WE? 1O—6/WP71
WORLD EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMME RESEARCH
Working Paper
Rural Employment Policy Research Programme
RURAL POVERTY AND EXPORT FARMING IN GUATEMALA
by
Alberto
Note:
Research Working Papers are
preliminary
documents
circulated
informally in a limited number of copies solely to stimulate discussion
They are restricted and should not be cited
and critical comment.
without permission.
WE?
*
Programa
Regional
del
Empleo
para
America
Latina
y
el
Caribe
(PREALC), Panama.
October 1984
5385d/v.2
Copyright
International Labour Organisation 1984
C
ISBN 2—105024—6
The designation of countries employed, which are in conformity with United
Nations practice, and the presentation of the material in this paper do not
imply
the
expression
of
any
opinion
International Labour Office concerning
territory or
frontiers.
of
its
authorities,
or
whatsoever
the
on
part
of
the
legal status of any country or
concerning the delimitations of its
the
The responsibility for opinions expressed in WEP Research Working Papers rests
and their circulation does not in any way
their authors,
solely with
constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the opinions
expressed in them.
5385d/v. 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
FOREWORD
I.
II.
[II.
IV.
.
iii
INTRODUCTION
1
RURALPOVERTY, INCOMESAND WAGES
3
GUATEMALA AGRICULTURE:
SUMMARY
DUALISM AND INTERDEPENDENCE
12
21
23
Bibliography
26
Previous publications
28
538 5d/v.2
— 3.1 —
LIST OF TABLES
Page
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Population by poverty line income,
Guatemala, 1980—81
4
Per capita consumption by product and region,
Guatemala, 1975
5
Percentage of children, less than 5 years of age,
below standard height, by father's occupation
6
Proportion of rural households below the poverty line,
by occupation of head of household, Guatemala, 1980—81
6
Daily income, by agricultural occupation
and sector, Guatemala, 1978
7
Per capita public investment, by department,
Guatemala, 1970—76
7
Households, by income level,
Guatemala, 1980—81
9
Legal minimum wages in agriculture, by product,
Guatemala, 1973—80
10
International prices of export crops,
Guatemala, 1979
10
Growth of GDP, by sector,
Guatemala, 1955—75
13
Annual growth rate of agricultural exports,
Guatemala, 1950—75
15
12.
Income per hectare, by crop, Guatemala, 1978
16
13.
Distribution of land and farms, by farm size,
Guatemala, 1964—79
18
Land use by farm size, North—western Plateau,
Guatemala, 1977—78
19
8.
9.
10.
11.
14.
5385d/v. 2
— lii —
FOREWORD
This
paper
is
one of six studies being carried out under the general
title "Rural Poverty and Agrarian Change in Central America".
This programme
is implemented by the Rural Employment Policies Branch of the World Employment
Programme
close collaboration with
in
Central American office
the
Programa Regional del Empleo para America Latina y el
Panama.
(PREALC)
in
is part of a larger project of research on rural poverty under
It
which two publications have already been issued.
main
The
Caribe
the
of
purpose
studies
these
of
*
analyse
to
is
the
dimensions,
characteristics and trends of rural poverty in Central American countries and
to evaluate the impact on poverty of government policies, including agrarian
A distinctive feature is that each of
reform, pursued during recent decades.
the studies is largely empirically oriented, utilising a wide variety of data
sources
on
income
countries
American
other
and
do
not
adequate
have
Although
indicators.
poverty
data
permit
to
most
Central
rigorous
a
and
quantitative analysis, it is hoped that these studies provide some sort of a
picture of the dimensions of rural poverty and likely trends over time.
This particular study focuses on Guatemala and was prepared by Alberto
Hintermeister of the Programa Regional del Empleo para America Latina y
Caribe
(PREALC)
in
Panama.
The
first
part
is
concerned
with
available information on the level and trend of rural poverty.
despite
that,
a
very high rate
of agricultural
growth
in
el
analysing
It concludes
recent
decades,
Guatemala continues to experience severe poverty in rural areas, more so than
Moreover, indirect evidence suggests
any of the Central American countries.
that the level of rural poverty likely increased in recent years.
production
food
sharply
decreased
and
the
average
size
of
Per capita
small
farms
declined, while opportunities for wage employment off farm have not increased
sufficiently to offset these trends.
*
Poverty
and
landlessness
D. Ghai and S. Radwan (eds.):
(ILO, Geneva, 1983).
5385d/v.2
in
rural
Asia
(ILO,
Geneva,
1977),
and
Agrarian policies and rural poverty in Africa
- iv
The
highly
-
second part of the study explains these observations, analysing the
agrarian
dualistic
structure
and
its
recent
evolution.
It
is
concluded that the expansion of large—scale export farming negatively affected
income—earning opportunities in the small—farm sectors.
Furthermore,
incentive
to
it
adopt
is
argued that
policies
raising
the
agrarian structure provides
small—farm
incomes
because
this
little
would
likely reduce the off—farm labour provided by small—farm households which is
essential
to
the
large
estates during harvest
time.
Such measures would
therefore contradict the prevailing policy of promoting export farming.
Dharam Ghai,
Chief,
Rural Employment Policies Branch,
Employment and Development Department.
5385d/v.2
INTRODUCTION*
I.
Guatemala is one of the wealthiest countries in Central America.
many natural
relatively
including
resources,
well-developed
industry
impact
of
the
remarkable.
world
The
in recent
sharply
recession,
per
capita
GDP
according to World Bank criteria,
middle-income
countries.2
An
(US$1,140
in
per cent
performance
in
1983)
the centre of
important
in
feature
a
part
of
of
economic
(GDP)
real terms)
largely because
years,
overall
the
levels
and
the Gross Domestic Product
an annual rate of more than 5.5
Although growth declined
significant
a
experienced high
growth during the last two decades, with
expanding at
mines,
land,
cultivable
exports
that
Guatemala has
In addition,
output.
abundant
It has
has
places
of
been
the
quite
Guatemala,
the category of lower
that
was
growth has
not
been limited to the urban industrial sector;
agriculture has also witnessed a
remarkable expansion during
per capita agricultural output
increased
by
more
than
this
2 per
period
cent.3
as
This
was
only
slightly
below
the
growth rate of the national economy.
Despite these rather impressive achievements, Guatemala still remains a
country where the
recently that
level
of poverty
is
very high.
the incomes of more than 70 per cent
It has been estimated
of
the population are
insufficient to acquire adequate food, clothing and shelter, and that most of
these persons (77 per cent) are living in rural areas.4
Other indicators,
such as housing, nutrition and illiteracy, also point out that most households
live in conditions of severe deprivation.
Besides extensive poverty, another salient feature of the rural areas is
the highly dualistic nature of the agrarian structure.
The most productive
land, i.e. that in the western coastal zone, is occupied by very large farms,
often larger than 1,000 ha., cultivating export crops such as coffee, sugar and
*
Many thanks are due
to Philip Egger and Jean Majeres for helpful
comments on an earlier version of this study.
5385d/v. 2
—2—
bananas, while the highland areas, with poor—quality eroded soil, are covered
minifundia
with
which
on
impoverished
obtain
households
meagre
incomes
cultivating corn and beans.
This dualistic structure
interdependence with
during
export
the
the
further characterised by a high degree of
is
small—farm households
crop harvests
on
providing
estates.
large
the
labour
temporary
system
This
of
migratory labour, which affects an estimated 20 per cent of
the minifundia
population, is a key characteristic of Guatemalan agriculture.
Although the
temporary migration of peasant
farmers
is
common
a
throughout
feature
the
Central American region, it takes on its most significant form in Guatemala.
objective
The
study
this
of
explain
to
is
coexistence
the
economic growth and widespread poverty in rural areas.
novel
as
conditions
evidence
are
from
often
many
other
countries
contradictory
not
"trickle down" to the poorest segments of rural
high
This seems hardly
indicates
growth
since
of
that
does
not
these
two
necessarily
However, what is
society.5
striking about the Guatemalan experience is that the contrast between economic
On the one hand,
development and rural poverty is so large.
it has one of
the highest levels and rates of growth of per capita GDP in Central America;
only Costa Rica and Panama have higher levels and rates.
On the other hand,
according to a recent UNICEF report, no other country in Central America is
poorer
than
expectancy
and
Guatemala.6
the
Combining
literacy
rate
into
the
one
infant—mortality
criterion,
it
rate,
concluded
life
that
Guatemala had the lowest "physical quality of life" index in Central America
and the third lowest in Latin America, after Haiti and Bolivia.
The task of
this study is thus to examine why the patterns of growth and poverty were so
exceedingly divergent.
This paper consists of two main parts.
In the first one, the nature and
characteristics of rural poverty are examined through an analysis of income
levels and poverty indicators such as housing, education and nutrition.
The
next part provides an analysis of the agrarian system and its evolution during
the last two decades, while aspects of rural employment are also examined.
The paper concludes with
preliminary conclusions.
a
summary of the main findings and presents some
—3—
II.
RURAL POVERTY, INCOMES AND WAGES
Available data on poverty indicators show that rural living standards are
Living conditions are such that only a very small percentage
extremely low.
of the rural population has been able
A recent study
to escape poverty.
estimated the number of rural households with a
sufficient income
to cover
essential expenditures for food, housing and clothing and concluded that 40.9
per
cent
rural households
of
did not
have
enough
income
basic
cover
to
expenditures for food while 83.1 per cent of rural households had insufficient
income
to buy essential quantities of
shelter,
clothing,
as
well
food
as
(table 1).
These data also show that poverty is mainly concentrated in rural areas
Comparative figures for
with close to 82 per cent of the poor living there.
other Central American countries
show that
this
percentage
is
much
lower
there
Other indicators of poverty also point out that the situation in rural
For example, it has been calculated that for a rural
areas is quite serious.
family of five, the cost of purchasing a full nutritional diet would amount to
2.6
quetzales
expenditures
(1
on
quetzal
items
daily
=
other
than
food
in
1975
amounted
and
that
daily
to
1.65
quetzales.8
family
However, in 1975, with an average daily wage rate of 1.15 quetzales in rural
areas
and with two working members per household,
46 per cent below the minimum needed.
family
income would be
Furthermore, data on nutrition show
that 34.9 per cent of all children below the age of five are severely or
moderately undernourished, which is the second highest level in Latin America,
after Haiti.9
items
More detailed information on the consumption of major food
also demonstrates
that
the
degree of nutritional deficiency
is
very
large (table 2).
As regards the composition of the poor population,
farmers
small—scale
workers.
are,
on
As shown in table
average,
3,
poorer
than
it appears that the
the
agricultural
wage
the proportion of children below standard
height is highest among farmers with one or 2 manzanas of land (1 manzana =
0.7 hectare).
This is consistent with the data in table 4, which show that
the percentage of farm households below the poverty line
is higher.
This
pattern is not surprising, given that the group of agricultural wage labourers
only includes permanent workers that have stable employment all year round.
5385d/v. 2
960 530
Total population
(13.8)
100
31.4
(6.1)
7.6
(3.2)
1 419 910
820 708
342 498
(20.4)
100
57.8
(16.7)
24.2
(15.0)
Percentage
4 579 910
3 805 905
1 873 183
Number
Rural
(65.8)
100
83.1
(77.2)
(81.8)
40.9
Percentage
Source:
Computed from Direcci6n General de EstadIsticas (Ministerio de Economla):
(Guatemala City, 1982).
6 960 350
4 928 220
2 288 380
Number
Total
100
(100.0)
70.8
(100.0)
32.8
(100.0)
Percentage
Encuesta Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos
2 Defined as the income needed to cover essential expenditures for food, housing and clothing.
Defined as the income needed to cover essential food expenditures.
301 606
below
poverty line (B)2
1
73 000
Number
Number
Percentage
Rest urban
Central urban
Population by poverty line income, Guatemala, 1980—81
Persons below
poverty line (A)1
Table 1:
—5—
Per capita consumption by product and region, Guatemala, 1975
Table 2:
Index of nutritional deficiency
(100 = recommended quantity)
Product
Rural
Milk
47
Eggs
70
Meat
89
Beans
82
Vegetables
51
Fruits
36
Potatoes
25
Rice
37
Bread
57
Tortillas
41
Sugar
82
Fats
62
Source:
Current economic and social
Guatemala:
World Bank:
prospects (Washington, DC, 1977).
As discussed in more detail
later
on,
it
does not
temporary migrant workers from the minifundia.
in table
5,
have
a much lower annual
include
position and
the numerous
These workers, as indicated
income than the permanent workers,
although their daily incomes can be as high as twice their daily earnings on
their own farms.
The degree of poverty in rural areas is further accentuated by the lack
of adequate social services.
Medical and school facilities are extremely
scarce in the areas where the minifundia population is concentrated.
It
has been estimated that more than two—thirds of the rural population above
the age of 15 is illiterate,'0 and the percentage is even higher (reaching
82 per cent) among the Indians, which comprise 80 per cent of the minifundia
population.11
Housing conditions also show that the rural population
largely excluded from the provision of basic services.
is
Approximately 85
per cent of rural dwellings do not have access to piped water, electricity,
sewage systems
and sanitary
facilities.
Data also
show that,
to
the
extent that the Government undertakes public works in rural areas, most of
5385d/v. 2
—6—
Table 3:
Percentage of children, less than 5 years of age, below standard
height, by father's occupation, Guatemala, 1980
Father's occupation
Percentage of children
less than 5 years of age
below standard height
Farmer with less than 1 manzana'
57.1
Farmer with 1—1.9 manzanas
56.5
Agricultural wage worker (coffee and sugar)
54.0
Farmer with 2—4.9 manzanas
51.6
Agricultural wage worker (food crops)
51.6
Unpaid family worker
44.8
Unskilled urban wage worker
39.7
Farmer with 5 and more manzanas
37.7
Handicraft sales
35.8
Skilled urban worker
34.7
Professional or administrative worker
25.8
1
Source:
Table 4:
manzana = 0.7 ha.
Estudio de regionalización
Guatemala (Guatemala, 1980).
INCAP:
de
problemas
nutricionales
en
Proportion of rural households below the poverty line, by occupation
of head of household, Guatemala, 1980—81
Occupation of head of household
Percentage of
households below
poverty line (A)1
Percentage of
households below
poverty line (B)2
Farmer
39
85
Agricultural wage worker
27
72
1 Defined as the income needed to cover essential food expenditures.
2
Defined as the income
food, housing and clothing.
Source:
5385d/v. 2
needed
to
cover
essential
expenditures
Dirección General de Estadisticas U4inisterio de Economla):
Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos (Guatemala City, 1982).
for
Encuesta
—7—
Daily income, by agricultural occupation and sector, Guatemala,
Table 5;
1978'
Traditional
rural sector
Modern rural
sector
1.2
Own—account worker.
Permanent salaried worker
4.0
Temporary salaried worker
2.4
I In quetzales.
Unpublished estimates of the Employment and Population Department of
Source;
SGCNPE, Guatemala, 1979.
these
concentrated
are
in
the
areas
where
large—scale
export
farming
The departments in the coastal zone where agro—export production
dominates.
is concentrated also have a much higher level of per capita public investment
(table 6).
Per capita public investment, by department, Guatemala, 1970—76
Table 6:
Per capita public investment1
Department
El Quiche
2.41
Huehuetenango
3.26
Sacatepequez
5.70
Chimaltenango
6.76
Solola
7.45
Santa Rosa
18.31
Escuintla
27.13
Suchitepequez
10.38
Retalhuleu
14.00
Izabal
16.19
Total
12.22
1 In quetzales, yearly average.
Source;
SGCNPE and ECLA:
(Mexico, 1981).
5385d/v. 2
Naturaleza y alcance de
la pobreza en Guatemala
—8—
The
high
incidence
poverty
of
distribution of rural income.
As table
by
accompanied
is
households appropriate nearly 44 per cent of total rural
bottom one—third obtains
only
15.4
per
Urban
cent.
unequal
about one—fifth of rural
shows,
7
very
a
income while
income
the
distribution
appears to be even more unequal as the upper 15 per cent of households have
nearly half of urban income.
This
is
likely related to the presence of a
relatively well—developed industrial sector which exports a substantial share
of its output to other Central American countries.
Information on the trend of rural poverty is practically not available,
as
comparable
income
data
for
different
years
not
do
The
exist.
only
information that may provide us with some indication is minimum wage data.
Wages
are
an
important
component
of
total
income
for
the
rural
poor
as
illustrated by data for two departments in the highlands which show that on
farms of less than 7 ha., some 70 per cent of total income consisted of wage
earnings.
13
Legal minimum wages were introduced in 1973 and, although they
only cover permanent workers, the wage trend for seasonal work is not likely
to have been much different.
Table 8 gives the minimum wages for 1973,
1976 and also for 1980, when
some of the rates were changed for the first time since 1973.
They show that
for the large majority of rural workers minimum wages went up substantially in
1980.
Adjusting these wages for inflation,
it has been estimated that real
wages in the export sector increased by nearly 25 per cent between 1973 and
1980, while the other wages declined by about 33 per cent during the period
Whether permanent workers did
fact experience
in
rise has been called into question, however.
real wage
a
The increase in minimum wages,
which was the outcome of extensive negotiations after a large—scale strike on
cotton and sugar plantations, does not seem to have been applied in many rural
areas
because
legislative enforcement was
official estimate,
insufficient.
the average rural wage rate was
According
to
an
only 2.35 quetzales
in
1982, which indicates that wages have in fact been declining by about 30 per
cent since
1973.15
If
so,
this trend sharply contrasts with that of the
prices which export crop producers receive for
illustrates,
while
output.
As
these have nearly all been rising sharply since 1973.
the development of
international
prices would have
wages, the latter seem to have declined instead.
5385d/v. 2
their
table
9
Thus,
permitted higher
Source:
2
789 390
—
49 430
293 750
324 640
121 570
(100.0)
—
(6.3)
(37.2)
(41.1)
(15.4)
239 101
6 281
30 626
114 550
64 462
23 182
(100.0)
(2.6)
(12.8)
(47.9)
(27.0)
(9.7)
age
Percent—
1 184 255
241 041
(100.0)
(20.3)
(27.8)
(40.2)
(10.0)
(1.7)
age
Percent—
666 339
6 281
35 748
200 330
257 842
166 138
Number
(100.0)
(0.9)
(5.4)
(30.1)
(38.6)
(25.0)
age
Percent—
Households
Total
Encuesta Nacional de Ingresos
328 923
475 693
118 624
19 974
Amount2
Income
Computed from Dirección General de EstadIsticas (Ministerio de Econotnia):
City, 1982).
In thousand quetzales.
1 In quetzales.
(100.0)
427 238
(1.1)
Total
5 122
7 201—18 000
(20.1)
—
85 780
2 401— 7 200
(45.3)
—
193 380
1 201— 2 400
(33.5)
18 001 and over
142 956
1— 1 200
age
Number
Amount2
Number
age
Households
Income
Households
Percent—
Urban
Rural
Percent—
Households, by income level, Guatemala, 1980—81
Income level1
Table 7:
y
1
(100.0)
(12.2)
(19.2)
(37.0)
(22.4)
(7.2)
age
Percent-
Gastos (Guatemala
973 645
241 041
378 353
769 443
443 264
141 544
Amount2
Income
— 10 —
Table
Legal minimum wages in agriculture, by product, Guatemala, l973_801
8:
Legal minimum daily wage
Product
1973
1976
1980
Coffee
1.12
3.20
Sugar
1.12
3.20
Cotton
1.12
3.20
Livestock
1.12
3.20
Bananas
1.25
1.25
Wheat
1.12
1.12
Beans
1.12
1.12
Rice
1.12
1.12
Corn
1.12
1.12
1
In quetzales.
SGCNPE:
Naturaleza y alcance de
1981) pp. 157—159.
Source:
la
pobreza en Guatemala
(Mexico,
International prices of export crops, Guatemala, 19791
Table 9:
Product
International price2
Cotton
225.7
Coffee
238.9
Meat
167.2
Bananas
74.0
Sugar—cane
196.4
Index 1973 = 100.
2 Yearly average.
Source:
5385d/v.2
SGCNPE:
Situación de los salarios en las empresas sindicalizadas del
1973—79 (Guatemala, 1980).
— 11 —
Declining
for seasonal work does not necessarily imply that
real wages
rural poverty increased, because reduced wages may have been compensated for
by
farm revenues.
increased
Direct
on
evidence
trend
the
of
net
farm
earnings is not available but information on various indicators may give some
idea of
the change
that
First of all,
likely occurred.
it appears
that,
partly as a result of high rates of population growth, the per capita area of
cultivable land has declined in the minifundia sector.16
1979,
the number of farms with less
than
7
ha.
Between 1964 and
increased from 364,879
547,574 but the area occupied by these farms only increased slightly,
to
from
641,631 to 678,306 ha. with the result that the average farm size in this
category declined from 1.8 to 1.2 ha.17
reasons
between
why
1970
significantly in Guatemala.
and
1980
This
per
is probably one of the main
capita
production
food
declined
During this period per capita production of corn
and beans, the main staple crops of the rural poor, decreased by respectively
1.3 and 3.4 per cent annually.
18
Increases in the producer prices of these
crops may have compensated for the decline in per capita production, however
the poorest segments of the rural population are unlikely to commercialise a
sufficiently large share of output
to compensate
for example,
A simple calculation shows,
production.
for declining per capita
that if the price of
corn had risen by 20 per cent during this period, peasant farmers would have
had to commercialise at least two—thirds of output to keep the value of per
capita production constant.
In summary, the data presented here point out that, despite a relatively
wealthy economy and high rates of growth, Guatemala continues to experience a
level of rural poverty higher than elsewhere in Central america.
Moreover,
the indirect evidence suggests that the incomes of the rural poor may have
declined as real minimum wages probably decreased and food production, as well
as
the available land per capita, declined in the minifundia sector.
The
next section examines the structure and evolution of Guatemalan agriculture
with the purpose of explaining the reasons behind these
analyses
the
employment
production.
5385d/v. 2
in
likely
the
impact
export
on
rural
sector
living
that
standards
resulted
from
trends.
of
It also
increased
rapidly
wage
expanding
— 12 —
III.
When
century,
GUATEMALA AGRICULTURE:
Guatemala was
DUALISM AND INTERDEPENDENCE
colonised by the Spaniards
in
the early sixteenth
the indigenous population was at first enslaved to pay tribute,
to
work in mines and to cultivate agricultural land for the benefit of the new
Most Indians were confined to villages, and small plots of common
colonists.
land were given in usufruct,
in exchange for regular periods of unpaid or
minimally paid labour on the nearby estates.
Labour was in short supply and
this system of tying labour ensured the estate owners of an adequate supply of
cheap labour.
After independence was declared in 1821, the situation of the
rural labourers did not undergo any change;
however the start of a world—wide
coffee boom towards the end of the nineteenth century affected them strongly
as
the agrarian structure changed radically.
Government lands were sold in
large individual, lots to landowners, merchants and a growing number of foreign
The rise in coffee cultivation thus brought about a very large
immigrants.
increase in the demand for seasonal workers and,
in an effort to increase the
Indians' dependence on paid agricultural labour, attempts were made to break
up the common lands.
Moreover, legislation was introduced to force Indians
to move to the estates and landowners were encouraged to indebt the Indian
These and similar policies were pursued up to 1944 when forced
population.
A major reason behind this was that high rates of
labour was abolished.
population
growth
increasingly unable
had
reduced
to
provide
labour
their
shortages
households
as
with
peasantry
the
a
subsistence
was
from
farming activities.
The
last
few decades have witnessed a
growth (table 10).
process
of rapid agricultural
Few countries in the world experienced such a high rate
The agricultural growth rate was in fact so high
for such a long period.
that agricultural GDP, as a proportion of total GDP,
increased from 1965
to
1975, which is a rarely observed trend in Latin America after the Second World
War.
A major feature of this growth process was its concentration in
Nearly 80 per cent of the land of farms with more
large—farm export sector.
than 45 ha.
is
devoted
the
to export
farming,19
and
the
crops grew at an annual rate of approximately 6.5 per
production of
cent.2°
these
However, on
the small farms where more than 90 per cent of the land is used to cultivate
food crops,
growth.
production was
unable
to keep up with the rate of population
— 13 —
Table
Growth of GDP, by sector, Guatemala, 1955—75
10;
average
annual
growth
rate
GDP of
agricultural
average
sector:
annual growth
rate
GDP of non—
agricultural
sector:
average annual
growth rate
Agricultural
GDP as
proportion total
1955/56—1959/60
5.3
5.1
5.5
30.6
1960/61—1964/65
5.3
4.2
5.8
29.4
1965/66—1969/70
5.7
4.7
6.2
27.3
1970/71—1974/75
5.6
6.2
5.4
28.0
Average
5.5
5.1
5.7
GDP:
Period
Banco de
years).
Source:
Rapid
export
Guatemala:
growth
Boletin EstadIstico
was
accompanied
represented 90 per cent of total exports.
production
(table 11).
growing
a
various
process
of
In the beginning of the 1950s, coffee and banana exports
diversification.
cotton
by
(Guatemala City,
began
to
expand
in
This declined substantially when
the
half
second
of
the
1950s
For example, the area cultivated with cotton was only 5,000 ha.
in 1952 but reached 120,000 ha. 20 years later.
The production of sugar and
meat began to expand somewhat later in the early 1960s, largely because of a
major expansion of the United States market.
inegalitarian
The
observed at
the regional
cent
but
production.21
In
13 per
structure
it
of
controlled
90
agricultural
sector
can
also
be
The Pacific coastal region only covered
level.
addition,
the
per
over
cent
40
of
per
the
cent
land
agricultural
of
in
this
region
is
concentrated in medium—sized and large farms and the area has 82 per cent of
the nation's agricultural capital stock.22
On the other hand,
the Western
Plateau region, which is inhabited by a predominantly Indian population, has a
third of the country's labour force but the region only covers 18 per cent of
total agricultural land.
The impoverishment of the indigenous
farmers who
have been settled in this mountainous zone for centuries can also be observed
from the
fact that their
average household income
is
equal
to
less
than
two—thirds of that of the rural families of the Southern region and to only 18
5385d/v. 2
— 14 —
per cent of the average income of urban families.23
It was estimated that
in the beginning of the l970s, 40 per cent of the rural households with an
income
region.
insufficient
essential
cover
to
expenditures
food
lived
in
this
24
The contrasting performance of the two rural sectors was not accidental
since both are highly related and interdependent.
farms
is
Production on the large
characterised by important seasonal variations
labour.
Pacific
the
In
labour
concentrated,
region
coastal
demand
during
peaks
where
export
months
the
in
of
the demand for
cultivation
October
through
February and declines steeply to reach its lowest level during July.
in the case of sugar,
employed.25
Thus,
75 per cent of all workers are exclusively hired for
The concentration of labour demand is even higher in cotton
harvest labour.
production,
is
with
The
only
5
cent
per
interdependence
of
between
the
workers
the
large
being
and
permanently
small
farms
is
derived from the fact that much of this temporary labour is provided by the
Many of them leave the highlands for short periods to
minifundia population.
complement their meagre farm earnings with cash wages from harvesting coffee,
sugar and cotton.
A representative survey of temporary workers established,
for example, that about 70 per cent of the harvest workers in cotton, coffee
and sugar went back to
farms
secure
this
their
labour
adequate incomes so
that
plots
because
of
the
land
small
these households
after
the harvest.
farms
are
are more or
unable
less
26
to
Large
provide
obliged
do
to
harvest work in order to obtain an income close to the level of subsistence.
This was clearly demonstrated in a study of peasant households which concluded
that 91 per cent of the income earned through temporary migration was used to
meet household consumption needs and that only 0.7 per cent served to invest
in the farm, such as purchasing farm equipment.27
This points out that the
lack of sufficient income—earning opportunities in the small—farm sector plays
a crucial role in the provision of essential temporary labour to
farms.
the large
Possibilities of mechanising harvesting are too limited, especially
in coffee and sugar, to provide a viable alternative.
It is therefore easy
to understand that policies to raise small—farm earnings conflict with those
promoting agro—export
production
systematically aimed to
minifundia.
_5385d/v. 2
favour
and,
the
therefore,
government
measures
large—farm sector while neglecting
have
the
— 15 —
Table 11: Annual growth rate of agricultural exports, Guatemala, 1950—75
Agricultural
exports
Total
Period
Coffee
Cotton
Sugar
—
—
1950/51—1954/55
7.7
7.6
7.7
1955/56—1959/60
1.7
1.0
0.5
4.8
1960/61—1964/65
11.3
9.2
—0.4
1965/66—1969/70
9.8
6.1
1970/71—1974/75
18.0
9.6
Total average
—
—
51.4
72.9
133.7
4.9
6.9
6.8
27.4
17.5
17.1
16.8
48.5
13.8
8.2
5.9
20.0
42.7
58.3
Direccj6n General de EstadIsticas (Ministerio de Economla):
various years).
de Comercio Exterior (Guatemala
Source:
Meat
Anuario
The distribution of agricultural credit, for example, has been such that
During 1981 more than 80 per
the large farms have received the bulk of it.
cent of total agricultural credit went to
livestock,28
and much
the production of export crops and
of the remaining share
that went
food crops
to
likely absorbed by the few large farms cultivating these crops.
was
The result
has been that the use of technology and modernisation has been limited to the
in the middle of the l960s one—fourth of the
For example,
large estates.
large farms had combustion motors and one—tenth had electric motors, whereas
such
machines
were
non—existent
practically
on
small
the
farms.29
One—third of the capital used by the small—scale farmers was composed of hoes,
and machetes,
shovels
machinery.
farms
30
In 1970
whereas
it
seeds
3
per
consisted
cent
of
agricultural
was found that at least 80 per cent of the large
while none of
used insecticides,
The use of
only
the
small
farms
from the previous harvest continued
applied these.31
to be
a
generalised
practice in the Plateau region where the small farmers are concentrated.
fact, for the 1977—78 harvest, improved seeds were sown on only 3
In
per cent of
the land used for growing corn and wheat and they were not used at all in the
cultivation
technology
of
and
beans.32
modern
No
inputs
doubt
has
this
very
contributed
productivity in the agro—export sector.
to
In 1964
skewed
much
large
distribution
higher
farms,
levels
as
of
compared
with small farms, already had a 40 per cent higher corn output per ha.
5385d/v. 2
of
and
— 16 —
double the coffee output per ha.
difference is even larger.
As regards the value of output per ha., the
The income of
ha. cultivated with coffee or
1
cotton is, respectively, ten or nine times greater than the income of 1 ha.
with corn (table 12).
Table 12:
Income per hectare, by crop, Guatemala, 1978
Income per1
cultivated
Index2
hec tare
Food crops
Corn
202
100
Beans
135
67
Wheat
354
175
Coffee
2 180
1 080
Cotton
1 800
891
Sugar—cane
1 200
594
Export crops
1
In US dollars.
2
Corn = 100.
Source:
SGCNPE:
DIagnóstico interpretativo del sector agrIcola de Guatemala
(Guatemala, 1980).
The above shows that the already dominant agro—export sector has become
even more important in recent decades and this has had a major impact on the
distribution of land holdings in the region.
Between 1964 and 1979, land has
become increasingly concentrated on the large
farms.
In 1964,
farms with
more than 64 manzanas occupied 62 per cent of agricultural land and by 1979
this percentage had increased to 65 per cent (table 13).
On the other hand,
farms with less than 10 manzanas saw their share of land decline from 20 to
16 per cent during this period.
Another important trend is that there was an extraordinary rise in the
number of farms wih less than 10 manzanas.
Although the area they occupied
remained more or less constant, their number rose from 364,879 to 547,574,
5385d/v.2
— 17 —
which was a 50 per cent rise during a period of only 15 years, with the result
that, as pointed out earlier, the average size of small farms declined from
1.8 to 1.2 ha.
Despite these tendencies, it may still be argued that rural poverty did
not necessarily
increase,
rise
extraordinary
the
Even
employment.
additional
provided
since
real
if
export
in
declined,
rates
wage
farming
the
increase in available work may have compensated for the likely decline in per
A close examination of available data on employment
capita farm earnings.
however,
reveals,
the
that
increase
agricultural
in
wage
employment
was
probably not sufficiently large to redress the loss of farm earnings.
First of all, it has been estimated that the annual labour requirements
in the small—farm sector amount to the equivalent of 234,000 workers,
throughout
employed,
workforce
on
the
small
effectively, only 32
within
the
year.33
the
farms
per
sector.
was
estimated
cent of the small
Of
remaining
the
other
the
On
at
hand,
736,000
labour
surplus,
small—farm
labour
absorbed
i.e.
502,000
is
temporarily
Thus, only slightly more than 5 per cent
employed in the large—farm sector.
the
that,
so
is
force
person—years, only the equivalent of 27,000 full—time persons
of
available
the
persons
farm labour
fully
surplus
is
absorbed.
This
is
extremely
small
although it likely involves more than 20 per cent of the workforce on small
farms,
assuming that
the average temporary worker
labours
only two months
annually on the estates.34
This
limited absorption of labour may seem contradictory,
export crops are relatively labour intensive.
given
that
In 1977, the average input of
labour per ha. amounted to 100.6 working days in the export sector as compared
to
only
53.7
days
in
the
food—producing
sector.35
However,
the
export
farms absorb only small quantities of labour because, like elsewhere in the
region,
they leave large areas
of
land unused.
Table
14
indicates,
for
example, that farms with more than 64 inanzanas cultivate only 56 per cent of
One of the likely reasons is that large landowners have
the available land.
little motivation to exploit all their land since this would generate upward
pressures
on rural wages
and
increase
their dependence on
the minifundia
population for the supply of harvest labour.
Secondly, between 1960 and
annual rate of more than 2
at
the same rate,
per
1980,
the area of export crops rose at an
cent,36 which would mean that employment rose
assuming that mechanisation and modernisation during the
period were not labour saving and that there were no economies of scale as
regards the use of labour.
However, permanent wage employment rose by only 1
per cent annually during this period, suggesting that these factors did have a
labour—saving bias.37
5385d/v.2
On the other hand, temporary wage employment may
5
1—
2
1
Source:
Total
de
(Guatemala City, 1982).
Dirección General
Less than 0.5 per cent.
manzanas.
417 344
389
2
Estadisticas
100
2
8 420
64—640
640 and over
11
67
20
43 656
279 796
85 083
age
(Ministerio
4 926 766
1 280 308
1 801 168
928 674
869 933
46 683
Number
Number
Percent—
Area
Farms
1964
de
100
26
36
18
19
1
age
Encuesta
610 346
1 337
12 298
49 137
Nacional
100
...2
2
8
9
40
245 422
51 234
41
age
Percent—
250 918
Number
Economfa):
Percent—
Farms
1979
Distribution of land and farms, by farm size, Guatemala, 1964—79
10— 64
5— 10
1
0—
Farm size'
Table 13:
Ingresos
y
Gastos
100
6 011 234
de
35
30
1 819 781
2 113 751
19
1 108 689
6
9
541 691
340 235
1
age
Percent-
87 083
Number
Area
OD
— 19 —
Table
Land use by farm size, North—western Plateau, Guatemala, 1977—78
14:
Percentage land
unused
Percentage land
cultivated with
other crops
Total
Farm size1
Percentage land
cultivated with
corn
Less than 10
82
9
9
100
10—64
52
24
24
100
More than 64
10
46
44
100
I In manzaflaS.
Source:
Unpublished data from an agricultural survey carried out by the
Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas y Sociales del Occidente,
Universidad de San Carlos, Guatemala, 1980.
have increased more
than that of permanent wage employment because of the
tendency observed elsewhere of landowners substituting permanent workers by
temporary workers during the slack season as a cost—saving measure.38
how
much
compensate
would
for
temporary
declining
employment
farm
have
had
and
revenues
to
increase
lower
wages?
in
But
order
The
to
simple
calculation below shows that even if temporary employment in the export sector
had risen faster than the cropping area because of this substitution effect,
the increase is unlikely to have been sufficiently large to keep total incomes
of the small—farm population at the same level.
As pointed out earlier, real wage rates likely declined in recent years
at an annual rate of approximately 2 to 2.5 per cent, which would mean that
temporary wage employment would have had to rise annually at a rate of close
to 5 per cent so as to maintain average wage income at the same level, i.e. it
would have to grow at a rate equal to the sum of the rate of population growth
(or labour force growth) and of real wages.
sufficient
because,
in
all
likelihood,
Even this would not have been
farming
income
indicated by the reduction in per capita food production.
also
declined,
as
This suggests that
rising temporary agricultural employment is unlikely compensated for declining
real wage rates and farm revenues because the increase would have needed to be
unrealistically high.
Of course,
these are only rough estimates
should not be interpreted as anything more.
5385d/v. 2
and
they
They are based, for example, on
— 20 —
approximate
differences,
aggregate
i.e.
averages
that
not
take
into
account
regional
in certain areas average total incomes of the minifundia
population may have increased while,
substantial decline.
5385d/v. 2
do
in others,
there may have been a very
— 21 —
IV.
The
rural
SUMMARY
of Guatemala has witnessed rapid economic growth
sector
in
recent decades with agricultural GDP expanding at a rate just below that of
rates
agricultural
of
in the world have experienced such high
Few Countries
the whole economy.
growth
during
such
a
long
The
period.
analysis
here shows that this growth has largely been concentrated in the
large—farm export sector, with the cultivated area expanding nearly threefold
presented
since
the l950s.
The agro—export estates control the most fertile land and
government policies, such as agricultural credit, have consistently favoured
this sector while neglecting the small, staple crop farms where the majority
of
population
rural
the
is
The
concentrated.
result
has
income—earning opportunities likely declined on the minifundia.
been
With average
farm size declining and per capita food production decreasing,
it
that per capita farm earnings have shrunk in this sector,
probable
presence of high rates
of population growth,
the
small
that
were
farms
is
most
in the
likely
unable to maintain farm income levels as access to land and other inputs did
not increase at the same rate and in some cases may even have declined.
It
was
also argued that
the rise of
export
farming
provided
limited
benefits to the small—farm population, as increased temporary wage employment,
was likely not sufficient to compensate for
The increase
in
the decline in farm earnings.
the area cultivated with export crops most likely did not
generate a sufficiently large increase in wage employment
population growth and compensate
to
keep up with
for declining small—farm earnings.
Also
there was a substantial rise in nominal minimum wages but real wages likely
declined because of lack of enforcement.
Therefore,
it was concluded that
the average living standards of the mirtifundia population in all likelihood
declined in recent years.
Clearly, such a conclusion must be considered with
caution since it is based on indirect evidence involving highly aggregate data
on food production, employment and access to land.
These tentative conclusions thus suggest that the minifundia population
faces
a situation where it
farming offers
is
increasingly being "squeezed",
fewer opportunities
to
acquire
a
subsistence
as
small—scale
income and as
large—scale farming continues to prosper without sufficiently benefiting the
small—farm households.
5385d/v. 2
— 22 —
The above analysis implies that, within the existing agrarian structure,
there
is
only limited scope
for
among the minifundia households.
introducing policies
to
alleviate poverty
The dualist structure of small and large
farms is highly interdependent since the latter rely on the supply of labour
from
the
small—farm households
harvesting is done.
This
is
during
the
few
months
of
the
year
when
a very labour—intensive process which has been
estimated to involve up to 20 per cent of the workers from the minifundia.
The small—farm sector thus serves as a "labour reserve't for the estates, but
only because income—earning opportunites on the small farms are insufficient
so that workers are obliged to seek off—farm employment.
Poverty—reducing
policies would reduce their need for additional employment and lead to higher
wages and potential labour shortages which means that they are contradictory
to existing policies favouring the export sector.
prevailing agrarian structure there is
This shows that with the
little incentive to initiate measures
to raise small—farm incomes significantly, and it cannot be expected that such
policies will be adopted without modifying the dualistic and interdependent
character of the agricultural sector.
5385d/v. 2
— 23 —
Footnotes
World Development Report,
World Bank:
(Washington,
1983
DC,
Oxford
University Press, 1983), P. 150.
2
ibid., p. 148.
Commission
Economic
Latin
for
Statistical
America:
Yearbook
for
Latin America, 1980 (Santiago, 1981), P. 118.
from the Encuesta Nacional
Unpublished data
Ingresos
de
Ministerio de Economia
Dirección General de Estadisticas,
Gastos,
y
(Guatemala City,
1982).
Keith
development
poverty
"Increasing
Griffin:
strategies"
Development and
in:
changing
and
ideas
about
for
Social
Institute
change,
Studies (The Hague, Holland, 1977), Vol. 8, No. 4, pp. 491—508.
6
in Latin America and
of poverty
Dimensions
UNICEF:
the Caribbean
(Washington, DC, 1982).
Economic
Commission
for
Latin
America
Notas
(ECLA):
evolución del desarrollo social del Istmo Centroamericano hasta,
1982, mimeo.).
City,
this theme, e.g. PREALC:
las necesidades bâsicas
la
1980
the PREALC studies carried out on
in addition,
See,
sobre
Diagnóstico, politicas y planificaciôn del empleo y
Criterios y metodologia
PREALC:
1978);
(Santiago,
para la satisfacción de necesidades básicas (Santiago, 1980);
PREALC:
Peru:
Estrategia de desarrollo y grado de satisfacción de las necesidades básicas
(Santiago,
empleo
Panama:
PREALC:
1978);
1980);
(Santiago,
Estrategia
and PREALC
and
the
de
necesidades
ILO:
básicas
y
Necesidades básicas
y
polItica de empleo en America Latina (Geneva, 1980).
8
World
Guatemala:
Bank:
Current
prospects (Washington, DC, 1977), P.
Instituto
Universidad
de
Autónoma
San
and
social
position
and
19.
Investigaciones
de
economic
Econômicas
Carlos:
Sociales
y
Estructura
agraria
del
Occidente,
del
Altiplano
Ingresos
y Gastos,
Occidental (Guatemala, 1978).
10
Unpublished data from the Encuesta Nacional de
Dirección General
de Estadisticas, Ministerio de
1982).
11
World Bank, 1977, op. cit., p. 20.
5385d/v.2
Economla
(Guatemala City,
- 24
12
American
of
Organisation
—
States
America
(OAS):
cifras,
en
1977
(Washington, DC, 1979).
13
Instituto
de
Investigaciones
Económicas
y
Sociales
Occidente,
del
Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos, 1978, op. cit.
14
Economic Commission for Latin America
Economic
(ECLA):
survey
of
Latin America, 1981 (Santiago, 1983), p. 63.
15
de
Unpublished report of the Comisiôn Nacional de
Trabajo
Económicas
Previsión
y
y
Occidente,
del
Sociales
quoted
Social,
in
Salarios, Ministerio
Instituto
Universidad
Investigaciones
de
Autônoma
Carlos:
San
de
Boletin Economla al DIa (Guatemala City, n.d.).
16
City,
SGCNPE: Análisis preliminar del
and Dirección General
1978)
de
sector agrIcola,
Estadisticas:
II
1950—77
(Guatemala
Censo Agropecuario
(Guatemala City, 1981).
17
ibid,
18
PREALC:
Producción
de
alimentos
básicos
y
empleo
Istmo
en
el
de
Guatemala
Centroamericano (Santiago, 1983) p. 21.
19
SGCNPE:
Diagnóstico interpretivo del
sector agrIcola
(Guatemala City, 1980).
20
In value terms,
the growth rate was even higher since prices rose
substantially after 1974, ibid.
21
SGCNPE, 1978, op cit.
22
Instituto
de
Investigaciones
Econdmicas
y
Sociales
Occidente,
del
Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos, 1978, op. cit.
23
24
SGCNPE, 1978, op. cit.
ibid.
25
PREALC;
Estacionalidad
(Guatemala City, 1980).
the
social
E. Klein:
5385d/v. 2
subempleo
en
el
sector
agropecuario
For a general discussion of rural labour demand and
differentiation
"Diferenciación
agrCcolas" in PREALC:
y
between
social:
permanent
Tendencias
and
del
social
empleo
workers,
y
los
Economla campesina y empleo (Santiago, 1981).
see
ingresos
• — 25
26
L.
—
El papel de la mano de obra migratoria en el desarrollo
Schmid:
económico de Guatemala, Instituto de Investigaciones Econ6micas y Sociales del
Occidente, Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos (Guatemala City, 1973).
27
Instituto
de
Investigaciones
Económicas
y
Sociales
del
Occidente,
Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos, 1978, op. cit.
28
Banco
Boletin estadIstico
de
(Guatemala City),
various
issues.
29
30
SGCNPE, 1978, op. cit.
Instituto
de
Investigaciones
Económicas
y
Sociales
del
Occidente,
y
Sociales
del
Occidente,
Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos, 1978, op. cit.
31
32
SGCNPE, 1978, op. cit.
Instituto
de
Investigaciones Econômicas
Universidad Autónoma de San Carlos, 1978, op. cit.
PREALC, 1980, op. cit.
ibid.
and
the
ILO:
Yearbook
of Labour
Statistics,
1980
(Geneva,
1980).
PREALC, op. cit.
36
Unpublished data from the Banco deGuatemala.
110,
1980,
op.
cit.
and
the
ILO:
Yearbook of
Labour
Statistics,
1975 (Geneva, 1975).
38
ILO:
Trabajo
(Geneva, 1982, mimeo.).
5385d/v. 2
temporario
en
las
plantaciones
en
America
Latina
— 26 —
Bibliography
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Guatemala City, various issues.
BoletIn estadIstico.
Dirección General de Estadisticas (Ministerio de EconomIa).
Comercio Exterior.
Anuario de
Guatemala City, various years.
II Censo agropecuario.
Dirección General de EstadIsticas (DGE).
Guatemala,
1981.
Dirección General de EstadIsticas (Ministerio de Economla).
Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos.
Encuesta
Guatemala City, 1982.
Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA).
Statistical Yearbook for Latin
Santiago, 1981.
America, 1980.
Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA).
Notas sobre la evolución del
desarrollo social del Istmo Centroamericano hasta, 1980.
Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA).
America, 1981.
Mexico, 1982.
Economic survey of Latin
Santiago, 1983.
"Increasing poverty and changing ideas about development
Griffin, K.
The Hague, Holland, 1977, Vol.
strategies" in Development and change.
No. 4, pp. 491—508.
Estudio de regionalización de problemas nutricionales en Guatemala.
INCA?.
Guatemala, 1980.
Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas y Sociales del Occidente, Universidad
Autônoma de San Carlos.
Estructura agraria del Altiplano Occidental.
Guatemala, 1978.
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Boletin EconomIa al Dia.
Autónoma de San Carlos.
Guatemala City, n.d.
ILO.
Yearbook of Labour Statistics, 1975.
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Yearbook of Labour Statistics.
ILO.
Trabajo temporario en las plantaciones en America Latina.
Geneva, 1975.
Geneva, 1980.
Geneva,
1982, mimeo.
Klein, E.
"Diferenciación social:
agricolas" in PREALC:
Tendencias del empleo y los ingresos
EconomIa campesina y empleo.
Organisation of American States (OAS).
Santiago, 1981.
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Washington, DC, 1979.
PREALC.
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PREALC.
Diagnóstico, politicas y planificacIon del empleo y las necesidades
Santiago, 1978.
Estrategia de desarrollo y grado de satisfacciôn de las
necesidades básicas.
5385d/v.2
Santiago, 1978.
8,
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PREALC.
Panatná:
Estrategia de necesidades básicas y einpleo.
Santiago,
1980.
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Geneva, 1980.
Latina.
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Guatemala:
Estacionalidad y subempleo en el sector agropecuario.
Guatemala, 1980.
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Santiago, 1980.
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Situación de los salarios en las empresas sindicalizadas del pals:
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El papel de la mano de obra migratoria en el desarrollo económico
Schmid, L.
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5385d/v. 2
Washington, DC, Oxford
y
— 28 —
Previous publications
circulated
documents
preliminary
are
Papers
Research
Working
WEP
informally in a limited number of copies solely to stimulate discussion and
They are restricted and should not be cited without
critical comment.
A set of selected WEP Research Working Papers, completed by
permission.
annual supplements, is available in microfiche form for sale to the public.
Orders should be sent to 110 Publications, International Labour Office,
This list includes many, but not all, papers
CH—l2ll Geneva 22, Switzerland.
which exist or may be issued in microfiche form.
Working Papers
WEP 1O—6/WP1
Poverty and inequality in rural Bangladesh
by A.R. Khan
WEP lO—6/WP2
Poverty in West Malaysia, 1959 to 1970
by Eddy Lee
WEP l0—6/WP3
South Africa's lumpenproletarian army: "Umkosi Wa Ntaba" —
"The Regiment of the Hills" 1880—1920
by C. van Onselen
WEP l0—6/WP4
Growth and inequality in the rural Philippines
by A.R. Khan
WEP lO—6/WP5
Wages, employment and standard of living of agricultural
labourers in Uttar Pradesh, India
by Rohini Nayyar (out of print)
WEP lO—6/WP6
Rural poverty in Sri Lanka, 1963—1973
by Eddy Lee
WEP 1O—6/WP7
Rural poverty in Indonesia:
by Ingrid Palmer
WEP l0—6/WP8
The distribution of income in rural China
by A.R. Khan
WEP lO—6/WP9
Rural poverty in Tamil Nadu, India
by C.T. Kurien
WEP 1O—6/WP1O
Causes and repercussions of rural migration in developing
With special reference to Java
countries: A critical analysis
by J. Gaude
WEP lO—6/WP1I
Rural inequalities and the commune system in China
WEP
Migration and the urban labour
San Salvador
by Peter Peek and Pedro Antolinez
lO—6/WP12
(.b. Ng
market:
The
case
of
WEP lO—6/WP13
The impact of agrarian reform on rural Egypt (1952—1975)
by Samir Radwan
WEP 1O—6/WP14
Rural poverty and landlessness in Pakistan — Dimensions and
trends (1960—75)
by S.M. Naseem
5376d/v. 3
— 29 —
WEP
lO—6/WP15
Aspects of
the rural labour market in West
analysis of household survey data, 1972—73
by Pranab K. Bardhan
Bengal:
An
WEP lO—6/WP16
Egalitarian peasant farming and rural development: The case
of South Korea
by Eddy Lee
WEP lO—6/WP17
Organisation of
Indian case
by Ashok Rudra
WE? lO—6/WP18
Politiques rurales et Migrations en Algirie
by Professor A. Benachenhou
WEP lO—6/WP19
Operation and control of individual economic activities in
collective agriculture: The case of China
agriculture
for
rural
development:
The
by G.B. Ng
WEP 1O—6/WP20
The Commilla model and the
programme of Bangladdesh — An
integrated rural
experiment in
development
"co—operative
capital ism"
by A.R. Khan
WEP lO—6/WP21
The Bicoa Model:
A socio—economic model
rural—urban
of
migration in the Sierra of Ecuador
by P.A. Cornelisse, J. Gaude and P. Antolinez
WE? lO—6/WP22
Agrarian change and rural emigration in Latin America
by Peter Peek
WEP 1O—6/WP23
Rural poverty in the Third World: Trends causes and policy
reorientations
by D.P. Ghai, Eddy Lee and Samir Radwan
WE? 2—32/WP17
Household surveys for poverty studies:
by Samir Radwan and Torkel Alf than
Some guidelines
WEP lO—6/WP24
Urban poverty, migration and land reform in Ecuador
by Peter Peek
WEP lO—6/WP25
Grassroot management in rural China:
of the People's communes
by G.B. Ng
WE? lO—6/WP26
Rural
poverty
in
Botswana
—
Dimensions,
constraints
by Christopher Colciough and Peter Fallon
WEP lO—6/WP27
A simple migration model with market intervention
by P. Cornelisse, J. Gaude and P. Antolinez
WE? lO—6/WP28
Short—term changes in income distribution in poor agrarian
economies: A study of famines with reference to the Indian
The workpoint system
Sub—continent
by Ajit Kumar Ghose
WE? lO—6/WP29
537 6d/v.3
Les liens entre migrations rurales et politiques
by J. Trouvé en collaboration avec C. Bessat
causes
and
— 30 —
WEP
lO—6/WP30
Equity and growth — Unresolved conflict in Zambian rural
development policy
by Charles Elliott
WEP lO—6/WP31
l0—6/WP32
Social justice and development policy
economy
by William J. House and Tony Killick
Export—led rural development:
by Eddy Lee
in
Kenya's
rural
The Ivory Coast
WEP l0—6/WP33
Poverty, inequality and stagnation:
by Assefa Bequele
WEP lO—6/WP34
Agrarian reform in West Bengal:
The Ghanaian experience
Objectives,
achievements
and limitations
by Ajit Kumar Ghose
WEP lO—6/WP35
Growth
and
Rural
inequality:
1964—1978
by Dharam Chai and Samir Radwan
WEP 1O—6/WP36
Labour migration
in
the
Sierra
development
of
Ecuador:
in
Malawi,
Causes
and
incidence
by Peter Peek and Pedro Antolinez
WEP lO—6/WP37
Agrarian reform, structural changes and rural development
in Ethiopia
by Alula Abate and Fassil G. Kiros
WEP lO—6/WP38
L'exode rural des jeunes et les politiques gouvernementales
de développement: L'expérience camerounaise
by J. Trouvé et C. Bessat
WEP 1O—6/WP39
Income distribution and labour utilisation under different
agrarian systems
by Dharam Ghai
WEP 1O—6/WP4O
La forma de organizacion cooperativa en la produccion de
Asucar: El caso peruano
by Santiago Roca
WEP 1O—6/WP41
The agrarian reform in Peru:
by Cristobal Kay
WEP 10—6/WP42
A
socio—economic
matrix
input—output
adapted
for
an
analysis of internal migration: The case of Ecuador in 1974
by E. de Labastida and J. Gaude
WEP lO—6/WP43
Landholding status, farm size and rural—urban migration:
micro—macro approach to the Sierra of Ecuador
by P. Antolinez and J. Gaude
WEP 1O—6/WP44
Oil and inequality in rural Nigeria
by Paul Collier
WEP 1O—5/WP45
Growth and distribution: The case of Nozambique
by R.K. Srivastava and I. Livingstone
5376d/v.3
An assessment
A
— 31 —
WEP
lO—6/WP46
"Surpeuplement" et strategies migratoires
des
paysans au
Burund i
by de André Guichaoua
WEP lO—6/WP47
The agrarian question in Iran
by Homa Katouzian
WEP 1O—6/WP48
Migraciones temporarias y mercado de trabajo rural
de
Una revision del
problema
America Latina:
y
informacion disponible
by Jorge Balan
WEP lO—6/WP49
Agrarian reform in Kerala and its
economy — A preliminary assessment
by K.N.Raj and Michael Tharakan
WEP lO—6/WP50
A typology of migrants:
by Peter Peek
WEP 1O—6/WP51
Land reform and rural development in Nicaragua (1979—81)
by Peter Peek
WEP lO—6WP52
Monitoring the conditions of the poor in the Third World:
impact
on
en
la
rural
the
Some methodological aspects
Some aspects of measurement
by Nader Fergany
WEP lO—6/WP53
Agrarian reform and structural change in Chile: 1965—1979
by L. Castillo and D. Lehmann
WEP lO—6/WP54
Economic growth, poverty and rural labour markets in India:
A survey of research
by Kalpana Bardhan
WEP lO—6/WP55
Food policy and equity in Sub—Saharan Africa
by Dharam Ghai and Lawrence Smith
WEP lO—6/WP56
Mexico:
Commercialisation and
labour market
the growth
of
a migratory
by Enrique Astorga Lira and Simon Commander
WEP 1O—6/WP57
The
WEP lO—6/WP58
Rural labour markets in Peru:
by Adolfo Figueroa
WEP lO—6/WP59
Contractual
constraints
exchange in rural Kenya
by Paul Collier
WEP lO—6/WP60
Rural poverty in Panama:
Trends and structural causes
by Roberto Pinnock and Charlotte Elton
WEP 1O—6/WP61
Labour availability and smaliholder agricultural
development: The case of Lilongwe Land Development
Programme (LLDP) (Malawi)
by Graham H.R. Chipande
5376d/v.3
social structure
agriculture
by Caglar Keyder
and
the
upon
labour
market
in
Turkish
A study of labour exchange
the
processes
of
labour
— 32 —
WEP
lO—6/WP62
The new development strategy and rural reforms in post—Mao
China
by Ajit Kumar Ghose
WE? lO—6/WP63
Oil exports, agrarian change and the rural labour
The Ecuadorian Sierra in the l970s
process:
by Simon Commander and Peter Peek
WE? 1O—6/WP64
Rural poverty in El Salvador:
WEP lO—6/WP65
Agrarian
labour
arrangements
Lessons from Java and Bangladesh
by Gillian Hart
WEP lO—6/WP66
The new international economic order and rural development
by Mehmet Arda
WEP lO—6/WP67
Rural equity in Costa Rica:
Myth or reality?
by Peter Peek and Carlos Raabe
WEP lO—6/WP68
Agrarian structure and rural poverty:
by Peter Peek
WEP lO—6/WP69
Agrarian reform and
poverty
experience in Nicaragua
by Peter Peek
WE? lO—6/WP7O
Rural poverty in Central america:
policy alternatives
by Peter Peek
537 6d/v.3
Dimensions, trends
and causes
by Carmen Diana Deere and Martin Diskin
and
structural
change:
The case of Honduras
alleviation:
Dimensions,
The
recent
causes and