethnicity; indicators for imputed values of education and
parents' cultural participation
b
Control variables (4): interactions between age and indicator for imputed values of parents' cultural participation
c
Control variables (6): enrollment in art education: actual, in the past indicator of missing information
Source: Youth & Culture (1998 – 2004) (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007)
22
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
Table 3 (continued): Cultural participation between the ages of 14 and 24, fully multivariate hierarchical linear panel
model: estimated regression coefficients and standard errors (N = 67 schools, 281 classes, 2547 persons, 7895 observations)
5 abc
Intercept t0 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t0 (cohort 2000)
Intercept t0 (cohort 2001)
Intercept t1 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t2 (cohort 1998)
Intercept t3 (all cohorts)
Intercept t4 (all cohorts)
6 abc
41.57
2.10
1.90
.52
.23
.52
-.76
.71
.70
.67
.50
.70
.76
1.08
Age 14 – 16
Age 16 – 18
Age 18 – 20
Age 20 – 25
-.23
-.11
.23
.58
.32
.30
.36
.42
Parents' educational level (0-1)
Parents' cultural participation (.33.97)
* Age 14 – 16
* Age 16 – 18
* Age 18 – 20
* Age 20 – 25
2.07
.73
19.08
1.47
-.002
-.15
1.30
.75
1.43
1.21
1.54
2.03
3.81
7.03
.77
.79
Gymnasium at t0
Actual educational level
Schooling level at t0
Last known educational level
*
*
*
7 abc
41.52
2.09
1.90
.52
.25
.54
-.72
.72
.70
.67
.50
.70
.76
1.09
-.23
-.12
.23
.57
.32
.30
.36
.42
*
2.04
.74
*
19.06
1.47
-.001
-.14
1.30
.76
1.43
1.21
1.54
2.03
3.73
6.80
.43
.81
1.12
1.41
*
*
*
*
*
40.66
2.08
2.00
.51
.41
.82
-0.31
.73
.69
.67
.49
.69
.76
1.08
-.19
-.12
.20
.56
*
*
*
*
41.18
2.03
1.93
.55
.23
.48
-.79
.74
.69
.67
.50
.70
.75
1.08
.32
.30
.36
.42
-.19
-.21
.20
.56
.32
.31
.36
.42
1.74
.73
2.23
.73
*
18.69
1.47
13.58
2.36
*
.01
-.08
1.34
.79
1.43
1.21
1.54
2.03
-1.20
-.50
1.16
.85
1.53
1.36
1.55
2.04
3.47
3.93
.76
1.03
*
*
2.32
7.87
.87
.89
*
*
4.69
1.00
*
19.94
2.91
3.94
4.38
*
Parents' cultural participation (.33.97)
* Gymnasium at t0
* Actual educational level
Deviance
Number of fixed effects
59798.0
34
59797.9
35
8 abcd
59776.7
35
*
*
*
*
*
*
59748.3
50
* = p < .05
a
Control variables (5): sex, ethnicity, indicator missing information ethnicity; indicators for imputed values of education and
parents' cultural participation
b
Control variables (4): interactions between age and indicator for imputed values of parents' cultural participation
c
Control variables (6): enrollment in art education: actual, in the past indicator of missing information
d
Control variables (12): interactions between parents' cultural participation and enrollment in art education: actual, in the past
indicator of missing information; interactions between indicators for imputed values of education and parents' cultural
participation and enrollment in art education: actual, in the past indicator of missing information
Source: Youth & Culture (1998 – 2004) (Ganzeboom & Nagel, 2007)
23