P2JW003000-0-A00900-1--------XA CMYK Composite CL,CN,CX,DL,DM,DX,EE,EU,FL,HO,KC,MW,NC,NE,NY,PH,PN,RM,SA,SC,SL,SW,TU,WB,WE BG,BM,BP,CC,CH,CK,CP,CT,DN,DR,FW,HL,HW,KS,LA,LG,LK,MI,ML,NM,PA,PI,PV,TD,TS,UT,WO THE WALL STREET JOURNAL. Friday, January 3, 2014 | A9 OPINION The Year of the Washington Power Grab T Getty Images T his past year will be remembered for many things, but let 2013 be hailed mainly for this: It was the year that the genius of George Orwell’s “Animal Farm” became clear in America. Efforts to centralize control in the name of “fairness” have led to a society that is ever more at the mercy of a federal power— one that decides who does and does not succeed. The winners are favored POTOMAC special interests, WATCH political cronies By Kimberley and wealthy lobA. Strassel byists. The losers are everyone else. Consider: Maryland authorities last week launched an investigation into the shootings of two bald eagles in Montgomery County. It isn’t clear if the federally protected birds were shot on purpose, or if some poor soul mistook them for vultures. No matter. The Maryland Natural Resources Police (there is such a thing) has gone full vice squad—publicizing a hotline number, dangling a reward, and reminding folks that the federal penalty is a fine of $5,000 per eagle and up to a year in prison. This behavior contrasts with a very different headline, from a month ago. “U.S. to Allow Eagle Deaths—to Aid Wind Power,” read a Dec. 6 Associated Press story about a new federal rule that allows wind companies favored by the Obama administration to avoid the law. These select companies can kill bald and golden eagles, free of prosecution, for 30 years. Within minutes of 2013’s beginning, Congress had passed its huge new tax-cliff increase, which President Obama crowed would ensure that “millionaires and billionaires” The president briefs White House reporters on ObamaCare, Nov. 14. will “pay their fair share.” Yet included in that bill was $40 billion in exemptions for the politically powerful—Michigan Nascar-track owners, rum distillers, renewable energy firms, and so on. ObamaCare was passed in the name of equalizing health care. Yet it was Congress and its staffers who got special dispensation to keep a generous health subsidy— when no other Americans did. It was powerful corporate America, with its influential lobbyists, that got an additional year to meet the insurance mandate—when individuals did not. It was the unions that got a reprieve from a health-insurance tax—when individuals and small businesses were left to pick up the tab. In August, the Environmental Protection Agency issued a new ethanol mandate, though it exempted one lucky refinery in Louisiana, out of 143 nationwide. That refinery happens to be under the patronage of Democratic Sen. Mary Landrieu, up for re-election this year. Congressional Democrats ad- vanced measures in 2013 to pile new taxes on fossil fuel companies. This, as the Energy Department continued to absorb the losses of Solyndra, A123 Systems, and other taxpayer-funded green-energy firms, some of which are owned by political donors to Mr. Obama. The Justice Department in November settled with J.P. Morgan for $13 billion, for the sin of dealing in “toxic” mortgage-backed securities. Some of that payout will go to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, sources of the housing collapse that are nonetheless wards of the state—and thus, apparently, safe from Justice lawsuits. Citibank, so immersed in subprime as to require a bailout, also escaped Obama prosecutors. But Citibank is the producer of—and landing spot for—key Obama appointees, including Treasury Secretary Jack Lew. In April, the IRS was outed for targeting conservative political groups. The Obama administration in December issued new rules that will institutionalize this silencing of conservative free speech under the guise of regulating 501(c)(4) organizations. Unions, which file under a different IRS nonprofit category, will continue unmolested. The EPA this summer conducted an armed raid of a mining facility in Alaska, over putative violations of the Clean Water Act. The Federal Trade Commission harassed a nonprofit representing piano teachers, over ginned up antitrust violations. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration began cracking down on small, family farms, operations meant to be exempt from that agency’s regulation. By contrast, the administration has yet to announce a single prosecution of a single individual at the IRS. Mr. Obama explained in December that IRS employees were simply victims of a “difficult law to interpret.” Maybe like the Clean Water Act, or antitrust laws, or OSHA rules? Maybe not. There’s plenty more, but you get the picture. In “Animal Farm” George Orwell set out to show how power inevitably corrupts, no matter how noble the intention. A group of animals initially centralize control over the farm to ensure that “All animals are equal.” Yet the novel ends with the barnyard commandants—high on their righteousness—reducing the commandments to just one: “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.” Indeed, in ObamaWorld, many millionaires, health-care buyers, energy companies, subprime dealers, political groups, and bird killers are more equal than others. Our new elite is ever more defined by who has the best pull with the administration. So long as government grows, so too will this government-created inequality. Write to [email protected] Is 13-Year-Old Jahi McMath Alive or Dead? he sad story of Jahi McMath, a 13-year-old girl in Oakland, Calif., who went into cardiac arrest after complications from a tonsillectomy last month and was declared brain dead on Dec. 12, has brought public attention to the difficult moral, legal and spiritual HOUSES OF questions that all families face WORSHIP By Brendan P. when a loved one is dying. A Foht judge has ordered that after Jan. 7, Children’s Hospital can take Jahi off life support. To Nailah Winkfield, Jahi’s mother, the insistence by doctors that her child has already died clashes with her belief that, in God’s eyes, as long as her child’s heart is beating, Jahi is still alive. As family members search for another facility to care for her, they have also pursued a legal battle to stop doctors from removing the ventilator that keeps her breathing. The family argues that the hospital’s decision to declare Jahi dead is a violation of Ms. Winkfield’s religious freedom. Determining when a patient has died is just one of the controversies surrounding end-of-life medical care. Belgium is on the verge of enacting a law that will extend legalized euthanasia to minors, which would allow doctors to kill terminally ill and suffering children who, with their parents’ approval, request death. Catholic groups there argue that better palliative care, not killing, is the best way to respect the dignity of terminally ill and suffering patients. In the U.S., Vermont legislators passed a bill in May allowing doctors to prescribe lethal doses of medication to terminally ill patients. A case challenging Minnesota’s ban on assisted suicide has recently reached the state’s supreme court. The question in Jahi McMath’s case is different, since the disagreement is not over ending the child’s life or even whether to withdraw futile treatment—but whether she is alive at all. In the case of Terri Schiavo— the comatose woman who died in 2005 when her husband won a legal battle with her parents to remove life-support—no one disputed that Schiavo, in what doctors called a “vegetative state,” was alive at the time. In this case, Jahi McMath’s family believes she is alive. But doctors at the hospital have ruled that she is dead, because her entire brain, including the brain stem, has entirely failed. Similar issues arose in the case of Motl Brody, a 12-year-old boy from an Orthodox Jewish family who in 2008 was declared brain dead after a struggle with cancer. Though there is disagreement in the Orthodox community over whether to accept brain death as the standard for determining when a person has died, the Brody family believed that Motl was still alive and that they had an obligation to do whatever they could to care for him until they were sure he had died. Arguing for religious freedom, the family challenged the hospital’s decision to declare Motl dead and withdraw life support. He died when his heart stopped before a court could rule. The legal question of whether parents can disagree with a medical declaration of death as a matter of religious liberty remains unsettled. New York is one of the few states whose laws on the Doctors say there’s no hope. Her mother, with faith that God will decide, has gone to court. determination of death allow for “reasonable accommodation” of the family’s or the patient’s religious beliefs. Doctors and ethicists seek to define death on a firm scientific basis. Yet while declaring a patient dead on the basis of total brain failure has become a widely accepted standard for medical practice and American law, for some it remains controversial. One concern is that it allows doctors to keep recently deceased, brain-dead patients on ventilators before removing their organs for transplantation. This raises the troubling question of whether the new definition is meant in part to increase the number of eligible organ donors. There have been a number of cases when apparently brain-dead patients have made miraculous recoveries, in some cases even after doctors had prepared to remove their organs. Such recoveries are rare, perhaps in part because patients declared brain dead do not generally receive the aggressive treatment that might save them, or because these patients were never actually brain dead but merely misdiagnosed. Many religious communities have come to accept the medical consensus that total brain failure can be used to declare patients dead. The late Christian bioethicist Paul Ramsey argued that since “the Scriptures know no life that is not embodied life . . . no Biblical theologian should take umbrage at the suggestion that a pronouncement of death is a medical question.” But not all religious believers, and certainly not Jahi McMath’s family, accept the medical community’s definition of death. Though there is lingering uncertainty about when a life has ended, and reasonable people can hold different beliefs about what compassion demands in these situations, the faith of these families and the hope and love for their children it inspires deserve our respect. Mr. Foht is assistant editor of the New Atlantis: A Journal of Technology and Society. Common Core Doesn’t Add Up to STEM Success The high-school math standards are too weak to give us more engineers or scientists. College, Mr. Zimba admitted: “If you want to take calculus your freshman year in college, you will need to take more mathematics than is in the Common Core.” As Stanford mathematics professor James Milgram noted in “Lowering the Bar,” a report the two of us co-wrote for the Pioneer Institute in September, the Common Core deliberately leaves out “major topics in trigonometry and precalculus.” Contrast that with the status quo before the Common Core, when states like Massachusetts and California provided precalculus standards for high-school students. The implications of this are dramatic. “It is extremely rare for students who Composite A s a former member of the Common Core Validation Committee and the Massachusetts Board of Elementary and Secondary Education, I am one of the few mothers to have heard the full sales pitch for this latest educational reform, which has been adopted by 45 states. I know the Common Core buzz words, from “deeper learning” and “critical thinking” to “fewer, clearer, and higher standards.” It all sounds impressive, but I’m worried that the students who study under these standards won’t receive anywhere near the quality of education that children in the U.S. did even a few years ago. President Obama correctly noted in September 2012 that “leadership tomorrow depends on how we educate our students today—especially in science, technology, engineering and math.” He has placed a priority on increasing the number of students and teachers who are proficient in these vital STEM fields. And the president’s National Math and Science Initiative is strongly supported by people like Suzanne McCarron, president of the Exxon Mobil Foundation, who has said she wants to “inspire our nation’s youth to pursue STEM careers by capturing their interest at an early age.” Yet the basic mission of Common Core, as Jason Zimba, its leading mathematics standards writer, explained at a videotaped board meeting in March 2010, is to provide students with enough mathematics to make them ready for a nonselective college—“not for STEM,” as he put it. During that meeting, he didn’t tell us why Common Core aimed so low in mathematics. But in a September 2013 article published in the Hechinger Report, an education news website affiliated with Columbia University’s Teachers begin their undergraduate years with coursework in precalculus or an even lower level of mathematical knowledge to achieve a bachelor’s degree in a STEM area,” Mr. Milgram added. Common Core’s deficiencies also plague its English standards, though its proponents have been selling the opposite line. Under the Common Core, complex literary study—literature close to or at a college reading level—is reduced to about 50% of reading instructional time in high school English class. The rest of the time is to be spent on “informational” texts, and more writing than reading is required at all grade levels. Excerpts will have to do when reading “The Great Gatsby” so students can spend more time on the Teapot Dome Scandal. Yes, that’s a real suggestion for informational reading from the National Council of Teachers of English, the professional organization of English teachers that aims to support teachers under the Common Core. In its November 2013 Council Chronicle, a teacher argued that learning about this 1920s government oil scandal is the proper way to “contextualize” Fitzgerald’s Jazz Age characters. But reducing the time students spend studying complex literature means fewer opportunities to learn how to read between the lines—the fundamental way teenagers learn how to analyze a text. Still, no major English or hu- manities organizations have endorsed the Common Core state standards for English language arts. Not so in mathematics. Despite the dramatic mismatch of the Common Core math standards with the White House goal of preparing more students for a STEM career, all the heads of major professional mathematics associations expressed “strong support for the Common Core State Standards for Mathematics” in a July 2013 letter solicited and posted by William McCallum, professor of mathematics at the University of Arizona and a Common Core math standards writer. Other signers include the presidents of the American Mathematical Society, the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, the Association for Women in Mathematics, the Benjamin Banneker Association, the Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics and TODOS: Mathematics for ALL. Why leaders of these organizations would endorse standards that will not prepare students for college majors in mathematics, science, engineering and mathematics-dependent fields is a puzzle. But no educational reform that leads to fewer engineers, scientists and doctors is worthy of the name. Ms. Stotsky was a member of Common Core’s Validation Committee from 2009-10. She is professor emerita at the University of Arkansas. Everything Is Not Illuminated The Crooked Mirror By Louise Steinman (Beacon, 224 pages, $26.95) W hen Louise Steinman was invited in 1999 to participate in a retreat at Auschwitz aimed at fostering Polish-Jewish reconciliation, she responded viscerally. She had grown up with the knowledge that many of her relatives on her mother’s side had perished in the Holocaust, and she had no interest in what she viewed as “a communal identity based on a legacy of victimhood” or in “meditating on the train tracks” outside the death-camp complex. What could she possibly say to the current inhabitants of Poland, or they to her, that would yield anything beyond outrage on her part and defensiveness or denial on theirs? Yet the author’s nagging curiosity about her family’s history prodded her to take that initial trip to Poland from Los Angeles, and there she discovered the lively curiosity among many younger Poles about their country’s Jewish past and the fate of the more than three million Jews who had lived there before World War II—a subject deemed taboo under Communist repression. Much to her astonishment, she also witnessed the beginnings of a small Jewish revival, with growing numbers of Poles identifying themselves as Jews. Ms. Steinman is no stranger to the struggle to reach back into history’s abyss. Her 2001 memoir, “The Souvenir,” recounted her discovery of a frayed Japanese flag that her father had claimed from a Pacific battlefield on which he had fought—and her subsequent journey ostensibly to return it to Japan, really to understand her father and the impact of war trauma. “The Crooked Mirror: A Memoir of Polish-Jewish Reconciliation” is Ms. Steinman’s provocative account of her first encounter with the traumatic Polish-Jewish past and of her later trips to Poland, Germany and Ukraine. More than just a tour of death sites, the book is a chronicle of her discovery of, and engagement with, the growing effort to bring Jews and Poles together to find what one Israeli she meets describes as “a new language to talk to each other.” To Ms. Steinman, it appears as if Jews and Poles today view each other through a crooked mirror, with both struggling to make sense of what they see. She travels to Wannsee—the Berlin suburb made infamous by the 1942 conference whose agenda was the “final solution to the Jewish question”—to attend the biannual conference of One by One. The organization facilitates “dialogue groups,” bringing together “survivors, perpetrators, bystanders and resisters” and their descendants. Among the attendees in her group are a white-haired former member of the Wehrmacht, a woman whose father died at Auschwitz and Cheryl, another American Jew of Polish heritage, who pointedly The Polish-Jewish past remains clouded by Soviet lies and by shame, guilt and a residual refusal by some to admit any responsibility. asks: “Do the Poles want us back?” Cheryl joins Ms. Steinman on trips that take them to the small towns where their ancestors had lived before the Holocaust. In Sejny, Poland, they watch volunteers renovate the ruined Jewish cemetery. The two also visit Krakow’s Center for Jewish Culture. Since it opened in 1993, it has become a place where Jews who had previously hidden or not known about their Jewish background meet one another, as well as non-Jews. In Radomsko—the town in central Poland where Ms. Steinman’s family had lived before the Holocaust—the citizens raise funds to install a commemorative marker, in Hebrew and Polish, on the site where the synagogue once stood before the war. Ms. Steinman also tours Kazimierz, the old Krakow Jewish quarter now revived as a cultural district; there she attends a klezmer concert in the restored synagogue’s packed sanctuary. Among the performers that night are “Polish actors dressed like Hasids in black silk jackets.” The audience is enthusiastic. Ms. Steinman’s affable guide and translator, Tomek, who isn’t Jewish but is a serious student of Jewish history, is enchanted. But sensibilities diverge as Ms. Steinman inwardly fumes: “Was this some kind of minstrel show?” The trips ultimately leave Cheryl cold, plaguing her with images of “my grandfather burned alive in the synagogue, my female relatives marched out of town, shot and buried in a mass grave.” The extent to which reconciliation is a work in progress is driven home for Ms. Steinman when she learns that the last known home of some murdered relatives is occupied by a “xenophobic pensioner who listened to anti-Semitic broadcasts.” On the same street, however, she also meets an “urbane law professor who spoke proudly of his grandfather rescuing a Jewish child.” How to explain such contradictory encounters? Ms. Steinman frames her experiences by tracing how the Polish past was systematically obfuscated by Soviet lies and further clouded by shame, guilt and a residual refusal by some to admit any responsibility. She refers throughout to works that document the participation of Poles in anti-Semitic violence during and after World War II, such as historian Timothy Snyder’s “Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin” and Jan T. Gross’s “Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland”—a book that remains controversial in Poland. The mirror, then, remains askew. But readers can be grateful to Ms. Steinman for bearing witness to those seeds of understanding being planted in lands where so much blood flowed. Ms. Cole, author of the memoir “After Great Pain: A New Life Emerges,” is a faculty member of the Skirball Center for Adult Jewish Learning at Temple Emanu-El in New York and a contributing editor of the Psychotherapy Networker. 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