JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
ARTICLE NO.
16, 121 – 161 (1997)
AA970307
Prehistoric Rites of Passage: A Comparative Study
of Transegalitarian Hunter–Gatherers
D’Ann Owens
Millennia Research, 204-10114 McDonald Park Road, North Saanich, British Columbia V8L 5X8, Canada
and
Brian Hayden
Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia V5A 1S6, Canada
Received November 25, 1996; revision received January 13, 1997; accepted March 26, 1997
Footprints and handprints clearly indicate that adolescents took part in the cave rituals of Upper
Paleolithic Europe. We argue that the cave paintings were created by transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. To better understand the significance of adolescent involvement in cave rituals, we undertook
a study of maturation events involving rituals among ethnographic transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. Our results show that the costs associated with all of these events increase as social complexity
increases and as the rank of individuals within communities increases. Furthermore, on the basis of
the comparative ethnographic evidence and archaeological parameters pertaining to the different
types of ritual events, we argue that the presence of adolescents in Upper Paleolithic caves suggests
the initiation of elite children to secret societies. q 1997 Academic Press
INTRODUCTION
What were cave rituals like in Upper Paleolithic Europe? In informal archaeological
discussions and occasionally in the literature, it is easy to find statements of despair,
statements to the effect that we will probably
never really know the function and nature
of these events. This is reminiscent of the
despondency of earlier generations regarding other archaeological unknowns such as
who built Stonehenge and the nature of
their motivations (Camden cited in Clark
1953:215). Subsequent methodological and
theoretical advances have often proven such
pessimism unwarranted.
In contrast to the despair expressed by
some authors regarding our ability to know
the nature of the rituals performed in caves,
we feel that there is a growing corpus of
factual, methodological, and theoretical
knowledge which should soon enable prehistorians to reconstruct the basic structure
of these rituals with relative confidence.
These include recent discoveries of undisturbed cave sanctuaries, as well as advances
in direct dating of rock art, in recording
traces and remains on undisturbed Paleolithic cave surfaces, in understanding entopic and shamanistic phenomena, in identifying seasonal messages and thematic
patterns, and in reconstructing painting
techniques and acoustic effects. The goal of
this article is to provide pertinent information on a little explored dimension of interpreting ritual activities in cave sanctuaries:
the comparative study of rites of passage
among transegalitarian hunter – gatherers.
Transegalitarian societies are societies that
are neither egalitarian nor politically stratified; they are thus intermediate between
generalized hunter – gatherers and chief-
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doms in terms of the social and economic
inequalities that characterize them (Blake
and Clarke 1989).
There are a limited number of plausible
suggestions in the literature as to the basic
nature of cave rituals. These include hunting
magic, shamanistic rituals, initiations, and
band or inter-band rituals which either promote the increase of animal species or promote solidarity among participants for purposes such as information or mate exchange.
For recent reviews, see Bahn and Vertut
(1988) and Dickson (1990). Of course, none
of the above possibilities are mutually exclusive. It seems almost certain that the caves
were used for more than one type of ritual
activity given the distinctly different organization of paintings in the main galleries of
caves versus the deep recesses as documented by Leroi-Gourhan (1965) and others.
While all of these suggestions merit in-depth
exploration, this is not possible in a single
article. Rather, given recent indications of
the importance of rites of passage and other
maturation events in the initial development
of transegalitarian societies (Hayden 1995),
we decided to concentrate our analysis on
the maturation events that may have occurred in the caves. We are not the first to
suggest that the total darkness of caves may
have been used for initiations (Mithen 1988,
Dickson 1990), and it is certain from the size
of footprints and painted handprints in
caves such as Gargas, Montespan, Tuc
d’Adoubert, Fontanet, Pech Merle, and Niaux that adolescents were significant participants in cave rituals. As Clottes (1992:59) has
observed, in every case where footprints
have been preserved in Paleolithic caves,
children were present.
Assuming that Upper Paleolithic caves
were used for rituals involving children and
adolescents, there follows a suite of subsidiary questions which archaeology alone is
poorly equipped to deal with at this time.
Such questions include: why was so much
effort expended on initiations at some times
and places but not others? What was the
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role and importance of maturation events
in Upper Paleolithic societies? Did only a
privileged few undergo maturation rituals
in the caves or were all band members included? Were such initiations limited to
boys and men only or were women and girls
also involved? How rigorous were the initiations?
In order to obtain some notion of the social and economic patterning common to
these phenomena cross-culturally, we decided to examine ethnographies of transegalitarian hunter – gatherers covering the
range of complexity that we viewed as possible for the Upper Paleolithic European
hunter – gatherers that painted inside caves.
This has never been done before. The notion
that at least some Upper Paleolithic bands
were transegalitarian hunter – gatherers may
be treated as a working hypothesis, however, we feel that it is firmly supported by
indications of relatively high population
densities, rich resources, specialized exploitation, food storage, increased seasonal sedentism, prestige objects, the intentional
breakage of some prestige objects, status differences in grave goods, and possible human
sacrifices (see Beaune 1995; Dickson 1990;
Hayden 1990, 1993a, 1993b; Soffer 1989;
White 1993). However, the identification of
transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures
requires refinement since the gamut of
known transegalitarian hunter – gatherers
ranges from petty despots to entrepreneurs
to chiefs (Hayden 1995). Most important for
the present analysis, the magnitude and role
of various maturation events seems to vary
as a function of the socioeconomic complexity of the group and the amount of surplus
resources which are available.
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
We realize that the analysis of ethnographic data and the use of results to make
inferences about prehistoric societies are
fraught with potential problems: cultural
changes during early contact with traders
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
or colonists, observer biases and omissions,
Galton’s problem, and many others certainly
exist. Nevertheless, to negate any relevance
of ethnographic observation to prehistory is
to despair of ever being able to say much
that is significant. We proceeded with caution, and with the conviction that if relatively robust, clearly defined trends are present in cross-cultural observations of transegalitarian hunter – gatherers, then these are
most likely due to organizational principles
that transcended the various contact histories and observer biases of individual cases
(Carr 1995:149 – 150). If clear patterning is
present in our data, it can provide one important source of inference concerning the
relationship between maturation events and
aggrandizive strategies among prehistoric
hunter – gatherers organized at similar levels
of complexity.
Given the theoretical debate concerning
the term complexity, we feel it is important
to clearly outline our perspective on the use
of the word. The term complex, by definition, means ‘‘consisting of various connected or interwoven parts; composite’’ and
complexity is defined as ‘‘the state of being
complex’’ (Funk and Wagnalls 1986). These
strict definitions are associated with no judgmental values; complex does not equate
with superior. The association of the term
complexity with ideas of superiority — the
more complex the better — tends to limit our
ability to describe and discuss differences
among societies. All societies are by their
very nature extremely complex; an outcome
of the subtle and not so subtle interactions
of people and the environment, and of individuals of varying dispositions with particular needs and wants. When discussing the
complexity of a culture we recognize this
truism. In this paper the term complex is
solely associated with the number and nature of various practices and institutions
which a society and the individuals of which
it is composed, use in relating to each other,
outsiders, and the surroundings.
Further we do not view complexity in
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strictly unilineal or unidirectional terms.
There may be varying cultural expressions
of complexity depending on such factors
as mobility, corporate exploitation of resources, or other factors. And, clearly cave
art, mobiliary art, and social and economic
complexity waxed and waned from stadial
to interstadial to postglacial conditions.
However, we do assume that at some basic
level, the magnitude of socioeconomic complexity is dependent on the richness and nature of the resource base and in particular
that it is dependent on the ability to produce
surpluses (Hayden 1992 1995). We take the
view that under similar conditions, with
similar technologies, cultures are likely to
develop similar adaptations at a very basic
social and economic level. Thus, while
ethnographic Northwest North American,
Asian, or Australian hunter – gatherers were
not and are not relicts of Paleolithic Europe,
data collected on many facets of their cultural, social and economic adaptations may
be relevant to the understanding of Upper
Paleolithic groups with similar resource
characteristics. In the Upper Paleolithic, surpluses would have been in the form of dried
meat, dried fish, buckskin, or similar commodities. As environments changed over
time and from place to place in Upper Paleolithic Europe, animal migration routes and
herd sizes must have fluctuated resulting in
major shifts in socioeconomic complexity.
These factors would, in turn, have affected
the methods used by aggrandizive individuals to increase their social and economic
power. In particular, we argue that variation
in the availability and reliability of surpluses
could have influenced the importance of
maturation events as aggrandizive strategies.
Given the possible permutations of resource characteristics, aggrandizive strategies, and ethnographic distortions, our analysis can only be considered a preliminary,
coarse-grained, heuristic foray into the
realm of transegalitarian hunter – gatherer
maturation events. The patterns that we
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have been able to document are certainly
gratifying, and they reassure us that we are
probably on a productive avenue of exploration. We anticipate that many refinements
will be possible in the future. The working
model that we used to structure our collection and analysis of data was based on Hayden’s (1995) previous study of a wider range
of transegalitarian societies. This study indicated the pervasive and fundamental importance of the use of maturation events as one
of several basic strategies for creating and
maintaining inequalities in transegalitarian
societies. Following this lead, the major concepts that have guided the theoretical formulation of this analysis are that:
1. Under conditions of scarce, unreliable
resources vulnerable to overexploitation,
sharing becomes mandatory. This limits the
development of prestige technologies as
well as economically based competition; aggrandizive behavior is curtailed and proscribed;
2. As resources become more abundant,
more reliable, and less vulnerable to overexploitation, private ownership and the use of
surpluses for competition and prestige is tolerated as long as these activities do not adversely affect the subsistence prospects of
other community members. These developments differentiate generalized from transegalitarian hunter – gatherers;
3. Every sizable community has at least a
few individuals with aggrandizive and competitive tendencies; and
4. Under varying conditions of surplus
production, aggrandizive individuals use
combinations of strategies to persuade other
community members to produce surpluses
and to surrender some degree of control
over these surpluses. These strategies include fomenting disputes with other communities to be settled by wealth payments;
obtaining marriage and war allies through
feasting; making reciprocal or interest-bearing loans of wealth; establishing wealth payments as part of marriages, increasing the
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value of marriageable children by expending wealth at their maturation events;
and the formation of secret societies to create
special relationships of political, economic,
and supernatural support.
If costly or exclusive initiation rituals can
be documented in the transegalitarian societies of the Upper Paleolithic, then they are
probably of a broader importance in the
complexity and transformation of hunter –
gatherer societies in Europe as part of these
last strategies. Some of the cave rituals were
certainly elaborate, time-consuming, costly,
and probably prestige-conferring events that
involved adolescents. To what extent were
they strategies for transforming surplus economic production into investments and reciprocal debts including the transformation
of egalitarian ethics into hierarchical relationships, and the creation of incipient elites
with more elaborate training, education, and
upbringing than others in the community?
Examining a broad range of transegalitarian hunter – gatherer societies for which ethnographic data is available as a special subset of transegalitarian societies can provide
a much firmer basis for evaluating the above
possibilities. Since transegalitarian hunter –
gatherers arguably constituted the initial
context for the development of socioeconomic complexity, this inquiry is also of considerable relevance to research on the very
origins of complexity itself. At the least, this
study will provide a better understanding
of how transegalitarian hunter – gatherer societies functioned in terms of brokering their
surpluses and socioeconomic power.
Given the above considerations, we suspected that there might be several basic
trends or patterns in our ethnographic sample. Specifically, if maturation events were
being used as a strategy to increase the value
of children for wealth exchanges in marriage
it seemed likely that as resources and sociopolitical complexity increased, so would the
cost and exclusiveness of various maturation events. Alternatively, it seemed possible
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that if such ceremonies were held for all
members of the society regardless of gender
or rank, those of the higher ranking individuals would be more intense, more costly and
of a longer duration. It was suspected that
membership in secret societies and other
such institutions might be restricted to those
people with a high social status, and possibly only to high ranking males. Finally, it
seemed likely that the education which high
status individuals or high status occupational specialists received would be more
detailed than that of lower ranking individuals, and that the costs associated with this
training would be greater.
METHODOLOGY AND DEFINITIONS
Definitions
Transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. Transegalitarian hunter – gatherers, also known as
complex hunter – gatherers, have been defined as those hunter – gatherer societies that
display some degree of socioeconomic inequality, follow a sedentary or semisedentary settlement pattern with permanent
dwellings grouped in relatively dense settlements, and exhibit socioeconomic inequality
through the use of prestige goods or other
such measures (Hayden 1993b; Winters
1974:x). Many groups also possess methods
of storing surplus foods. Considering this
definition, the criteria used to identify transegalitarian hunter – gatherers and to infer
relative complexity were:
• Population density
A minimum value of 0.1 people per
square kilometer (Hayden 1993b) (Table 1)
• Settlement pattern
Semisedentary yearly round (Hayden
1993b:209; Winters 1974:x)
• Political complexity
Presence or absence of formal political
councils
Complexity of such councils
Degree of exclusiveness with regard to
political/leadership positions
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Degree of authority/power of those in
political/leadership positions
• Social complexity
Presence or absence of marked socioeconomic inequality (Hayden 1993b:209)
A system of structured social ranking
Restriction of marriage partners to one’s
own social status
Use of titles or honorific names by the
elites of the society
Presence or absence of slavery (Hayden
1993b:209)
• Economic complexity
Ownership of resource areas by individuals or lineages versus communal rights
(Hayden 1993b:209)
Presence or absence of systems of
tribute
Exclusion of elites from common labor
Presence or absence of economically
based competition (Hayden 1993:209)
Presence or absence of occupational
specialization (Winters 1974:x)
The least complex socioeconomic systems
included in our sample possessed a majority
of the following characteristics. Population
densities were relatively low in comparison
with other complex hunter – gatherer cultures. Positions of leadership among these
societies were generally achieved by
wealthy, strong, intelligent individuals.
These leaders did not command but may
have exerted a strong influence over other
community members. The cultures did not
have formal political councils although informal meetings of influential individuals
may have been held in certain instances.
There was little socioeconomic inequality
within local groups, with no or few prerogatives for leaders. Slavery was absent or infrequent. Community ownership of property
was recognized, with members having communal access to resources. Leaders or rich
individuals did not receive tribute. Economically based competition was expressed in
the attempts by leaders or wealthy individuals to attract labor and spouses through gen-
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erosity and feasting. There was no significant occupational specialization and all
members of the society were included in the
labor force.
The maritime Koryak of the Kamchatka
Peninsula provide a good example of this
type of transegalitarian society as defined in
this study. The following description is
based on Jochelson (1975). In 1908 Jochelson
recorded that the population of the Koryak
numbered only 3782. Presumably battles
with Russians and deaths from introduced
diseases seriously impacted the population.
The traditional Koryak village was led by
individuals who achieved higher social
ranking through their bravery at war and
their success at hunting. These same individuals ‘‘lost their influential positions during
famines in years when hunting and fishing had been unsuccessful’’ (Jochelson
1975:765). In times of war the ‘‘strong men’’
were accorded utmost authority, but this hegemony did not necessarily translate into
power in times of peace. Leaders were not
granted special privileges, although they
tended to have polygamous marriages and
many children, presumably as they were
able to support large households. Winter
festivals in which whole villages and visitors
from neighboring villages participated, were
hosted by the owner of the boat from which
the year’s last whale was killed. Although
these festivals reconfirmed the solidarity of
the community, they presumably also provided opportunities for the development of
intervillage relationships and the attraction
of spouses.
Moderately complex socioeconomic systems were recognized as having a majority
of the following characteristics. Population
densities were relatively high among these
societies. Informal political councils composed of family heads and influential elders
were common. With respect to the acquisition of leadership positions, preference was
often shown to a relative of the deceased,
although the acceptance of the position usually required the approval of the commu-
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nity. Furthermore, it remained possible for
individuals to achieve positions of influence
through intelligence and the acquisition of
wealth. Leaders exerted a strong influence
over local group members but they could
not command obedience. The development
of an elite group identified through prerogatives and titles becomes more common. The
payment of tribute to leaders may have been
practiced although it was not a common occurrence among these groups, and leaders
tended to remain as members of the common labor force. Slavery became more frequent, as did corporate group or private
ownership of resources. Economically based
competition between individuals and lineages was important for the attraction of labor and spouses. This competition could express itself in competitive feasting practices.
Occupational specialization was a common
means through which individuals achieved
or augmented high social status.
The peoples of Northwest Alaska provide
a good example of moderately complex socioeconomic systems. This region supported
a population density of 0.06 – 2.38 people per
square kilometer (Burch 1975). Productive
salmon and seal areas were privately owned
(Nelson 1899:307), and the right of individuals to hunt in certain areas was recognized
(Giddings 1961:151). Slavery was relatively
common. Strangers may have been enslaved, as were poor and orphaned individuals who depended on others for food,
clothing, and protection in exchange for
their services (Burch 1975:25, 209).
Influential positions were achieved through
one’s age and skill and through the acquisition
and disposition of wealth (Burch 1975:210,
226, 228; Murdoch 1892:429; Nelson 1899:304).
Wealth, age, and skill were not sufficient
alone to gain influential positions (Murdoch
1892:430; Spencer 1969:153); ‘‘to retain the
public good will (these men) are forced to be
very open-handed with the community . . .’’
(Nelson 1899:305). The distribution of wealth
in the form of food, clothing and skins, boats,
and other equipment (Burch 1975:209; Spencer
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1969:156) bolstered the position of influential
individuals. Men who acquired much influence were known by the title umealiq (Murdoch 1892:430). The umealiq exerted a strong
influence over his followers, and his prestige
was recognized even outside his community
(Nelson 1899:304; Spencer 1969: 152). The position of umealiq may have been inherited by
the son (Nelson 1899:304), presumably as a
consequence of the wealth and influence of
his family.
‘‘In the political sphere, as in the economic
one, the traditional Northwest Alaskan Eskimos were ranked, and some individuals had
much more power than others’’ (Burch
1975:223). This ranking and the wealth that
supported it were recognized by a few special prerogatives, including the title umealiq.
Other rights to which umealiq and wealthy
individuals were entitled included tattooing
and the wearing of special headdresses
(Murdoch 1892:139, 142). Umealiq were
seated according to their prestige at the Messenger Festival (Spencer 1969:154).
Finally, cultures with highly complex socioeconomic systems were generally identified as the most densely populated societies
in which leadership positions tended to be
inherited by a close relative of the predecessor. Often however, occupying the position
still required the approval of community or
lineage members. Formal political councils
developed among some of these cultures, although informal councils of headmen and
influential individuals remained common.
Among these groups, socioeconomic inequality was marked, with elites being addressed by special titles, receiving prerogatives and tribute, and often being exempt
from common labor. Slavery was a common
practice. Many resources were owned either
by lineages or by private individuals. As
with moderately complex socioeconomic
systems, occupational specialization augmented one’s social standing; however, such
roles tended to become restricted to individuals already possessing a high social status.
Economically based competition reached its
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most intense level among these cultures,
with high rates of interest charged on loans,
elaborate wealth displays, and wealth destruction being common.
The Tlingit of the northern Northwest
Coast typify highly complex hunter – gatherers. The Tlingit were dominated by a complex system of ranking individuals, extended house-groups, and clans. The rank
of an individual or house-group was primarily associated with wealth (Krause
1956:77). Emmons and de Laguna (1991:27)
state that the house-groups held rights to
particular salmon streams, hunting, trapping, sealing, and gathering grounds. Oberg
(1973:55) states that these rights were owned
by the clan to which the household belonged. Personal property included small
canoes, tools, weapons, clothing, and some
ceremonial objects. The house itself, as well
as slaves, large canoes, important ceremonial objects, and many utensils, were the
property of the house-group and were held
in trust by the house leader (Oberg 1973:30,
62). This leader, called the yitsati (Oberg
1973:62), controlled house-group activities
(Krause 1956:77) and represented the family
at public and ceremonial events (Emmons
and de Laguna 1991:27; Oberg 1973:30, 31).
Succession to the position was hereditary
(Emmons and de Laguna 1991:37) and was
usually assumed by the nephew of the predecessor (Krause 1956:77).
Clan leadership positions were hereditary
within the principle lineage of the clan, but
also depended on the approval of male
members (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:38).
As with household leaders, the clan leader’s
power was limited; he represented the
group to outsiders, led the clan in war, presided over the clan council, assisted the
needy, settled disputes, and provided the
death feast for those whose family could not
(Emmons and de Laguna 1991:39).
Despite their limited authority, lineage
and clan leaders were shown great respect
and were entitled to certain prerogatives.
High-ranking individuals and their families
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were addressed with special titles, given
seats of honor at potlatches, and were excluded from the labor of commoners and
slaves (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:27;
Krause 1956:84, 109; Oberg 1973:30, 126).
These individuals, known as anyeti, maintained their social standing, not through success at hunting or fishing, but through the
use of inherited resource rights and wealth
to produce economic surpluses and to obtain
the coppers and slaves necessary for hosting
a potlatch (Oberg 1973:103). Few poor families would ever acquire the wealth necessary
to become anyeti.
Within Tlingit society, economically based
competition expressed itself most overtly in
the potlatch. Oberg (1973:121) notes that the
Tlingit recognized two types of potlatch: an
intravillage ceremony given for important
life events; the other was a forum in which
to display wealth and prerogatives to economic rivals from outside the community.
Regardless of the primary motivation, both
feasts increased the prestige of the host and
the host’s clan. The potlatch provided them
with the opportunity to display their tangible wealth, their crests, songs and dances,
and their generosity. Subsequent to each
potlatch, the host could add a cedar ring to
the clan crest hat and he received an ancestral name (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:254;
Oberg 1973:124, 128). His fame spread with
stories and songs relating the events of his
potlatch (Oberg 1973:128).
Potlatching was and is an expensive undertaking, generally requiring years for the
accumulation of necessary goods. In order
to finance a potlatch, the host was usually
required to draw on the resources and labor
of both his immediate family and his clan.
The host also could borrow goods and food
from outside the local clan division. These
debts were to be paid back with 20% interest
(Oberg 1973:118 – 119). The host was required to invite all who had invited him to
their potlatches. Failure to do so could bring
shame to the family and clan, and a crest of
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the debtor may have been claimed until the
debt was returned.
During the potlatch, which could last for
several days, the host fed all the guests.
Slaves belonging to the host’s family may
have been killed or freed. All who attended
were presented with a momento in return
for witnessing the event. Those who were
formally recognized as witnesses were presented with more substantial gifts, including
slaves, in recognition of their service (Oberg
1973:117, 123 – 124, 127; Veniaminov 1840 in
Emmons and de Laguna 1991:321).
This and similar examples of transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures with
highly complex socioeconomic systems
clearly show the substantial increases in
wealth, social, and political differentiation from moderately complex socioeconomic systems.
Life maturation events. Our research focused on four major types of ‘‘maturation
events’’: (1) growth payments, (2) puberty
ceremonies, (3) initiations, and (4) training.
We use the terms ‘‘initiation’’ and ‘‘maturation events’’ in a different way than social
anthropologists such as La Fontaine (1989)
and therefore define these terms here.
Child growth payments include events at
which payments were made, or feasts were
held, in recognition of an important social
stage in a child’s or adolescent’s life. Such
events include birth; naming; tattooing; ear,
septum, or lip piercing; a child’s first kill,
first formal food gathering, or other similar
events.
Puberty ceremonies are those rites that provide a social marker symbolizing the adolescent’s transition to adult status; these ceremonies may involve formal training in tribal
customs and mythology, payments to educators, periods of seclusion and fasting,
feasting, and disposal of goods.
Initiation, as used by us, refers to a social
and/or ritual ceremony that introduces an
initiate to a potentially exclusive non-natal
institution within the general society. Such
institutions include secret societies, as well
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as religious and social councils. These institutions differ in several ways from cults
found among a number of generalized
hunter – gatherers. For example, membership in Australian totemic cults is patrilineally inherited or associated with one’s place
of birth regardless of social status or individual wealth. The cult leaders, or the custodians of mythology and ritual are simply those
individuals whose conception or birth is associated with a sacred location and who
have attained suitable age (Berndt and
Berndt 1964:196 – 197). In contrast, secret societies and elite institutions are identified as
those organizations in which membership or
leadership is restricted to a particular socioeconomic status. While it could be argued
that at one level, dance societies into which
all free members of the community are initiated serve a similar function, our analysis
suggests that influential positions in such institutions are either exclusive to high ranking individuals or that the initiations are so
expensive as to preclude the involvement of
all but those with wealth and position. Thus,
‘‘tribal initiations’’ or ceremonies which
mark the social transition of an adolescent
to adulthood, or initiate him or her to full
tribal status (such as with Australian totemic
clans), are not considered initiations as defined in this analysis, but are included in the
discussion of puberty ceremonies.
Training includes instruction received by
any members of the culture as part of the
general social and domestic education. But
training also includes additional instruction
received only by particular members of the
society as a means of acquiring wealth,
power, and status. Shamanic training has
not been considered in this analysis because
it appears to be structured according to different principles (e.g., see Lewis 1989).
The Sample
Although the ratio of transegalitarian to
generalized hunter – gatherer cultures is relatively small, a cursory survey of the litera-
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ture revealed a large absolute number of
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers. Because
of the broad nature of the research question,
it was therefore necessary to sample the ethnographically documented transegalitarian
hunter – gatherers. Twenty-one transegalitarian hunter – gather cultures from varied
geographical and cultural regions were selected for inclusion in the sample. Every attempt was made to cover as broad a range
of geographical and environmental zones as
possible, and to include at least one or more
societies from each geographic or cultural
region as representative of that region.
While the vast majority of the ethnographically documented transegalitarian cultures
are located on the Northwest coast from
Alaska to Washington, we have tried to include a diversity of groups from this zone.
As well we made efforts to gather information on groups from northeast Asia, Japan,
Australia, and Florida. The availability,
quantity, and quality of ethnographic literature was also an important criteria used in
the selection of these cultures. The groups
selected for inclusion are presented in Table
1. Cultural groups which met the criteria of
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers but which
were not included in the sample are listed
below:
• Aboriginal groups of Arnhem Land,
Australia are not represented since not
enough information was available to the authors.
• Haisla, Haihais, Bella Bella, Bella Coola,
Makah of the North American Northwest
Coast. Northwest Coast groups were already well represented in the sample.
• Chilcotin, Shuswap, Okanagan, and
other Northwest Plateau cultures. Plateau
cultures were already represented by the inclusion of the Lillooet and Thompson.
• Chilula, Whilkut, Gabrielino, and other
Californian groups. An analysis of many
Californian groups is hampered by the effects of early European contact. Those cultures included in the sample were ones for
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OWENS AND HAYDEN
TABLE 1
Population Densities of Sample Trans-egalitarian Hunter–Gatherer Groups
Cultural group
Geographical/cultural
region
Pop. density
(per sq. km.)*
Tiwi (Goodale 1982)
Koryak
Chukchee
Southeast Australia (Lourandos 1980, 1977)
Northwest Alaska (Burch 1975)
Yurok (Cook 1976; Kroeber 1925)
Hupa (Cook 1976; Kroeber 1925)
Thompson (Teit 1900)
Lillooet (Hayden 1993)
Ainu (Watanabe 1983)
Yokuts (Kroeber 1925)
Aluet (Graburn & Strong 1973; Holmberg 1985; Kroeber 1939)
Koniag (Holmberg 1985)
Tlingit (Boyd 1990; Jorgensen 1980; Krause 1956; Schalk 1981)
Tsimshian (Halpin & Seguin 1990)
Haida (Boyd 1990; Kroeber 1939; Schalk 1981)
Kwagiulth (Boyd 1990)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth (Boyd 1990; Kroeber 1939)
Coast Salish (Suttles 1990)
Chumash (Blackburn 1975; Cook 1970)
Calusa (Goggin & Sturtevant 1964; Marquardt 1988; Widmer 1988)
Australia
Siberia
Siberia
Australia
Northwest Alaska
California
California
Interior Plateau (B. C.)
Interior Plateau (B. C.)
Japan
California
Southwest Alaska
Southwest Alaska
Northwest Coast
Northwest Coast
Northwest Coast
Northwest Coast
Northwest Coast
Northwest Coast
California
Southeast Florida
0.4
?
?
0.28 – 0.7
0.06 – 2.38
1.3 – 4.7
0.55 – 5.2
0.23
1.0
0.17
0.56 – 0.76
0.28 – 2.29
?
0.08 – 1.0**
0.18 – 2.12
0.95 – 2.46
0.32 – 0.73
0.35 – 1.7
0.94
1.08 – 2.04
1.2 – 2.4
* Estimated range suggested by population estimates given by authors cited.
** Figures seem low; this may be the result of high incidence of warfare or the inclusion of unused space in
culture area.
which ethnographic materials were most
available.
• Several Russian hunter–gatherer–fishers
were excluded because little information regarding these cultures was available in English.
This list is not exhaustive; however, it
should serve to illustrate the reasoning involved in the selection and exclusion of particular transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures.
Summary Distribution
Because the selection of cultures to be included in the sample was not random, a statistical analysis of our findings was considered inappropriate. However, a discussion
of the distribution of each life maturation
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event, both within and across levels of social
and political complexity, is provided. Included in our analysis of growth payments,
puberty ceremonies, initiations, and training
is a discussion of differences between elites
and commoners, and between males and females of the same culture. These differences
are then examined across levels of socioeconomic complexity in a search for patterning.
It was anticipated that many maturation
events would become more physically demanding and of longer duration as socioeconomic complexity increased, mirroring the
general trend toward increasing socioeconomic complexity evident in our classification.
Organization
In order to facilitate analysis, the data
were organized in a manner which approxi-
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
mates varying levels of complexity within
the sample. The categorization of the cultures is best viewed as comprising three levels of socioeconomic complexity (least complex, moderately complex, and highly complex), as determined by the criteria outlined
previously.
Within each level we have also attempted
to order the groups in terms of the relative
complexity of their socioeconomic systems.
However, the ordering of the cultures within
each level is less precise than the overall distinction made between the levels. In addition, little gradation is implied for groups
of the Northwest Coast of British Columbia
since all are very similar in their degree of
socioeconomic complexity. Instead, their
listing reflects the geographical location of
the cultures from the north to the south.
As a consequence both of the numbers of
variables involved in this classification, and
by considering other variables such as technology, religion, and artistic complexity, arguments might be made for a somewhat different arrangement of the cultures in terms
of their relative complexity, both within the
graduated levels and between them. However we feel that, even with some modifications to the arrangement of the cultures
based on alternative criteria, the general
trend toward higher population densities
and increasing social, political, and economic complexity would closely resemble
the sequence which we have developed.
ANALYSES
The following analyses address the relationships between gender, sociopolitical
complexity, individual social status, and the
costs associated with growth payments, puberty ceremonies, initiations, and training.
In addition to the analysis of each type of
maturation event, we also discuss the theoretical importance of the specific event and
its potential archaeological implications.
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Growth Payments
The analysis of the ethnographic material
in this study suggests that the presence of
costly ceremonies marking important stages
in a child’s life is an established phenomenon in highly complex hunter – gatherer societies (Table 2.1 – 2.3). In 8 of the 10 highly
complex cultures examined, payments,
costly feasts, and/or the distribution of gifts
was an established practice to mark certain
physical or social stages in a child’s life. Five
of the eight groups with moderately complex socioeconomic systems had similar
practices. There is no record of growth payments among the sample groups with the
least complex socioeconomic systems. It is
certain that body deformation was not a part
of the maturation process of the Tiwi (Spencer 1966:92) but there is no information regarding birth, naming, and other such possible growth events for the Tiwi, Chukchee,
or Koryak. As the quality of the ethnographies is generally high, either there is no information because there were no such events
or, as seems more likely, no elaborate ceremony accompanied the event and they were
therefore overlooked.
Differences between the exclusivity of
growth payment events in moderately and
highly complex socioeconomic systems are
also evident. The most obvious difference is
the almost total lack of expensive events for
children of high status families in moderately complex socioeconomic systems. Some
gradation between the growth ceremonies
of the poor and wealthy probably existed
even in moderately complex hunter – gatherers, but few ethnographers have recorded
such details. Of the eight moderately complex socioeconomic systems investigated in
this study, Teit (1900), in his discussion of
the Thompson is the only ethnographer to
imply differences between the practices of
community members. He states (1900:322)
that only some Thompson families gave
feasts and distributed gifts at the birth of a
child. It may be inferred that the limiting
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Aluet
Koniag
(Lantis 1971:5, 30)
Ainu
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:61)
Yokuts
(Spier 1978:478; Wallace 1978b:455)
Lillooet
(Teit 1975:220, 222, 260)
Yurok
Hupa
Thompson
(Teit 1900:222, 291, 309)
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
(Giddings 1961:153; Murdoch 1892:139,
144; Nelson 1899:286, 307; Spencer
1969:141, 241)
Tiwi
Koryak
Chukchee
Group
Costs
•
•
•
•
Naming
Tattoos
Ears pierced
Septum pierced
•
•
•
•
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
&M
F&M
F&M
M
M
F
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Moderate
?
?
?
?
?
Moderate
Moderate
?
?
?
Low
Moderate
?
Moderate
Low
?
• ?
• Introduction to kashim
• F&M
• Moderate
2.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
?
Walking
Introduction to kashim
First kill
Lip pierced
Tattoos
?
?
Ear pierced
Septum pierced
Naming
Birth
Ear pierced
Septum pierced
Tattoos
Tattoos
?
?
(Birth)
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
?
?
• ?
• ?
• ?
2.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
• ?
• ?
• ?
Gender
of child
2.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Event/general
population
TABLE 2
Child Growth Events
Event/high
status child
• F&M
•
•
•
•
•
Gender
of child
• (Moderate)
•
•
•
•
•
Costs
132
OWENS AND HAYDEN
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Head shaping
Ears pierced
Septum pierced
Ears pierced
• ?
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Birth
Naming
Weaning
First kill/berry picking
Ears pierced
Head shaping
Septum pierced
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
&
F&
F
F&
M
F&
F&
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
?
(Moderate)
(Moderate)
?
(Moderate)
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
?
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
Naming
Head shaping
Potlatch name
Birth
Naming
Lobe & helix of ear pierced
Septum pierced
Birth
Lip pierced
Hands tattooed
Additional names
Ears pierced
Additional ear holes
Birth
Naming
Ears pierced
Additional ear holes
Tattoos
Ancestral name
Tattoos
Childhood lip piercing
Additional ear holes
• ?
• Ancestral name
• (Septum pierced)
• Head shaping
• Septum pierced
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
F&
F
M
F&
F&
F&
F
F&
F
F
?
F&
F&
F&
F&
F&
F&
F&
?
F&
F
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
• ?
• ?
• F&M
• F&M
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
High
?
High
(High)
(High)
High
High
(High)
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
(High)
High
High
(High)
(High)
• High
• ?
• ?
• (High)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Note. (?) No information available. Words in parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar cultural group. F, female; M, male. Costs:
low, no public recognition; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equivalent and/or payments.
Chumash
(Grant 1978:509)
Calusa
Coast Salish
Upper Stalo
(Duff 1952:80, 90, 91)
Lower Fraser
(Barnett 1955:74 – 76; Suttles 1990:463)
Kwagiulth
(Boas 1966:79, 362; Codere 1990:366;
Rohner & Rohner 1970:98)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Arima 1983:85, 86; Drucker 1951:100,
101, 124, 125, 137, 371)
•
•
•
•
•
•
Tattoos
Lip pierced
Ears pierced
Naming
Septum pierced
Naming
•
•
•
•
•
•
• F&M
• F&M
• Naming
• Ears pierced
Tsimshian
(Garfield, 1966:25, 26 – 27)
Haida
(Blackman 1990:252, 253; Dawson
1880:108, 109, 126, 127, 131;
Swanton 1975:169)
• F&M
• F
• F&M
• Birth
• Lip pierced
• Septum pierced
Tlingit
(Emmons 1991:220, 242 – 247, 253, 262 –
264, 265; Kan 198987, 88; Krause
1956:162, 165, 166; Oberg 1973:81,
262 – 264)
PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
133
134
OWENS AND HAYDEN
factor on this practice was the wealth and
status of the family involved.
The general absence of such displays
makes sense for two reasons. First, individuals in cultures with moderately complex socioeconomic systems tend to achieve their
status by recruiting a group of economic
supporters. These supporters are attracted
and maintained not only by the abilities of
the leader but also by the personality of the
leader and the benefits provided for them.
Excessive hoarding or too open displays of
advantages by aggrandizers among these
groups would be resented or resisted by
supporters (Hayden 1995:34, 66 – 67). As a
consequence, for most cases of moderate
complexity there was no extreme social differentiation between leaders and the rest
of the community (Goddard 1903:58; Goldschmidt and Driver 1965:104; Kroeber
1925:3, 132 – 133; Nelson 1899:303, 305; Peng
and Geiser 1977:170 – 171; Pilling 1978:141;
Teit 1900:289; Teit 1975:255, Wallace
1978a:171; Waterman and Kroeber 1965:1).
Given that a leader tended to be very dependent on his followers for his wealth, that
his position was not necessarily a permanent
one, and that the symbols and prerogatives
associated with his position were a consequence of his wealth, it would follow that
costly growth events for his children could
be viewed by other community members as
unwarranted and boastful display. Nevertheless, aggrandizive individuals in these
communities undoubtedly viewed the investment of surpluses in their offspring as
being in their own self-interest and probably
made initial steps to develop child growth
payments in many groups with moderately
complex socioeconomic systems.
Among transegalitarian hunter – gatherer
societies with highly complex socioeconomic systems, especially those with subsistence based corporate groups, ascribed social status becomes much more common, as
do expensive and exclusive growth events.
Although high-ranking individuals continued to provide for their followers, their so-
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cial position appears to have been much
more secure than that of leaders among
communities with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems. In general, public
economic competition between leaders in
highly complex socioeconomic systems also
becomes more obvious. [Northwest Coast
potlatch hosts and Chumash financiers for
Annual Mourning Ceremonies exemplify
such competition. In addition, Widmer
(1988:268) argues that the Calusa system
of wealth redistribution ‘‘would resemble
the competitive feastings and ‘giveaways’
among lineages of the potlatch system in the
Northwest Pacific Coast’’.] Under these conditions, large expenditures of wealth on the
growth maturation events of high ranking
children were more tolerated than for children of aggrandizers in moderately complex
socioeconomic systems. Not only did the expenditures accompanying the growth events
serve to distinguish high-ranking children
from commoners but they could also be
viewed as another expression of economic
competition between socioeconomic groups.
The number of names individuals possessed, the number of ear holes they had,
and the numbers or style of tattoos they displayed were all symbols through which high
status individuals expressed their rank.
Thus, the development of very elaborate and
expensive growth payment events for high
status children can be seen to be a consequence of the larger and more differentiated
social, economic, and political arena.
There are, in general, few differences between the cost and nature of events associated with males versus those associated with
females of moderately and highly complex
socioeconomic systems. This is true both for
those events associated with the general
male and female population and for those
associated with high-ranking individuals.
The most obvious exception is among those
cultures in which females wore labrets but
the males did not. Usually the piercing of
the lip required payment to the person providing the service and was followed by a
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
distribution of goods (e.g., Sergei 1989:87 –
88; Emmons and de Laguna 1991:245, 247;
re: Tlingit lip piercing).
This analysis of the child growth events
of transegalitarian hunter – gatherers has at
least two important theoretical and archaeological implications. First, as many events
are restricted only to children of high social
status, it is clear that they serve as indicators
of ‘‘ascribed’’ social status. Typically, for
most hunter – gatherers, status is achieved
through the actions of the individual and
is therefore, associated with older persons.
Ascribed social status, that is, status which is
a direct result of the social position of one’s
family or ancestors, has previously been assumed to be associated only with stratified,
primarily agricultural societies. However,
ethnographic evidence indicates that ascribed social status was common in many
transegalitarian hunter – gatherer cultures.
For example, among the Tlingit the wearing
of ear ornaments was almost universal
among adults, however children ‘‘of both
sexes of the higher class above the age of
eight years, and even younger, . . . wore
some ornament in the lobe of the ear’’ (Emmons and de Laguna 1991:243). Further,
Krause (1956:166) states that, ‘‘according to
Veniaminof, the Indians with pierced ears
are called angaschi meaning ‘of the nobility,’
and similar honor is supposed to be enjoyed
by their descendants. . . .’’
Second, Hayden (1995:44 – 45, 54 – 55) has
argued that child growth payments were
one means through which the social and
economic value of a child increased. Accordingly, the costs involved in growth payments (e.g., piercing a child’s ears, septum
or lips, having tattoos applied, names bestowed, or those expenditures made in recognition of a child’s birth, first kill or first
gathering) can be viewed as investments.
The return on these investments comes in
the form of marriage arrangements for the
child. Not only do the high child growth
payments justify a large dowry or brideprice, the ties established between families
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because of the marriage often result in
continuing exchanges of commensurate
amounts of wealth, and in an expansion or
reaffirmation of both military and economic
alliances. The greater the investment in a
child given in marriage, the greater the marriage wealth and the stronger the military
and economic alliance. Such alliances and
continued exchanges result in increased personal power for the individual or social
group which finances the child’s maturation
event. In this manner, child growth payments serve as one of several avenues which
increase archaeological manifestations of
economic inequality and general social complexity.
Puberty Ceremonies
Rites marking the social transition to
adulthood are common features of hunter –
gatherer societies. In our analysis, these observances include both spirit quests and
practices which function as social markers
of the transition to adult status. Among
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers these ceremonies can provide a means through
which the social position of high status individuals is not only reflected but also enhanced. By increasing the severity of the seclusion associated with puberty rites, and
by celebrating these with an elaborate and
costly feast, an adolescent’s sponsor can inflate the social value of the youth. For our
purposes, the severity of seclusion was
judged on the basis of its duration and the
number of associated restrictions, including
those connected with foodstuffs, personal
contacts, and limitations on activity. As with
growth payments, the benefit of the increased social and economic value is in the
creation of marriage alliances and wealth exchanges between families of superior wealth
and power. The Salish provide a good example of a severe seclusion and its consequences for marriage.
The development of ‘conspicuous leisure’ for the
well born girl was carried to its fullest by the Sa-
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TABLE 3
Puberty Ceremonies
Existence of
puberty
ceremony
Group
Severity
(general
population)
Severity
(high status
child)
Costs
Costs
3.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems
• U
Tiwi
(Goodale 1971:48 – 49, 205; Hart
1979:94; Hart 1955:136,
Spencer 1966:91)
Koryak
Chukchee
• Moderate
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
3.2 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
(Giddings 1961:153, 154; Nelson
1887 – 88:291; Spencer
1969:244)
Yurok
(Kroeber 1925:45; Erikson
1965:266, 290)
Hupa
(Goddard 1903:53; Wallace
1978a:173)
Thompson
(Teit 1900:312 – 317)
Lillooet
(Teit 1975:263 – 265)
Ainu
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:59 – 61)
Yokuts
(Gayton 1948:30; Spier 1978:479;
Wallace 1978:455)
• ?
• U
• Low to
moderate
• ?
• ?
• U
• (Low)
• (Low)
• ?
• U
• Low
• (Low)
• Low
• U
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• U
• High
• ?
• ?
• Low
• Moderate
• ?
• Moderate
•
• U
3.3 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aleut
(Graburn & Strong 1973:128;
Lantis 1971:4, 5)
Koniag
(Holmberg 1985:53; Lantis
1971:4, 5)
Tlingit
(de Laguna 1990:217; Emmons
1991:245, 264; Kan 1989:88;
Krause 1956:152, 153, 265;
Oberg 1973:33)
Tsimshian
(Garfield 1966:10, 16)
Haida
(Blackman 1990:252, 254;
Dawson 1880:130; Swanton
1975:48, 49)
Kwagiulth
(Boas 1966:368 – 370)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Arima 1983:74, 83, 87; Drucker
1951:138, 140 – 142)
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• U
• High
• Low
• High
• Moderate
• U
• High
• Low
• High
• Moderate
• U
• Moderate
• Moderate
• High
• High
• U
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
• High
• (High)
• U
• Low – moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate – high
• (High)
• U
• (Moderate)
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
• High
• U
• Low – moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate – high
• High
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TABLE 3—Continued
Existence of
puberty
ceremony
Group
Severity
(general
population)
Severity
(high status
child)
Costs
Costs
3.3 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Coast Salish
(Barnett 1955:143, 150, 151, 180;
Duff 1952:92)
Chumash
(Harrington 1942:11, 44 in
Hudson and Underhay
1988:45)
Calusa
• U
• Low
• Low
• High
• U
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• ?
• High
• ?
3.4 — Male: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi
(Goodale 1971:48 – 49, 205; Hart
1979:94; Hart 1955:136;
Spencer 1966:91)
Koryak
Chukchee
• U
• High
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
3.5 — Male: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
• U
Southeast Australia
(Dawson 1981:30; Howitt
1904:599)
Northwest Alaska
Yurok
Hupa
Thompson
Lillooet
Ainu
Yokuts
• High?
• ?
• ?
• ?
3.6 — Male: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aleut
Koniag
Tlingit
Tsimshian
Haida
Kwagiulth
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
Coast Salish
(Barnett 1955:143)
Chumash
Calusa
• ?
•
• ?
• Low
• ?
• Moderate
• ?
Note. (?) No information available. Words in parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data
or similar cultural group. Severity — male: low, transition to adult status is gradual; moderate, transition involves
seclusion, fasting and whipping; high, significantly longer, harsher versions of the above. Severity — female: low,
transition to adult status involves seclusion and restrictions lasting several days; moderate, transition involves
seclusion and restrictions lasting several months; high, transition involves seclusion and restrictions lasting a year
or longer. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equivalent and/or
payments.
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OWENS AND HAYDEN
netch, Nanaimo, and Sechelt, who secluded her
long before puberty and kept her incommunicado
in a small compartment on or above the bed platform. The girl was allowed to go outside only at
night and then in secrecy and accompanied by her
mother. She did nothing, and her continued inactivity and seclusion made her weak, pale, and incompetent to perform any physical task. As a result
she often walked queerly the rest of her life. Yet her
very defects were valued as marks of the ultimate
aristocrat, and noble families sought these secluded
girls . . . in marriage for their sons (Barnett
1955:180).
The data regarding puberty ceremonies
indicates that among moderately and highly
complex transegalitarian hunter – gatherer
socioeconomic systems, the first menstruation of all females, regardless of social standing, was almost universally recognized with
a period of seclusion or restrictions (Table
3.1 – 3.3). Six of the 8 cultures with moderately complex socioeconomic systems and 9
of the 10 cultures with highly complex socioeconomic systems practiced seclusion (there
is no information available regarding seclusion of Calusa females). It is only for the
Ainu and groups from southeastern Australia that no mention of rites associated with
the event were found. Among groups with
less complex socioeconomic systems, the
Tiwi recognized the first menses by an elaborate symbolic ceremony which followed a
4-month period of seclusion (see Goodale
1971, Spencer 1966). No record was made of
ceremonies in recognition of female puberty
among the Koryak or Chukchee.
The data hint that as sociopolitical complexity increases, so does the severity of female seclusion at puberty for girls of high
ranking families. For example, among four of
the seven cultures with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems all girls were subject
to some restrictions and in two cases a short
period of isolation (NW Alaska, 5–40 days;
Hupa, 10 days). Although ceremonies for
higher status females among moderately
complex socioeconomic systems may have
been more rigorous, the ethnographers did
not generally note differences in severity or
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cost based on socioeconomic status among
these groups. The seclusion of Thompson
and Lillooet females (Teit 1900:264–265;
1906:312) could be quite severe, with the girl
spending much of her time in a pit dug in a
separate lodge. Although at the time that Teit
was among the Thompson, the seclusion of
girls generally lasted 4 months, in former
times it was noted to have lasted up to a year.
The duration of a girl’s seclusion among the
Lillooet could run up to 4 years in length. It
may be that the duration of the seclusion was
dependent on the girl’s status, as was common among the highly complex socioeconomic systems. Among cultures with the
least complex socioeconomic systems only
the Tiwi appear to have isolated girls at their
first menstruation, and it is interesting to note
that she was isolated from the main community for a somewhat lengthy period of 4
months.
It seems possible that a long period of seclusion, which results in the removal of a
female from the labor force, was not an economically viable alternative for most cultures with less complex socioeconomic systems. Similarly, less wealthy families in
highly complex socioeconomic systems may
have been unwilling or unable to remove a
female from food production activities for
extended periods. Ethnographers note female seclusion at menses in 8 of the 10
highly complex socioeconomic systems and
many recorded that the seclusion of commoners was clearly shorter than that of high
status females. As noted above, the seclusion
of high status Salish women was extremely
severe.
In terms of costs, ethnographers of the
sampled cultures with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems did not provide
enough information to allow for a comparison of expenditures associated with puberty
ceremonies. Nevertheless, we think it is
likely that puberty ceremony costs increased
in conjunction with increases in sociopolitical complexity. That is, the cost of puberty
ceremonies of high-ranking youths in highly
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
complex socioeconomic systems was probably higher than that of high-ranking youths
in moderately complex socioeconomic systems. We also think that costs probably increased with the socioeconomic position of
families within communities, with ceremonial costs for high-ranking individuals being
greater than those of commoners, regardless
of whether the socioeconomic system is
moderately or highly complex. Among
highly complex hunter – gatherer groups at
least, it is obvious that the expenditures associated with the puberty ceremony of a
high-ranking female far outweighed that of
commoners. For example, Lantis (1971:4)
comments that among the Aleut the isolation is more frequently noted than the feast
which follows as ‘‘only the wealthy family
would make a public event out of the personal physiological change.’’ The greater expenditure by high-ranking families is true
for at least 8 of the 10 highly complex cultures included in the sample (Table 3.3).
Recognition of a male’s puberty is limited
to only one each of the cultures with less and
moderately complex socioeconomic systems
(Table 3.4 – 3.6). Among the Tiwi and
groups in southeastern Australia, adolescent
males are ‘‘kidnapped’’ by their male inlaws and undergo a period of seclusion and
restrictions. These may last up to several
years among the Tiwi. Among groups with
moderately and highly complex socioeconomic systems the transition to manhood
was generally a gradual process without restrictions on the youth’s activities. For example, Giddings (1961:153 – 154) states that
among the people of the Kobuk River in
northwest Alaska, ‘‘boys were subject to no
special observances at puberty although
their prestige was enhanced by some form
of open congratulation as they mastered one
after another of the accomplishments of
manhood.’’ Barnett (1955) states that all
Coast Salish males went through some form
of puberty ceremony, but it is unclear
whether he is making a distinction between
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this ceremony and the spirit quest, as we
have done in this analysis.
Interestingly, spirit quests appear among
cultures with moderately and highly complex socioeconomic systems (Table 4.1 – 4.3).
However, the sample included too few cultures with spirit quests to allow for any detailed analysis, and as a result, many interesting questions remain unanswered. For
example it is unclear whether the quests
were generally associated more with males
than with females, or whether both genders
participated equally. Females were known
to be participants in the jimsonweed ritual
of the Yokuts (Gayton 1948:118; Wallace
1978b:456) and Lillooet and Thompson females may have sought spirits during their
puberty isolation (see Teit 1900:317, Teit
1975:264 – 265); however, the degree to
which females participated in vision quests
is unknown. There is evidence that within
communities, the acquisition of particular
spirits was restricted to certain individuals.
For example, literature on the Yurok suggests specialized quests on the part of high
status heirs (Pilling 1978:142). Occupational
specialists among the Lillooet (Teit 1975:283)
and Thompson (Teit 1900:357) sought particular spirit helpers, and Hill-Tout (cited in
Teit 1906:295) states that only those Lower
Lillooet youths ‘‘who had a desire to excel in
any particular thing underwent the regular
kwaza’ntcut (spirit quest), the ordinary youth
possessing no personal totem.’’ For example,
the spirits sought by warriors, hunters, gamblers, and runners among the Lillooet were
particularly powerful (Romanoff 1992:474).
Furthermore, it seems likely that elites generally acquired more helpers or more powerful ones (see Schulting 1995). As for costs,
although there is information regarding
feasts following Yokuts quests (Gayton
1948:38, 118; Spier 1978:482), and although
feasts are probable for Chumash spirit
quests, it is not obvious whether any costs
were incurred by Thompson, Lillooet, or
Coast Salish participants. Given the costs involved in most other areas of training, it
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OWENS AND HAYDEN
TABLE 4
Spirit Quests
Group
Existence of
spirit quest
Gender of
participants
Severity
(general
population)
Costs
Severity
(high status
child)
Costs
• Moderate
• (Low)
• ?
4.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi
Koryak
Chukchee
4.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
Yurok
(Pilling 1978:141)
Hupa
Thompson
(Teit 1900:318 – 320)
Lillooet
(Teit 1975:265)
Ainu
Yokuts
(Kroeber 1925:502;
Gayton 1948:38,
118; Speir
1978:482;
Wallace
1978b:456 – 457)
• U
• M
• U
•
•
•
•
• U
• U
M
F?
M
F?
• F&M
• Moderate
• Low
• High
• Moderate
• Moderate
• ?
4.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aleut
Koniag
Tlingit
Tsimshian
Haida
Kwagiulth
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
Coast Salish
(Barnett 1955:77,
143, 144; Suttles
1990:465)
Chumash
(Grant 1978:511,
518; Hudson &
Underhay
1988:44)
Calusa
• U
• F&M
• Moderate
• (Low)
• ?
• U
• F&M
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
• ?
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar
cultural group. Severity: moderate, transition involves seclusion, fasting and whipping; high, significantly longer,
harsher versions of the above. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch
equivalent and/or payments.
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
seems very likely that there would have
been costs for elite spirit quests to obtain
special powers (Schulting 1995:50 – 52).
Initiations
The sponsorship of youths into secret societies or elite social institutions is another
way in which the status of an individual can
be reinforced. It is generally presumed that
the possession of esoteric knowledge, which
can be acquired through such organizations,
is an important element in supporting and
increasing social status in all societies. However, secret societies also played important
roles in the creation of personal links involving wealth exchanges and political support
(La Fontaine 1985:95). They were therefore
another key strategy in attempts by ambitious individuals to restrict others’ access to
power and to acquire power for themselves
or their corporate group. Membership in secret societies can provide such knowledge
but the initiations often involve such high
expenditures, or are of such an exclusive nature, that common individuals are absent or
play far less prestigious roles. For example,
among the Chumash only high status individuals were permitted entry to the ’antap
society (King 1990:57). This elite organization was responsible for performances at festivals and its members possessed esoteric
knowledge used ‘‘for maintaining, directing,
and controlling man’s interaction with his
celestial, physical and social environments’’
(Hudson and Underhay 1988:29). As is frequently the case in secret societies (La Fontaine 1985:188), in Northwest Coast communities membership tended to be open to all
members of a community, although obtaining the esoteric knowledge associated
with certain ritual positions and particular
dances was dependent upon wealth and social status. ‘‘Certainly, only persons who
had wealth could advance in the ranks of
the (Tsimshian) secret societies’’ (Garfield
1966:46), while other societies and dances
such as the Kwagiulth cannibal society and
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the Coast Salish sxwaixwe dance, may have
been strictly for elite families.
An analysis of the sample data suggests
that secret societies and exclusive institutions are not a common feature of cultures
with less or moderately complex socioeconomic systems (Table 5.1 – 5.2). There is either an absence of data (suggesting an absence of initiations), or in some cases actual
statements as to the lack of exclusive societies or organizations. Given the quality of
the ethnographic data and the general importance of these societies, the lack of information regarding initiations seems more
likely to be the result of the absence of elite
institutions, rather than an oversight on the
part of the ethnographers. Further, in view
of the social and economic complexity of
these groups the lack of exclusive institutions is not surprising. For most of these cultures, there were few significant differences
between the status and prerogatives of the
community leaders and those of other community members. The differences which did
exist tended to be the result of the wealth of
the individuals rather than their birth into a
fixed rank (Goddard 1903:58; Goldschmidt
and Driver 1965:104; Kroeber 1925:3, 132 –
133; Nelson 1899:303, 305; Peng and
Geiser 1977:170 – 171; Pilling 1978:141; Teit
1900:289; Teit 1975:255, Wallace 1978a:171;
Waterman and Kroeber 1965:1).
Our data do show a strong association between the existence of elite organizations
and secret societies on one hand, and the
most socially and economically complex
hunter – gatherer societies on the other (Table 5.3). Eight of the 10 groups with highly
complex socioeconomic systems also had secret societies or elite organizations. Of the 8
cultures, the Coast Salish and the Koniag
had initiations into two separate societies,
which brings the total number of such institutions to 10. No information is available
concerning such institutions among the Calusa, and the Tlingit apparently did not have
secret societies (Oberg 1973:54).
The most socioeconomically complex cul-
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OWENS AND HAYDEN
TABLE 5
Initiations
Existence of
initiations
Group
Gender of
participants
Inclusiveness
Ranking within
organizations
Costs
5.1: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Tiwi
Koryak
Chukchee
5.2: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
(Spencer 1969:242)
Yurok
(Kroeber 1925:4)
Hupa
Thompson
Lillooet
Ainu
Yokuts
• No initiations
• No initiations
• (No initiations)
•
•
5.3: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
Aluet
(Lantis 1971 (1947):27 – 30)
Koniag
(Lantis 1971:27 – 30)
Whaler’s cult
(Hrdlicka 1944:54; Lantis 1971:30)
Tlingit
(Oberg 1973:54)
Tsimshian
(Garfield 1966:44 – 47)
Haida
(Swanton 1975:156 – 166)
Kwagiulth
(Rohner & Rohner 1970:106)
• U
• M
• All males
• ?
• ?
• U
• M
• All males
• ?
• ?
• U
• M
• Specialists only
• ?
• ?
• U
• F&M
• All (theoretically)
• High
• U
• F&M
• (All)
• U
• F&M
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Arima 1983:156; Drucker 1951:366,
391, 387 – 395, 413, 439, 440)
Coast Salish
Spirit dances
(Barnett 1955:274 – 282)
Prestige dances
(Barnett 1955:90 – 302)
Chumash
(Blackburn 1976:236; Hudson &
Blackburn 1986:58; Hudson &
Underhay 1988:29; King 1990:57)
Calusa
• U
• F&M
• Exclusive
• Females could not
hold all positions
• All
• Through repeat
initiations
• Through repeat
initiations
• Different grades
• Through repeat
initiations
• High
• U
• F&M
• All
• (Through repeat
initiations)
• High
• U
• F&M
• Exclusive
• Different grades
• High
• U
• F&M
• Exclusive
• Females could not
hold all positions
• Different grades
• High
• No initiations
• High
• High
• ?
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from listed reference or similar
cultural group. Costs: low, no public display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments; high, potlatch equivalent and/or payments.
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PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
tures are also the groups among which ascribed social status, elaborate growth payments, and definite status-based prerogatives become most evident. In terms of
involvement in secret societies, this is reflected in restricted or costly access to certain
positions within secret societies and elite organizations. For example among the Chumash, training in the dances, songs and esoteric knowledge of the ’antap required the
‘‘parents of children who became members
. . . to pay a considerable sum of money for
the privilege; presumably, only high status
families could afford this . . .’’ (Blackburn
1976:236). Further, in 4 of the 10 highly complex socioeconomic systems, strictly exclusive organizations existed.
Some male/female differences are directly
evident in the membership of Northwest
Coast secret societies and the ’antap organization of the Chumash (Table 5.3). Of the
seven cultures with female participation in
secret societies, the data indicate that among
the Kwagiulth and Chumash they were limited in the type of positions they could hold.
Kwagiulth females were not permitted to attain the position of a ‘‘Sparrow,’’ or manager, of the winter ceremonials (Rohner and
Rohner 1970:106). Among the Chumash, females were not permitted as members of the
siliy?q, a body of ’antap members which
managed rituals and ceremonies (Hudson
and Blackburn 1986:58; Hudson and Underhay 1988:29). It is possible that additional
limitations were made on the involvement
of females in the ceremonies but there can
be no denial of their active participation in
the affairs of secret societies.
La Fontaine (1985:45,62,90,209,117) has
suggested that it is very unusual for males
and females to be members of the same societies. However, with the exception of the
Koniag and Aleut, the ethnographic data
suggests that females played an active, although possibly separate, role in the same
organizations as the men. Barnett (1955:282)
notes that among members of Coast Salish
dance societies males and females sat apart
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but that non-member males and females
mixed. It may be that Aleut and Koniag females belonged to societies separate from
those of the men and that these were not
recorded by male ethnographers. It is also
possible that Koniag and Aleut females were
members of the secret societies, as Lantis
(1971) believes these institutions were similar to those on the Northwest Coast.
Beyond these exceptions, females were
presumably initiated into all ranks of the
elite organizations. The extension of membership in these societies to women is consistent with broader trends toward the recognition of the importance of women with
increased surpluses and as marriage exchanges became increasingly important
strategies for establishing wealth exchanges
and debts (Hayden 1995).
It is important to note that the presence of
elite organizations, or elite positions within
organizations among the most socioeconomically complex hunter – gatherers does
not appear to be characteristic only of the
Northwest Coast. Furthermore, although secret societies may have diffused among almost all the Northwest Coast and Southern
Alaskan cultures, there is no indication that
these elite organizations are a manifestations
of some larger Pacific Coastal pattern. The
elite ’antap organization of the Chumash not
only differs enormously from the secret societies of the Northwest Coast, but groups situated between the Chumash and the Coast
Salish do not possess any organizations with
restricted social access. As well, those Inuit
cultures with moderately complex socioeconomic systems and found in close geographical proximity to the Koniag and Aleut, did
not have any initiations to elite institutions
(Spencer 1969:242). If the presence of elite
social institutions was simply a diffusion
phenomenon dependent on geographical
proximity then it would seem likely that
elite institutions would appear in at least an
altered form among these Inuit groups. If
however, as is argued here, the development
of such institutions was associated with a
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Lillooet
(Teit 1975:265 – 267)
Ainu
(Ohnuki-Tierney 1974:59; Watanabe
1983:217)
Yokuts
(Gayton 1948:38, 118; Kroeber
1925:502; Spier 1978:482; Wallace
1978b:456 – 457)
Southeast Australia
(Howitt 1904:314)
Northwest Alaska
(Spencer 1969:241)
Yurok
(Erikson 1965:290; Pilling 1978:141 –
142)
Hupa
Thompson
(Teit 1900:317 – 318)
Tiwi
(Goodale 1971:220; Hart & Pilling
1979:94)
Koryak
Chukchee
Group
Severity/general
population
Costs/general
population
• Moderate
• (Low)
jaaa
• Taught of nature of the
world during jimson weed
ritual
• Sporadic periods of
training for approx. 4 years
• Gradual training in
hunting and fishing
• ?
• Sporadic periods of
training for 1 – 4 years
• Moderate
• (Low)
• Low
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• Moderate
• Moderate
• (Low)
• Low
• ‘‘Hunting people’’ trained
in performance of bear
rituals
• Heirs received additional
training in spiritual matters
• Occupational specialization:
great hunters, warriors,
gamblers & ‘‘extraordinary
men’’
• Occupational specialization
• Apprenticeship for chosen
heir
• Special training for elites
• ?
• (Low)
• Apprenticeship period as
runner, whaler or hunter
• Gradual training
• (Low)
• Specialized training of heir?
• ?
• ?
• ?
Additional training
• ?
6.2 — Male: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
• Instruction in kulama
ceremony, tutored in all
aspects of life
• ?
• ?
6.1 — Male: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Training/general
population
TABLE 6
Training and Education
• ?
• High
• High
• Moderate
Severity
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
Costs
144
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Chumash
(Blackburn 1976:236; Grant 1978:511,
518; Hudson & Underhay 1988:44)
Calusa
(Goggin & Sturtevant 1964:192;
Marquardt 1988:171)
Haida
(Swanton 1975:50, 70)
Kwagiulth
(Boas 1921:1349 – 1350)
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Drucker 1951:132, 266)
Coast Salish
(Barnett 1955:133, 142, 143, 144)
(Barnett 1955:308)
Tsimshian
Koniag
Male
(Hrdlicka 1944:540)
Tlingit
(Kan 1989:86, 88, 91; Oberg 1973:25,
32, 33, 87)
(Oberg 1973:32)
Aluet
(Graburn & Strong 1973:128)
jaaa
• ?
• Received training during
spirit quest
• (Trained in customs &
manners)
• ?
• (Trained in customs &
manners)
• (Trained in customs &
manners)
• ?
• Trained in customs,
manners & oral history
• Tutored in general
customs & techniques by
elders
• ?
• Moderate
• Moderate
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
• Moderate
• ?
• Low
• Low
• Low
• ?
• Low
• ?
6.3 — Male: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
• Specialized warrior group
• Chief and head priest had
esoteric ceremonial
knowledge
• Occupational specialization:
hunting, canoe making,
fighting, shamanism
• Elites trained in ‘antap
rituals
• Apprenticeship for heirs,
more ritual knowledge
• Apprenticeship for heirs
• ?
• ?
• ?
• (High)
• ?
• High
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• (High)
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• Occupational specialization:
hunters, carvers, & shaman
• ?
• Heirs received additional
training
• Apprenticeship for heirs
• High
• ?
• Heirs received additional
training in spiritual matters
• Tutored in rituals
associated with whaling
• ?
PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
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Yokuts
(Gayton 1948:38, 118; Kroeber
1925:502; Spier 1978:482; Wallace
1978b:456 – 457)
Ainu
(Watanabe 1983:217)
Lillooet
(Teit 1975:264 – 265)
Hupa
(Goddard 1903:53; Wallace 1978a:172,
173)
Thompson
(Teit 1900:312 – 317)
Southeast Australia
Northwest Alaska
Yurok
(Pilling 1978:141 – 142)
Tiwi
(Goodale 1971:220; Hart & Pilling
1979:94)
Koryak
Chukchee
Group
Severity/general
population
Costs/general
population
• Moderate
• (Low)
• Taught of nature of the
world during jimson weed
ritual
• ?
• ?
• (Period of training
accompanies puberty
seclusion)
• Period of training
accompanies puberty
seclusion
• Period of training,
including exercise &
production of goods,
accompanies puberty
seclusion
• Period of training
including exercise &
production of goods
accompanies puberty
seclusion
• ?
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
• ?
• Moderate
• High
• (Low)
• (Low)
• Low
• (Low)
6.5 — Female: Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
• (Instruction in kulama
ceremony, tutored in all
aspects of life)a
• ?
• ?
6.4 — Female: Least complex socioeconomic systems
Training/general
population
TABLE 6—Continued
• ‘‘Hunting people’’ trained
in performance of bear
rituals
• (Additional training in
spiritual matters)b
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• Specialized training for
‘‘real women’’
• ?
• ?
• ?
Additional training
• (Moderate)
Severity
• ?
Costs
146
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• ?
• (Moderate)
• (Moderate)
• (Moderate)
• Moderate
• (Moderate)
• Moderate
• ?
• Moderate
• ?
• ?
6.6 — Female: Highly complex socioeconomic systems
• Tutored in general
customs & techniques by
elders
• ?
• Trained in customs,
manners, weaving,
domestic duties, &
ceremonial roles
• (Trained in customs,
manners, domestic duties)
• (Trained in customs,
manners, domestic duties)
• ?
• Trained in spinning,
basketry, cooking
• ?
• ?
• ?
• Elites trained in ‘antap
rituals
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• ?
• Trained for important
ceremonial roles, not taught
to weave
• ?
• ?
• ?
• High
• High
Note. (?) No information available. Parentheses indicate an inference made from ethnographic data or similar cultural group. Severity — male: low, instruction is
gradual; moderate, instruction involves seclusion, fasting, whipping or use of narcotics, may last from days to years; high, significantly longer, harsher versions of
the above. Severity — female: low, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting several days; moderate, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting
several months; high, instruction involves seclusion and restrictions lasting a year or longer. Costs: low, no display or feasting; moderate, feast and/or payments;
high, potlatch equivalent and/or payments.
a
Assumes females participated equally in the kulama ceremony which is a matter of debate among ethnographers (see Goodale 1971; Hart and Pilling 1979;
Spencer 1966).
b
Wallace (1978b) states that daughters sometimes assumed the position of lineage head. This being the case, the women would probably be trained in the same
esoteric knowledge as her male counterpart.
Tsimshian
(Garfield 1966:25)
Haida
(Blackman 1990:254)
Kwagiulth
Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Drucker 1951:136)
Coast Salish
Chumash
(Blackburn 1976:236)
Calusa
Koniag
Tlingit
(de Laguna 1990:217; Kan 1989:888, 91;
Oberg 1973:25, 32, 33, 86, 87)
Aleut
(Graburn & Strong 1973:128)
PREHISTORIC RITES OF PASSAGE
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high level of resource productivity as well
as economic and social complexity, it would
follow that they would be absent from both
the Southern Inuit groups and those moderately complex cultures located between the
Chumash and the Northwest Coast.
Training
The final social mechanism through which
the social position of a child or youth could
be elevated in status and economic potential
was through specialized training and education. As Table 6.1 – 6.6 show, often both male
and female youths received some type of
formal education in the customs of their people and in their domestic responsibilities,
usually around the time of puberty. This
type of education was of a general nature,
with most youths of the same culture receiving similar basic instruction. Such training
could be an aspect of initiations and spirit
quests. For example, Ernest (1952:82) states
that during Northwest Coast secret society
initiations, individuals went through a period of training meant to instill qualities of
strength, endurance, and courage. Among
the Yokuts, the jimsonweed spirit quest was
a time for the instruction of youths in the
origin and nature of the world (Kroeber
1925:502). Beyond this, one strategy for increasing the social value of a child was to
expand on this general instruction, either by
extending its length and severity or through
training in specialized occupations.
Additional formal education in prestigious occupations and in the development
of qualities associated with leadership positions enhanced the social status of youths,
and could be a means through which individuals gained control over the labor, resources, or products of others. We view this
frequently extensive and esoteric training as
one strategy used by aggrandizers to claim
privileged control over resources and activities that were held in common among generalized hunter – gatherers. Among transegalitarian groups with a more flexible social hi-
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erarchy, specialized training could be very
important in this regard. Additional training
for respected specialized occupations occurred among four of the eight cultures with
moderately complex socioeconomic systems. For example, among the Lillooet, specialized hunters, warriors, and ceremonial
leaders could exert a powerful influence
over the actions of others because of their
extensive training and claims of superior
knowledge (Nastich 1954:50, 58 – 59, 83 – 84,
Romanoff 1992; Schulting 1995:50 – 52; Teit
1975:255). Similar patterns occur with Ainu
bear hunters (Watanabe 1983:217) and occupational specialists among the peoples of
northwest Alaska (Spencer 1969:241) and the
Thompson (Teit 1900:317). Among the Ainu,
one was born either as a fishing person or
as a hunting person, with the latter being
the higher ranking of the two. However, it
was possible for a good hunter among the
fishing people to be elevated in status and
for a poor hunter to be demoted (Watanabe
1983:217 – 219). Presumably, hunting people
were adequately instructed in their duties to
prevent demotions from becoming a common occurrence. The same privileged claims
and access to resources by trained specialists
is also true of those societies with a more
rigid social structure, although there is not
much information in this regard. Information on male occupational specialization is
available for four of the ten groups with
highly complex socioeconomic systems, including the Calusa, Coast Salish, Tlingit, and
Chumash (Table 6.3). For example, it has
been suggested that ’antap members were
associated with various brotherhoods of occupational specialists among the Chumash
(Blackburn 1976:237).
Among groups with ascribed status,
high-ranking male children often received
additional specialized administrative and
esoteric instruction and were subjected to
longer training periods than the general
populous (Table 6.2 and 6.3) As has already been mentioned, ascribed status
tends to be associated especially with the
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highly complex socioeconomic systems; tial, physical and social environments’’
however, specialized training of heirs to (Hudson and Underhay 1978:29). The leadhigh status positions is also evident among ing priest and the Calusa chief also mainthree of the six moderately complex socio- tained esoteric knowledge which was associeconomic systems studied. This training ated with the legitimacy of the chief (Goggin
may be the first expression of a trend which and Sturtevant 1964:190, 192). As previously
becomes more evident in highly complex noted, the possession of esoteric knowledge
hunter – gatherers. For example, Howitt is frequently used to justify elite social posi(1904:314) stated that among the Yuin of tions on the ideological level.
southeastern Australia, ‘‘there was a head
But the additional knowledge need not
Gommera, named Wadyyman, who died only be esoteric. For future community leadabout 1884 at a great age. His account of ers to be both competent and respected rephimself was that, when a little boy, he was resentatives it was essential that they knew
taken by the then head Gommera, and important individuals from outside the comraised by him, so that he might take his munity and that they exhibited appropriate
place when he died.’’ Although there are etiquette for respectful reception and sucno other accounts of such training among cessful negotiations. Therefore, as youths,
the groups of southeastern Australia, it is high-ranking males of the Nuu-Chah-Nulth,
tempting to think that this was not an iso- Kwagiulth, and Coast Salish cultures were
lated case of administrative training. Simi- formally introduced to society, assumed
lar training of future leaders took place portions of their future responsibilities, and
among the Yurok. Pilling (1978:141 – 142) ‘‘hosted’’ potlatches that were financed and
states that older high-ranking Yurok indi- organized by their fathers, grandfathers,
viduals selected intelligent, responsible uncles, etc. (Barnett 1955:133, 142; Boas
males as protégés. Through training and a 1921:1349 – 1350; Drucker 1951:266). In this
spirit quest these young males came to be way, the economic and political influence of
known as peyerk, or elites.
the reigning leaders was gradually transWith respect to highly complex socioeco- ferred to the heirs, with the full recognition
nomic systems, Kan (1988) has noted that of the community at large.
the additional and often strenuous training
With the exception of the specialized cereof high-ranking Tlingit males served to rein- monial training received by high status Tlinforce the dichotomy between the commoner git females (Oberg 1973:25), it is unclear as
and the elite, and resulted in what Kan to how the formal education of elite females
(1989:88) has called the ‘‘special purity’’ of among groups with highly complex sociothe high status individuals. For example, economic systems differed from that generelite Tlingit individuals were distinguished ally received by girls during their puberty
by a ‘‘lengthening of the periods of ritual seclusion. In general, the seclusion period of
seclusion and abstinence, as well as by in- elite females was more severe than that of
creasing the amount of physical training an commoners, but most ethnographies menaristocratic youngster underwent’’ (Kan tion little about the other activities of either
1989:88). Further, only young nobles were elite or commoner females during this stage
instructed in the complete origin myths of of life. It does seem likely however, that elite
the clan and the ‘‘esoteric’’ knowledge of the females did not learn many of the tasks compotlatch (Kan 1989:91). Similarly, members monly associated with female domestic duof the siliyik, a council of Chumash ’antap ties. For example, female Tlingit elites were
members, had esoteric knowledge which not instructed in weaving, as women who
they used in ‘‘maintaining, directing, and did not engage in menial tasks were highly
controlling man’s interaction with his celes- valued as wives (Oberg 1973:87). Further,
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Swanton (1975:50) states, that an unmarried
Haida female engaged in little labor, ‘‘so that
she might marry a chief.’’ Assuming that
Haida elites married only those of roughly
equal status, Swanton’s comment only
makes sense if it was made in regard to
high status females. Finally, Marquardt
(1988:171) suggests that Calusa nobles were
also excluded from common subsistence
based activities.
Among cultures with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems, high status women
received additional training in three of the
eight groups, although among the Yokuts
this may have been limited only to women
who were in a position to assume the role
of lineage leader (Wallace 1978b).
The analysis of the training data suggest
two different types of training in addition
to the general education received by community members: (1) male occupational specialization and (2) administrative and esoteric training of elites. We suggest that
among cultures with moderately complex
socioeconomic systems, occupational specialization was a means through which economically advantaged individuals assumed
positions of influence. By contrast, the administrative and esoteric training of elites
among cultures with highly complex socioeconomic systems was used to support and
bolster the authority of persons already destined for prestigious and influential positions. In this scenario, occupational specialization was an additional means through
which such male individuals may have increased their influence.
Moderately complex socioeconomic systems
• economic r • occupational r • increased
advantage
training
influence
Highly complex socioeconomic systems
• high social r • esoteric,
r • reinforced
status &
administrative
& increased
economic
& occupational
influence
advantage
training
SUMMARY
Many of the original hypotheses regarding the maturation events of transegalitarian
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hunter – gatherers have been supported by
the data in our sample. It was initially hypothesized that maturation events would
become increasingly costly and exclusive as
sociopolitical complexity increased. As an
alternative to this major expectation, we
thought that, if maturation events were open
to all children rather than only to high-ranking children, the growth events, puberty ceremonies, and training associated with highranking children might be more severe and
costly, thereby making them more exclusive
events. It was also thought that membership
in secret societies and other such institutions
might be restricted to high-ranking individuals. These expectations were derived from
a model developed by Hayden (1995) in
which surplus production is invested in aggrandizers’ offspring (and recuperated in
marriage wealth exchanges) as a major strategy for accumulating wealth and power in
transegalitarian societies. In effect, aggrandizers use their children as pretexts for generating and investing surpluses and creating
ongoing exchanges in surplus wealth. From
this perspective, investments in the maturation events of children also serve to justify
claims of social, political, and ceremonial superiority. Thus, we expected that as resource
abundance, the ability to produce economic
surpluses, and social complexity all increased, so too would the importance and
costs of some or all of the various kinds of
maturation events increase. These expectations can be viewed as one form of a limited
test of the initial model used to structure our
research. If no or little relationship had been
observed between complexity and maturation events, we would clearly have had to
reassess our basic assumptions. Our results
support the model expectations and indicate
that further tests and explorations of it are
warranted.
The analysis of our data shows the existence of a major trend toward escalating
costs and increasing severity of maturation
events as overall social, economic, and political complexity increases. As the initial
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model led us to expect, these trends are especially pronounced for the highest ranking
families at each level of complexity. We suggest this is because high-ranking individuals
in transegalitarian societies generally represent the most successful aggrandizive members of their communities. As the resource
base becomes more productive and stable,
elites are able, through wide economic, social, and military support networks, to manipulate surpluses in ways which further extend their personal powers. In terms of our
basic model, increasingly severe and costly
maturation events are not only correlates of,
but also a stimuli for, an escalation of social
and political complexity. For this reason, investigations into the maturation events of
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers may be
critical for our understanding of general cultural change and more careful attention
should be paid to any archaeological evidence for maturation events. Results of our
analysis indicate that the maturation events
identified in this paper should be viewed
as processes by which the aggrandizers of
transegalitarian hunter – gatherer societies
directly stimulated the evolution of more
politically, socially, and economically complex cultural forms. The specific trends can
be summarized as follows.
Child Growth Payments
The data support the assumption that the
costs associated with child growth payments
increase in conjunction with increasing social and political complexity, and high social
status. This is true both between the levels
of complexity as well as between the elite
and non-elite families within the same communities of highly complex cultures. Despite
few differences in the types of events held,
the costs of the maturation events associated
with elite children seems significantly
higher than those for non-elite children. The
assumption of the exclusive restriction of
certain growth events to elite children does
not appear to be generally supported, al-
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though there are some instances of this
among the most highly complex cultures, including the restriction of tattoos to elites
among the Tlingit (de Laguna 1990:220, Emmons 1991:253, Kan 1989:87, 88) and Tsimshian (Garfield 1966:25). The occurrence of
most types of child growth payments among
elites and non-elites may reflect non-elite
tendencies to copy elite behavior (Cannon
1989), especially where the acquisition of
practical benefits, such as in the formation
of marriage alliances, is involved. Exclusive
events were certainly not common among
the moderately complex cultures sampled,
while child growth payments appear not to
have occurred at all among the least complex groups in our sample. Among both the
moderate and highly complex cultures, child
growth events and/or payments were commonly held for both male and female children, as might be expected where marriage
alliances are used as a means to establish
wealth exchanges.
Puberty Ceremonies
The analysis of puberty ceremonies indicates that not only did these ceremonies increase in terms of severity, duration, and
cost for females in a community as sociopolitical complexity increased, but also that the
duration, severity and cost also increased
relatively more for high-ranking females as
sociopolitical complexity increased. Similar
puberty ceremonies for male children are
not apparent, with the exception of male ceremonies among the Tiwi, Southeast Australian Aborigines, possibly the Coast Salish,
and other groups with spirit quests.
Spirit quests appear among several highly
and moderately complex cultures. Unfortunately, there was not enough information regarding these quests in our sample to allow
for detailed comparison. As a result, several
important questions remain unanswered.
For example, did females participate as frequently as males, did all members of a community have equal access to all guardian
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spirits, did expenditures or time constraints
limit the acquisition of certain spirits or the
number of spirits to elites or the wealthy?
Given our present database, it is possible to
make two tentative suggestions. First, it
seems likely that occupational specialists endured quests of a longer duration and of
greater severity than did members of the
general population. Second, as suggested by
Schulting (1995:50 – 52) it also seems likely
that the spirits acquired by these individuals
were either greater in number or in strength
than those acquired by other individuals
and as a consequence involved more elaborate and more costly acquisition procedures
that only wealthy families could generally
afford.
Initiations
Exclusively elite institutions appear to be
a rare occurrence among all the transegalitarian hunter – gatherers sampled. The only
truly elite organizations noted were the
Chumash ’antap society and the Kwagiulth
dance societies. While exclusively elite institutions were uncommon, societies requiring
initiation were a frequent feature of highly
complex cultures. Although the fact that
these societies were open to all members of
the community did not conform to our initial expectations, the finding that their internal systems of ranking depended on wealth,
social status, and gender did support the
general premise of our working model. This
internal ranking restricted leadership positions to the most wealthy within these societies. High ranking females played a prestigious and significant role in all but the Chumash ’antap and Kwagiulth elite institutions.
No evidence exists for the presence of similar institutions in either the least or moderately complex cultures.
Training
Finally, it is clear that high ranking males
of the highly complex cultures were in gen-
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eral, subjected to a longer and more severe
period of occupational training than were
non-elite males. The specialized training of
some males among the moderately complex
hunter – gatherers may be a prelude to this
more widespread phenomenon among the
most complex groups. No specific information was available regarding the presence
or value of expenditures associated with
this specialized training; however, several
sources suggest that significant costs were
incurred. Schulting (1995:14 – 15) has argued
that among transegalitarian hunter – gatherers of the Plateau, access to occupational
specialization was restricted by what Werner (1981) has called an ‘‘inequality of opportunity’’ because the costs in terms of time
and finances were beyond the reach of many
families. In addition, Romanoff (1992:473)
notes that among the Lillooet, older men supervised the training of hunters. It seems
probable that this supervision was supplied
in exchange for some form of compensation.
The lack of information regarding the cost
of training heirs on the Northwest Coast
may be due to the tendency to inherit roles
from family members in order to maintain
family status and wealth. Since both the
leader and the heir were members of the
same lineage, some of the payments for
training may have been internalized.
There is little or no information available
regarding the training of elite females
among the highly complex cultures, although it is clear that the duration and severity of their puberty seclusion was longer
than that of non-elite females and that this
involved some training in etiquette, myth
and decorum. Elite females seem to have received less training in practical affairs and
were less involved in domestic duties. For
example, it is known that the ‘‘higher the
rank of a (Tlingit) girl . . . the less work she
will be required to do . . .’’ (Oberg 1973:25).
Thus, she would not have received the same
intensive training in domestic duties as did
girls of lower status. In fact, Oberg (1973:87)
notes that elite Tlingit females did not en-
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gage in ‘‘menial’’ tasks since a wife who had
never worked was highly valued.
Thus, it appears that high status females
receive more elaborate puberty ceremonies
while high status males receive more specialized training. Both probably serve the
same function; to increase the socioeconomic
value of the children.
It is important to note that the corporate
group structure of the cultures of the Northwest Coast may have had some influence on
the development of costly maturation events
among these groups. The lineage based residence pattern, with extended family members and ‘‘hangers-on’’ living in the same
house under the guidance and sometimes
influence of a lineage head, may have resulted in more internal differentiation and
specialization than generally characterized
communities with nuclear family household
communities. Lineage leaders were not only
recognized as caretakers of lineage owned
resources, they often controlled resource exploitation, and in some cases received tribute from those utilizing its resources. This
concentrated influence over resources and
labor could have been manipulated by elite
administrators for their own personal advantage, and would very likely have been
expressed in elaborate maturation events for
their children. Elites of non-corporate group
communities might not have been able to
exert as much power over followers as elites
in communities where critical resources
were owned by corporate groups.
The moderate and highly complex ethnographic hunter – gatherer cultures sampled
do not exhibit the community-wide, egalitarian maturation events that seem to
characterize generalized hunter – gatherers.
While generalized hunter – gatherer puberty
rites can be severe (e.g., Australia) apparently to reinforce adherence to values promoting group survival in marginal environments (e.g., compulsory sharing and alliances), severe rites of passage do not occur
at the community wide level among trans-
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egalitarian hunter – gatherers in richer environments. Instead, severe rites of passage
are used as signs of elite superiority in these
circumstances.
CONCLUSIONS
What were cave rituals like in Upper Paleolithic Europe? After the preceding excursion into the ethnography of transegalitarian
hunter – gatherers, we feel we can answer
this question with greater precision and insight than has heretofore been the case, and
we feel that we can provide new insights
into the structure and nature of the Upper
Paleolithic societies that created art deep in
caves. As noted at the beginning of this article, in one context or another, it appears that
adolescents were involved in cave rituals.
These rituals are unlikely to have been regular community rituals involving the entire
band because most decorated areas of caves
were too small to accommodate groups of
25 – 50 people and seem to have been used
too infrequently (Beaune 1995:238). Thus, it
seems far more likely that adolescents were
present in cave rituals as part of maturation
events. Assuming that these groups were
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers, what
specific type of maturation event was most
probably involved? Puberty rituals come
most readily to mind, especially those similar to spirit quests. Certainly, this is a possibility, however, the distribution of painted
caves, the apparently low frequency of their
use (based on artifact remains, footprints,
hearths) and the intensity of their decoration, the range of ages of children (see
Beaune 1995:234; Clottes 1992:59), does not
seem commensurate with their regular use
for puberty rituals of adolescents. Moreover,
spirit quests were individual endeavors,
whereas the cave sanctuaries were clearly
used by small groups of people.
Nor are the caves suited for events involving child growth payments since these are
generally large public spectacles witnessed
and validated by as many people as possi-
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ble. Given the burial of some Upper Paleolithic adolescents and children with surprising amounts of wealth and prestige objects
(as at Sungir) we can be fairly certain that
substantial child growth payments were
part of wealthy Upper Paleolithic family
repertoires. However, deep caves would
have been inappropriate and ineffective venues for these events.
Special training, especially of shamans,
may also have been the purpose of using
deep caves. As cogently argued by LewisWilliams and Dowson (1988) this in fact,
seems very probable. However, it does not
account for the great majority of the evidence for cave rituals. Training is usually an
individual or person to person undertaking,
whereas the central cave sanctuaries (versus
the remote recesses) make most sense in
terms of small groups of individuals.
This leaves the use of cave sanctuaries for
the initiation of adolescents into secret societies or elite institutions. While to our knowledge such a use has not previously been suggested for Upper Paleolithic caves, this nevertheless appears to us to conform most
closely to the comparative ethnographic
data on transegalitarian hunter – gatherers.
Initiation into such societies would not have
been open to everyone and the level, duration, age at initiation, and elaborateness of
initiations into such societies would have
been a function of the ability of sponsoring
families to pay for elaborate preparations
and ceremonies, the most costly of which
could have involved deep and prolonged sojourns into the caves and the creation of new
paintings or panels for the initiation. Initiates of less wealthy families might simply
undergo initiation ceremonies in open air
camps at night, or in other contexts that
would have required less mustering of special labor and goods. This would account
for the apparent relatively episodic use and
painting of cave sanctuaries by small groups
of adults and adolescents (Beaune 1995:192,
226). It also implies that the intensity of cave
use and cave painting would have varied
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from region to region depending on the ability of groups to generate food surpluses on
a regular basis, e.g., by mass harvesting and
drying of large numbers of migrating or aggregated animals or fish.
Viewing cave sanctuaries as being primarily used for secret society initiations
is also consistent with the role of secret
societies in generating and maintaining hierarchical esoteric knowledge available
only to members, as well as concentrating
political and economic power in the hands
of members (La Fontaine 1985:95; LewisWilliams 1994; 1995:19, in press). The very
location of the art and rituals deep in caves
reflects their esoteric content, as does the
distributional structure of the art (per
Leroi-Gourhan); the appearance of obscure
abstract symbols; the occurrence of mythical animals, ‘‘ghosts,’’ human bodies with
animal heads; and an emphasis on dangerous prey animals rather than the animals
usually killed for food (lions, rhinoceros,
aurochs, bison, and mammoth versus reindeer, and bouquetin — Clottes 1996). Wason (1994: 150 – 151) also observes that restricted access to ritual areas is an important indication of socioeconomic
inequality. The painted Upper Paleolithic
caves certainly appear to have been places
of restricted access, and there are other indicators of inequalities mentioned in our
introduction. The existence of secret societies is consistent with all these indicators
according to our analysis.
Finally, ethnographically, secret society
initiations frequently involved displays of
elaborate costumes (Beaune 1995:248) or art
to initiates and members or special visitors
(Eliade 1958:33). There were also costly payments to ritual specialists whose role was to
induce ecstatic altered states of consciousness in initiates by prolonged sensory deprivation, exhaustion, and various forms of
stimulation resulting in a feeling of spiritual
knowledge and power. Elites in most complex transegalitarian societies sought to
dominate access to this knowledge and
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power in order to reinforce their tangible
power within their own communities — a
strategy often found in chiefdoms and even
early states such as the classic Mayan city
states. Similar arguments have recently
been advanced by Lewis-Williams (1994;
1995:19, in press) for the control of cave
art by the socially and politically powerful
members of Paleolithic societies, while
Beaune (1995:238, 274) has argued that high
status families painted the caves and that
only the privileged members of society actually entered the caves. All these features
are also consistent with the nature of cave
sanctuaries and their art. Such features are
exemplified ethnographically by the Coast
Salish winter dances which in the 1960’s
required several thousand dollars for initiations in communities with low cash reserves (Jilek 1982).
However, it is not our goal to systematically evaluate each of the above possibilities
in this exploratory paper. We only wish to
establish conceptual foundations for analysis and indicate promising avenues to explore using more systematic development of
expectations based on cave art locations,
contents, evidence of storage of paraphernalia, offerings, artifact density, frequencies of
painting events, frequency of visits to caves,
age frequencies of foot and hand prints, occurrences of feasting fires or other activities.
Such a study constitutes a much more ambitious undertaking for the future. If our present interpretation is substantiated, it will
mean that the Upper Paleolithic societies responsible for cave art were quite complex in
their overall socioeconomic structure probably approaching the complexity represented
on the North American Northwest Coast. In
this regard, it is interesting to note that François Bordes once remarked he thought
Northwest Coast cultures might be better
models than the Kalahari hunters for the Upper Paleolithic cultures of southwest France.
Does the present study have any implications for the interpretation of other prehistoric transegalitarian hunter – gatherers be-
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yond those of the European Upper Paleolithic? There seems little doubt that the same
basic types of rituals would have taken place
among other hunter – gatherers of comparable complexity, possibly involving many of
the same art forms, such as painting, sculpting, costumes, and masks. Yet the recognition and interpretation of these rituals might
be much more difficult due to local environmental and historical differences. The form
and nature of material remains from many
of the maturation events that we have discussed tend to vary in a historical particularist fashion and may not even be preserved
at all, as in the case of leather or wooden
masks. This variability is due to the almost
nonexistent practical constraints on ritual
items and the wide scope of variability that
imagination, individual preference, and
chance make possible between communities
or regions.
The rituals with the most practical constraints are child growth payments because
material manifestations must represent
wealth (or control over labor) and they must
be highly visible to a large public audience.
Thus, it is common to find child burials with
grave goods reflecting the magnitude of
growth payments invested in individuals
prior to their death. It is pertinent to emphasize that conventional interpretations view
rich child burials as occurring only in stratified societies, whereas there is now considerable evidence that they occur in transegalitarian societies as a result of child growth
payments (Hayden 1995). However, even in
these cases, wealth may not occur in forms
that preserve well archaeologically, and
some transegalitarian cultures may not include grave goods with any burials due to
alternate ways of displaying wealth.
Puberty rituals, initiations into special societies, and special training are all much
more particularistic and idiosyncratic in
terms of material expressions, although with
some direct historical documentation, it may
be possible to detect some of these ritual
forms in specific archaeological cases. For
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instance, Plateau female puberty ceremonies
may manifest themselves in the remains of
small structures, drinking tubes, scratching
sticks, and other items during the restrictions accompanying isolation. Schulting
(1995:13) states that among Plateau groups
at least, these items frequently appear in the
archaeological record but are often mistaken
for fully utilitarian objects. On the North
West Coast, and perhaps elsewhere, the
lengthy and severe isolation of elite females
may be visible in their skeletal remains.
Spirit quests can be indicated by the existence of pictographs, petroglyphs, and incised and painted designs appearing on utilitarian objects (Marshall 1991; Sanger 1968;
Teit 1930:283). The presence of initiations
into special societies may be indirectly visible through evidence of specialized ceremonial structures such as those reported for the
Chumash ’antap. The restricted distribution
of non-utilitarian artifacts, such as the early
elaborately carved antler spoons buried with
some individuals at Pender Island on the
Northwest Coast (Carlson 1991), may also
indicate membership in elite institutions involving initiations. Finally, training might
be assumed to occur where there is clear
evidence for highly restricted occupational
specialization and should be reflected in
highly specialized individual grave or domestic group assemblages.
In conclusion, the ethnographic analysis
of the maturation events of transegalitarian
hunter – gatherers has been shown to have
widespread and important implications
both for theories of social evolution and for
the interpretation of the prehistoric archaeological record. Given the strength of the
trends and patterns observed in the ethnographic cases reviewed here, there is good
reason for optimism that they will be present
and recoverable archaeologically.
Because of the wide range of particularistic variability in physical remains from maturation events, it is clear that we are far from
being able to make any generalizations
about the recovery or interpretation of spe-
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cific objects. Yet, this is an area of inquiry
which is just opening up, and awareness of
the potential role and importance of such
remains may lead to new insights, better theories, refined methods of analysis, and principles of material manipulation in ritual or
maturation event contexts. We remain optimistic and look forward to future contributions along these lines. Certainly, when circumstances combine to make maturation
events or rituals highly visible in the archaeological record, as in Paleolithic Europe, it
is essential to have a robust theoretical
framework in place in order to situate those
remains in their proper interpretive context.
That has been our goal from the outset.
Whether the trends and patterns of associated variables observed in this ethnographic
study will be substantiated by data from
transegalitarian hunter – gatherers elsewhere
in the world remains to be seen. However,
given the strength of the trends and patterns
observed in the ethnographic cases reviewed here, there is strong reason for optimism that they will be present and recoverable archaeologically through the careful
analysis of grave goods, skeletal remains,
rock art, caves, special structures, household
assemblages, sculptures and other prestige
items, and the overall economic productivity
of prehistoric groups.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors express their gratitude to all those people
who helped in both the research and the production of
this manuscript. Specifically, thanks to Thomas Blackburn, Jane Goodale, and William Marquardt for sharing
with us their knowledge of the Chumash, Tiwi, and
Calusa, respectively. Thanks also to reviewers of previous versions of this paper. Their comments and constructive criticisms helped us develop a clearer theoretical focus on which to build our arguments.
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