Volume 5, issue 1, 2016  e-ISSN: 1857-8187  p-ISSN: 1857-8179
Research Article
History
Shkodra during the Turmoil of the Balkan War
and Serbian-Montenegrin Invasion
Bendis Kraja
Keywords: Hasan Riza Pasha, The
struggle for Scutari, Balcan powers,
National movement, Montenegrin
occupation, Ottoman commands.Abstract
here please not more than 150-200 words.
University “Luigj Gurakuqi” State University of Shkodra, Albania.
Abstract
The study called "Shkodra’s turmoil in the Balkan War and the Serbo-Montenegrin invasion", sheds light on a period
that includes events and important listed facts, seen at national level as well as at local level. This was the reason Shkodra, the largest and the most populated city of
Albania, from October 1912 to April 1913 spent the most difficult days in its history, also among the most heroic, especially for the extraordinary resistance in fight for
protection from neighboring chauvinists of its territorial integrity. The purpose of the study is a historical overview on the political and social situation, but also wider. It
is based mainly on documents from Austro-Hungarian Consulate in Shkodra of the years 1912-1914, as well as in relations from Jesuit priests, who day after day marked
events and facts. This study supports the idea that Shkodra, as an integral part of the newly created Albanian state, is primarily a result of the titanic efforts of all
Shkodrane without discrimination, which indicated that they were formed as a spiritual family. The world witnessed the common willingness for a civilian national
dignity, and desire of living together for the future. On the other hand, it reveals the enormous importance and persistent strong support shown from Austria, in these
moments of a severe national trauma.
The declaration of Albanian independence had found Shkodra under Turkish rules as well as part of the
war that took place between Turkish garrisons and those of Balkan allies.
It is known that, from October 1912 to April 1913 the siege of Shkodra took place. This came as a result
of arrangements taken during March and September 1912 between the Balcan powers, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece
and Montenegro, for sharing Turkish territories in Europe in which Albania was included. The nomination of
Shkodra as the primary target, was justified first by the fact that here the Turkish garrison was commanded by
Hasan Riza Pasha and also with the idea that “ Shkodra was a vital issue for Montenegro”1, and that “the
separation of this city from Montenegro-as King (Krajl) Nicholas writes- during centuries has hampered my land
on the path of political and economic development”2. That day, while celebrating the 71 anniversary of King
Nikola I Njegosh in an ongoing delirium, he swore to his soldiers that Shkodra would be taken Within 10
days3.The start of the First Balkan War, marks the beginning of an unprecedented resistance seen in this last war,
that Albanian and Turkish worked together in the defence of the city, not during 10 days but 183.
As events have shown, and as Father Justin Rrota has written in his journal kept during the siege:
“Shkodra is a big mouthful in the throat of whom it is intended to be swallowed”. That was a very clear findings
not only for the fact that Shkodra was the largest and more populated city of Albania counting about 36 thousand
inhabitants, a center of other reasons. Shkodra was the final point of all economic strands of northern Albania,
including Kosovo. Shkodra served as an important hub for the transition from the Adriatic region to Balcan
regions and enjoyed a distinct position of the other cities for years maintaining the first place in the internal and
external commerce4. In 1863 was opened in Shkodra a branch of the Imperial Bank. The city had motorized
mills, oil presses, a soap factory, pasta factory, cigarette factory, silk workshops, workshops for bands, bricks
and tiles factories, tiles and roof tiles, printing houses. Shkodra had the most important Bazaar in the country5.
Placed in a key location between East and West, the city showed consistently the openness, facing west,
renewing ties with Austria, Italia, etc. Above all, as a city with rich traditions, the city had strong institutions in
the educational and cultural fields, as well as Catholic and Muslim clerics. In this period it was consolidatet as an
Rexhepi Përparim, “Mbrojtja e Shkodrës”, Tiranë, 2001, fq.21.
Gurakuqi Romeo, “Çështja e Shkodrës në Konferencën e Ambasadorëve 1912-1913 deri në dorëzimin e Malit të Zi”, Shkodër, 1998, fq.2.
3
Rexhepi Përparim, vepër e përmendur, fq.26.
4
Shkodra Zija, “Qyteti Shqiptar gjatë Rilindjes Kombëtare”, Tirana: 8 Nëntori, 1984, fq.24-25.
5
Duka Valentina, “Qytetet e Shqipërisë gjatë viteve1912-1924”, Tirana: Toena, 1997, fq.16.
1
2
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important educational, cultural, religious center. Thanks to the contribution of the government of AustriaHungary, Shkodra enjoyed for yers a protectorate right of cult. Among schools and the institutions of the
Catholic Clergy a very valuable work was done for educational establishment, elaboratioin of language, writing
down of cultural tradition, supporting naturally the western side.
There was also a patriotic intellectual elite, educated in western schools, very active in the citys life, in
every direction. They created and animated an active, literary, cultural, educational, publishing life. That policy
made Shkodra the “moral capital” of Albania. From the years of the Prizreni League to the great insurrections,
especially that of 1911, in Shkodra a high increase of the level of national consciousness was confirmed, and that
turned the city into a very active heart for politics and patriotism.
All this development, which was envied, but also noted by foreign travelers, was questioned the 8
October 1912, when hostilities between Shkodra and Serbo-Montenegro began.
“Freedom took time to come. Shkodra, the city of national movements, suffered siege, hunger, violation,
while in another corner of our dearest country, renaissance was acclaimed and welcomed.”6
At this time, because of the specifics of the state of siege and war going on in the city, Shkodra did not
indicate manifestly any signs of joy.
The resistance made agains Serbo-Montenegrin forces, the faced suffering, the patience of selflessness,
the heroism, all that remembered us of the way in which Shkodra once protected its castle against the hordes of
Sultan Fatih.7
The commander of the Vilajet of Shkodra, Hasan Riza Pasha, fortified the city during 1911 and
onwards, anticipating a possible siege. So, Buna Bridge was rebuilt with funds from the Ottoman government.
For the eventuality of war, a strategic mechanized bridge was needed. As a result, this bridge was set on cement
feet, attached with iron timber, paved in wood, and all mechanized ready to open for the steamboats. In time of
war, Shkodra was protected by seven key areas: Taraboshi, Bërdica, Dervish Tepe, Shtoj Field, the area around
Kiri and the Lake and the Bardhanjorët.
Protective power of Shkodra was formed of 15.000 soldiers (5.000 active and 10.000 reservists).
Serbian-Montenegrin military offensive, according to Colonel Emmanuel ( German war observer on the
Montenegrins side) consisted of 25.000 troops from teenagers to the elderly, and with Serbs joint forces formed
together 55.000 troops8. According to information from the book “Ishkodra Mudafaasi” the first bombardment
against the fortess began in Tarabosh the 11 October 1912 and the fighting continued until 22 April 1913, so for
183 days9.
When Qazim Pasha come to Shkodra, with a massage from Istambul and asked Valiun that, if in case of
war he could defend Shkodra, he responded positively to this question. Then Qazim Pasha commanded to protect
at all costs, and if necessary, when the situation would become desperate, he commanded. “ Bring cannons over
the city and take all into ashes, so the troops from Montenegro have nothing to take”10.
“Hylli i Dritës”, XII, Prill 1936, Nr.4, fq.157.
Bushati Hamdi, “ Shkodra dhe motet”, vëll I, Shkodër: Idromeno, 1998, fq.446.
8
Po aty, fq.447.
9
Po aty, fq.447.
10
Kamsi Ndoc, “Rrethimi i Shkodrës”, Almanaku “Shkodra”, 1961, Nr.1, fq.260. Botim i Shtëpisë së Kulturës dhe krijimtarisë popullore, see also:
At Justin Rrota: “ Ditët e mrame të Turqisë në Shkodër gjatë 1912-1913”, Botime Françeskane, Shkodër, 2010, fq.9.
6
7
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For the sake of truth should be noted that bravery of selflessness of Shkodra which was ready to
sacrifice everything, was strongly liked to the great military strategic art of Hasan Riza. This realistic soldier
gave the best possible protection of the city during the time of a troubled Balkan policy. His strategy was
appreciated by the military at this time and today. He could link the honor of the Ottoman army with the fate of
Shkodra, with its salvation. Hasan Riza Pasha, to whom “ the ligic of the relity of things, the ligic of the war,
was more important than the policy distated by secret agreements dictated from different groups”11, decided to
protect the Albanian city of Shkodra. He said. “I want to defend and save the city from Montenegro and put up
on top of the castle the Albanian flag”12. Many offorts were done to connect with the Catholic clergy of the
Catholic nobles of Shkodra, mainly with Kryeipeshvin Serreqi, a patriotic figure13. Serreqi clearly said, that
“people of Shkodra will strongly reject replacing the Turkish Occupation by the Montenegrin occupation and
Shkodrans want autonomy”14. The conditions that the Archbishop presented through his representative father
Gjergj Fishta during the talks, were to fight “ that we see Shkodra the capital of an independent Albania”15.
Louis Gurakuqi writes in a letter from the 13 October 1912: “ you must try together with Dom Nokole Kaçorri
and the others to show that the Albanians in the war, as well as in their demands, they want to be and remain
Albanians”16. The need for national unity was felt in Shkodër perhaps more than anywhere else. The raising of
the Albanian flag in Shkodras castle depended on the orders of the clergy to mountaineers to turn weapons
against the Montenegrins. “ The mountaineers with good will or not, have guided the troops from Montenegro
because they were miss leaded by them. The Montenegrins pretended, that they want Albanian Independence”17.
For this porpose, with help from Father Gjergj Fishta and archbishop of Shkodra James Serreqi, efforts began.
The Archbishop requested personal insurance from Hasan Riza Pasha before he started officially the work.
“A certifying sign that Ottoman commands work on behalf of Albania, would be the establishment of
the Albanian flag in the castle of Shkodra under the Turkish flag”18. To support this idea, there exists two facts
mentioned from different sources. The first one is the proposal that the Valiu of Shkodra made to his friend
Gjergj Fishta to write a march in Albanian and to teach it to the soldiers, so they can sing it when they exercise
or in the war. The second is the preparation of a national flag to be raised on top of the declared independence ,
were presented also in Shkodra. The Valiu in Shkoder who once addressed to Istanbul the words: “it is needed to
put on track and not to smash Albanian nationalism”19, now was working to keep alive and to promote this
nationalism.
Father Fishta prepared the mentioned march which is since then traditionally known as the anthem of
the flag. “He was rewarded by Pasha hundred times. The Pasha paid the verses of the anthem with Turkish
gold”20. One of his verses is this: “Over that flag, God himself has written/That Albania will be for Albanians /
Whoever touches them, will be coursed”.
Concerning the flag, information from contemporaries and protagonists about this story says that it was
prepared by Bernardina Marubi (Harapi), daughter of the patriot Kel Marubi. She writes in her memories that:
“Towards November 1912, my dad had given to me and my cousin the task to embroider an Albanian flag”21.
Kel Marubi himself found the red silk fabric and drew the two headed black eagle. “It took us about 10 days,
Zambauer Hortense, “ Rrethimi i Shkodrës”, Shkoder 2006, fq.146.
“Hylli i Dritës” vjeta X, kallnuer 1934, Nr.1. “Kontributi i elementit katolik në lâmë të atdhetaris”, fq.38.
At Justin Rrota. “ Ditët e mrame...”, vep. e përmd. fq.9.
14
Gurakuqi Romeo, “ Shkodra në shekuj”, Shkodër, 2000, fq.153-164.
15
At Justin Rrota, “ Ditët e mrame...”, vep. e përmend, fq.9.
16
Nika Nevila, “Përmbledhje dokumentash mbi kryengritjet shqiptare 1910-1912”, Tiranë, fq.333.
17
“Dituria”, e përkohshme, cituar sipas Hamdi Bushati, “ Shkodra dhe Motet”, vëll. I, Shkodër, 1998, fq.453.
18
Bushati Hamdi, vep. e përmend, fq.455.
19
Po aty, fq.451.
20
Gjergj Fishta, Commemorative edition, Shkodër, 1941, fq.144; K.Taipi, “ Zana Popullore”-Shkodër, 1933, fq. 203-206.
21
“Kujtime të grave veterane nga lëvizja për çlirim kombëtar ”,Tiranë, 1962, fq.160-161.
11
12
13
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than we delivered to my father … Later on, my father told me that this flag was raise on top of the fortress of
Shkodra”. Hamdi Bushati described this event in “Shkodra and times”: “Shkodra had no luck, because Hazan
Riza Pasha was killed fraudulently what caused the failure of that fortunate plan”22.
As a keen observer of the political situation, a far-sighted diplomat, brilliant administrator and a rare
military strategist, Hasan Riza found the key to a successful, invincible defense. He bound the honor of his arms
with the selflessness and courage shown by the people of Shkoder in defense of their national dignity.”Being
aware of the right position that he had chosen, he never went backwards”23. In the detailed correspondence kept
from the Jesuit fathers24 and sent to their superiors is indicated that there were fighting which resulted in many
dead and injured people. That caused the influx in the city from the residents of “Side of Mountain”(Ana e
Malit) and “Coast of Buna” (Bregu i Bunes).They left behind burned homes and brought with them their
livestock. That was associated with worsening of the economic situation, the confusion and the uncertainty about
the awaited fate. “Shkodra feeling unsecure , gathered all wounds of her body at her breast"25.Shkodra
experienced days of furious bombing, suffering, hunger and death. The government gave three days time for
everybody who wanted to leave the city. In fact, Shkodran were not allowed to flee, but this step was taken to
put slight pressure on foreigners and their counsels, because they were unwanted witnesses of what was going
on, but also because they wanted to take their houses and assets needed by the army26.
All foreign consuls decided to stay. This had its positive side because they were witnessing the tragic
events that passed Shkodra, they witnessed the bombing without any logical criteria (even their own buildings
were bombarded). The reason why the consuls raised their voices and had an effect, was first their respective
political interests but perhaps also the fact that they were witness in a selfless struggle, they were present during
the cruelties and hardships inflicted to the people of Shkodra who did not surrender. The protests organized from
the consulates against the bombing of their buildings, the religious and charitable institutions, received the
following response from Montenegro's king: according to him he was sorry for the suffering of the peaceful
population "but military needs in this cases exceed human feelings. The buildings with a raised flag did not get
bombarded by purpose, but sometimes the missiles turned wrongly and fell on those buildings".
Today, after more than hundred years, we are still impressed by the reading of the chronicle compiled
by the journalist of "Corriere della Sera" of Milan, Gino Barry, in his book "The Siege of Shkodra”: ”Six months
inside the besieged city (diary of a war correspondent)", published by Treves, in Milan, in June 1913. We would
call it today, an "instant book" which the publishers proudly introduced as "...a voice of truth in the great
unknown fate of Shkodra during almost a year when this city had to deal with anxieties, dangers, and different
interests from Europe"27.
Despite the siege, initially the authorities tried to maintain some normality: "Today the 21st November
is the only day of Eid. They should have been four, but it was reduced because of the circumstances. The Valiu
ordered to close all stores, even those of the Christians. The canon shot five times twenty-one shots."
Bushati Hamdi , “ Shkodra dhe Motet”, vëll. I, fq.559.
Hortense von Zambaur, “ Rrethimi i Shkodrës”, Camaj-Pipa, Shkodër, 2006, fq.146.
24
“Sette mesi di terrore”, Lettere edificanti dei padri della Compagnia di Gesu,, Padova, Editr.Antoniana
25
Kamsi Ndoc, “Rrethimi i Shkodrës”, art. i përmend, fq.261.
26
Arkivi i Muzeut Historik Shkodër (AMH), Fondi: Dokumente të Konsullatës Austro-Hungareze në Shkodër (DKAHSH) në vitet 1912-1913,
vj.22.12-1273; fq.227.
27
Muner Paolo , “Rrethimi i fundit i Shkodrës”, revista “Klan”, Tiranë 2014, nr.840.
22
23
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The economic condition since November aggravated to misery. For war purposes it was ordered to take
from the residents: flour, wheat, barley, corn, rice, beans, sugar and food for animals. To close the wounds of
5.000 wounded soldiers admitted to hospitals, the Valiu ordered to look tirelessly for fabrics28.
The army needed wood, which was the reason why olive, fig and other trees in the Bardhaj vineyards
and in the city were cut. The detailed correspondence between the Jesuits and their superiors shows us that the
value made only from foodstuffs taken from the population was one million two hundred thousand francs. But
the worse was the lack of bread. The Veliut of Shkodra gave order to the bakeries that it was allowed to bake
bread only for the military only (there was no flour or even time for the population to bake the bread). The
population which had food reserves when the war started (according to their social rang) now after nearly two
months of siege were living in poverty. "It was painful to see the people starving, and to see how they were
standing next to the bakery to get a bread from the flour that was taken from them... and even so they did not get
it they came back to the bakery the next day "29.
Most of the time the families did not eat bread every day, or they took ”an alternation day“ that allowed
to eat bread for half of the family only and for the other half of the family the next day the remaining half… That
was the case also in wealthy families, the ones that normally would eat bread every day. The meat, which until
this point was not missing (because people from the surrounding villages had brought their livestock during their
influx into the city of Shkodra), now, rarely could be found in the market. Its price rose to 11 penny per kg or 2
francs per kg. For most of the people with empty pockets it was impossible to afford it30.
It was common to see people going the slaughterhouse at the Buna area, to see if they could get some
blood to use it as food. Teofik Gjyli remembers: "People would fight for a bone or some blood... Only there I
saw and tasted blood boiled in a pot... it had become black from boiling"31.
The heavy taxes to be paid to the Ottoman government made the situation worse. Christians had to pay
thousands of Turkish Lira for “nizamijtë” (tax for exemption from military service) and Muslims were “charged”
with a “death toll” through the general mobilization of all Muslim men from 15 to 70 years. All men, having
received a short instruction and equipped with the most necessary things, were directed to the front.
In those difficult days, when 28 bakers left work, the Jesuit priests helped by feeding with bread daily
during half of November and throughout December of 400 poor people. Even some families, like the Rrepishti
family, were distinguished for their great heart. They were in better economic condition that the big majority of
population and kept alive by feeding with bread the members of a family living in a tent in the neighborhood
Dudas. For helping the poor people is well known also the ”Gjuhadoli” Assembly that had charity organisations
such as "Bread of St. Anthony" and "The daughters of Mary" at the Stigmatine Sisters.
War and hunger were accompanied by violent rains that made the waters of Drini river break out all
over. Since half of the XIXth century Shkodra began to suffer from the effects of flooding, because the river
Drin began to form new ramifications into the Buna river flow path. The rising river water reached the market
area and often arrived nearly the city.
28
AMH, Shkodër, Fondi: DKAHSH, në vitet 1912-1913. vj.22.12-1273, fq.228.
AMH, Shkodër, Fondi:Relacioni i priftërinjve të Shkodrës,v.1912-1913, fq.229.
30
However, we read another opinion in a report from Father Domenico Facin (from Breno in Torino, who had Italian nationality but Austro
Hungarian citizenship. He was the general commissioner of the catholic minor brotherhood) sent to his general superior. This document
mentioned that "young monks and “Stigmatine nuns”during the siegeof Shkodrain1912-1913," demonstrated a clear
vidence of a tremendous organization. This report dated, as was announced, of the 8th June 1913, consisted of 100 pages, 34 photographs
attached, andwas published in Quaracchi, in Florence, by the printing House of the College of San Bonaventuras, in the same
year, with imprimatur (permission for publication by the ecclesiastical censorship) the 11th July, only six months later. Another "instant book".
31
Almanaku "Shkodra", 1962, Kujtime, Nr.1, fq.30.
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Economic condition deteriorated day by day. "In early December there was not any fuel kerosene or
coal, so the majority of the families had light only during daytime"32. Flour mills were not working any more.
Nobody was using the public mill anymore, because at least one tenth of the amount of the flour was used by the
Turkish administration.
By the end of January 1913, 360 cannonballs had fallen over the city. A tragedy shock for the whole city
was the night of 30th January, when the Valiu of Shkodra was killed. His name was Hasan Riza Pasha, he was
the commander of the Turkish army, a big lover of Albanians. The public opinion in Shkodra was that this was
the work of Essad Pasha Toptani. The population in Shkodra had understood since a long time that there was an
incompatibility of character, goals and ambitions between the two pashas. Everyone believed that Esat Pasha had
secretly agreed with the Montenegrins for giving them Shkodra, in exchange of support for becoming himself
the ruler of middle part of Albania "33.
The taking of command from Essad Pasha was followed by an increasing frequency of arrival of
negotiators from Montenegro. Conversations took hours, but apparently "the right language" was not found.
Meanwhile, the city's appearance was miserable. The ongoing bombing, the hunger and cold associated
with snow, gave the following picture: "a lot of people were walking in the streets with difficulty leaning on
walls, as if they came out of a long illness, occasionally you could see some people are falling unconscious...,
everywhere destroyed walls, stones distributed across the streets, uncovered roofs, ruined houses"34.
After an epidemic of cholera among the worst (1911), already sanitation conditions in the city was far
from being normal (until May many dead people were left unburied). The biggest hospital (its building was the
old prefecture), which was taking care of 800 injured with only four surgeons available, appear to be
overcrowded. Now the school buildings were functioning as hospital and as were some of the houses. The
number of casualties was so high that the local authorities had to seek the help from Franciscan and Jesuit priests
and nuns35. The images were dreadful. The wounded were lying on the ground on mats or sacks, they were
wearing only their coats as cover, they were hungry and trembling in temperatures that were four degrees below
zero...” It was also snowing in these days. It is not hard to imagine the situation of the population considering the
misery and the hunger and the cold "36.
Looking for a safer place, thousands of Christians had taken refuge inside the cathedral. But the
cathedral was also bombarded "without end". The answer that gave Esat Toptani (Montenegrin foreign minister)
to Plamenaci is known when the last one was trying to justify that the Cathedral was wrongly bombarded instead
of Tepja: "I would have shot the artillerymen that often missed their target for 3000 meters".
A large part of population was now fed on grass, snails and seeds. Soldiers left without bread began to
slaughter the horses of the artillery. Prices became unbearable. The streets were filled with dead and wounded.
Esat Toptani thought that this was the best moment to initiate a meeting of chiefs of Shkodra at the
customs office, the 23rd April 1913, to announce that the city should surrender because there was no more food
and no resistance in vain. But Esat Pashas hoped that the population would surrender "by their own will",
“Sette mesi di terrore in Scutari”- Relazione dell’ assedio di Scutari in Albania dall’Ottobre 1912 al 14 Maggio 1913 mandata dai P.P della
Compania di Gesu dimoranti in Scutari, ai loro Superiori, Benefattori e Amici, Padova 1913, fq. 32-33.
33
Zavalani Tajar,” Histori e Shqipnis”, Tiranë: Phonix, 1998, fq.232.
34
"Sette mesi di terror in Scutari", material i përmend. fq. 50-51, fq. 54-55.
35
Nuns who worked in the hospital, not wanting to leave for a moment their patients alone, had requested to the Archbishop to be allowed to put out
during the night the sacrament. Thisa was granted with pleasure.
36
AMH, Shkodër, Fondi: DKAHSH, në vitet. 1912-1913, vj.22.12-1273, fq.243, 245.
32
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fainted. Most of the council members were ready for further sacrifices to avoid the surrender. Over 300
cannonballs and shrapnel were thrown that night on the town of Shkodra37.
The surrender of the city was already a done deal. Essad Pasha submitted Shkodra after he signed with
Prince Danilo, the 15 points of “conditions for delivery”. The 24th April Prince Danilo entered Shkodra leading
the Montenegrin army, and the 25th April, the surrender was fully realized. This date coincided with the
surrender of the city to the Ottoman armies of Mehmet Fatiht the 25th April 1479. After 434 years the Turks
handed Scutari to Montenegro, leaving the city forever. Montenegrins shot 21 cannon shootings from the castle.
Essad Pasha also was sent off with an additional shooting and accompanied by a batallion of honor. Shkodra felt
not defeated, but only betrayed. Fortunately, the “fait acclompli” of the invasion did not help Krajl Nicholas.
Diplomatic treaties were held for making possible the release of Shkodra. The Austrian government,
convinced to act vigorously, was making demarches with the capitals of Europe, for a collective intervention, in
order to force immediately the Serbian and Montenegrin armies to withdraw from the territories that the
Conference of Ambassadors in London had known as Albania. The perseverance of Krajl Nikolla to keep Scutari
was absurd, when even the Tsar of Russia was not supporting him anymore.
An official communiqué from the Foreign Ministry announced the public: "Russia recognizes that
Shkodra is part of Albania because it is simply and purely an Albanian town and the seat of a Roman Catholic
archdiocese."
This withdrawal of Russia from protecting the interests of its satellite Balkan saddened King Nikolla
immensely, who sent a personal message to the Russian Tsar: "The big slavic heart of the Majesty would be
proud of the triumph of my soldiers, but it seems that your Majesty should take decisions which are against the
interests of my country ".
The 4th May 1913 the diplomatic representatives of Russia, France and Britain took a step towards Kralj
Nikolla, to push him to release Shkodra as soon as possible. This was the only way to avoid military aggression
which was threatened by Austria in case of non release of Shkodra.
Austria remained steadfast in its decision and this time the “great powers” insisted to implement their
decision without being "impressed by the triumph of Montenegrin weapons".
Having no other chance in front of the humility towards the unanimous will of the European powers,
Krajl Nikolla confirmed the decision to release Shkodra. For the sake of truth it must be said that the bad luck for
Shkodra would have continued without this strong intervention of Austria, in this case giving "prestige" to itself.
With this solution, the European powers avoided a European conflict that would have been caused by
Montenegro.
On the night of 7th May, when it was thought that suffering had come to an end, the Montenegrins
plundered the city and then set fire to the Bazaar of Shkodra. The damage was very great. Hundreds of stores,
especially the richest ones filled with food and fabrics, were burned. As consequences of political-military
events of 1911-1913 the city market suffered more than any other market in Albania. For seven months Shkodra
was cut off by any communication from the outside world and the trade was suspended totally. All requisition
made, first by the Ottomans and later by the Montenegrins, damaged many small merchants. Many of them lost a
good part of their assets38.
37
38
Berri Gino, L’assedio di Scutari, Tiranë: Toena, 1997, fq.247.
Duka Valentina, “ Qytetet Shqiptare në vitet 1912-1924” ,Tiranë: Toena 1997, fq.23.
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The former splendor, which had made known the Bazaar worldwide, faded (at the beginning of the 19th
century the most important bazaar in the country was the one in Shkodra, with more than 2,500 stores39). Nearly
400 stores suffered fire damage, 200 of which were demolished completely closing the activity of many small
and big traders. Since a long time in the Rozafa castle were kept many different antiquities as old cannons (Baba
Hajdar, Ball-Jemes), flags from Venetian time, hooks and swords, tools used for the execution of prisoners. All
these historical materials were stolen.
The well known journalist and ethnologist Edith Durham wrote also about the damages and the causes
of robbery and fire raising: "The Bazaar always was locked at night, after all, merchants and craftsmen returned
as usual to the city. One night in May the Montenegrin soldiers set fire to the richest part of the Bazaar. It was
impossible to extinguish the flame before half of the bazaar was ruined. Montenegrin crowds, officers and
soldiers laughed when the shopkeepers were trying to save their goods, most of which were stolen from
Montenegrins". Later, Edith Durham had seen herself that stolen clothes from shops in Shkodra were sold in
Montenegro40.
At the end of the siege, which cost misery, grief and destruction, if there were losers (the Turks), there
were no winners, because the Montenegrins had held the city for several weeks but later they were forced by the
Great Powers to leave. The Albanians, paying a very high price, were liberated the same day from two
conquerors, the Turks who stayed there for centuries and from that very short but not less frightening and hated
Montenegrins. Now they started on the difficult and slow journey towards real independence.
The decision of the Great Powers that Shkodra remains Albanian is influenced by several factors. That
came as a result of the following:
- titanic efforts from all people of Shkodra indiscriminately, to protect the civilian national dignity of
their city;
- persistence and strong efforts from Austria and a realistic tendency of this process from the United
Kingdom;
- unfortunately, as a result of a satisfactory balance offered to Russia, ethnic Albanian lands of the
northwest and northeast of the country were given to Serbia and Montenegro.
Sources and bibliography
Archived sources
1. Arkivi Qëndror Shtetëror i Republikës së Shqipërisë (AQSH), Fondi:Lidhja Kombëtare
2. Shkodër, Urdhëri Jezuit (Kolegji Saverian Shkodër), Koleksioni i partive, organizatave dhe shoqërive pas
1912.
3. Arkivi i Muzeut Historik të Shkodrës (AMHSH), Fondi: Dokumente të Konsullatës Austro-Hungareze në
Shkodër. 1912-1913; Dorëshkrime; Dokumente të Konsullatës Austro-Hungareze në Shkodër, 1914.
4. Arkivi i Fototekës “Marubi”, Shkodër, Fondi: vitet 1912-1914.
Bibliography
1. At Justin Rrota, Ditët e mrame të Turqisë në Shkodër ase Rethimi i qytetit 1912-1913, Shkodër, 2010.
2. Bushati, Hamdi, Shkodra dhe Motet, Vëllimi i I, Shkodër, 1998.
3. Berri, Gino, L’assedio di Scutari, Tiranë, 1997.
4. Duka, Valentina, Qytetet e Shqipërisë në vitet 1912-1924, Tiranë, 1997.
39
40
Shkodra Zija, “Qytetet Shqiptare gjatë Rilindjes Kombëtare”, Akademia e Shkencave, Instituti i Historisë,Tiranë, 8 Nëntori 1984, fq.200.
Durham Edith, “The struggle for Scutari”, London, 1914, fq.228-229
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Anglisticum Journal (IJLLIS), Volume: 5 | Issue: 1, January 2016 |
Volume 5, issue 1, 2016  e-ISSN: 1857-8187  p-ISSN: 1857-8179
5. Durham, Edith, The struggle for Scutari, London, 1914.
6. Facin, Domenico, I frati minori e le suore stimatine durante l’assedio di Scutari del 1912-1913, Firenze, 1913.
7. Nika, Nevila, Përmbledhje dokumentesh mbi kryengritjet shqiptare 1910- 1912, Prishtinë, 2003.
8. Rexhepi, Përparim, Mbrojtja e Shkodrës 1912- 1913Tiranë, 2001.,
9. Shkodra, Zija, Qyteti Shqiptar gjatë rilindjes Kombëtare, Tiranë, 1984.
10. Zavalani, Tajar, Histori e shqipnis, Tiranë, 1998.
11. Zambauer, Hortense, Rrethimi i Shkodrës 10 tetor 1912-22 prill 1913, Shkodër, 2006.
12. “Sette mesi di terrore in Scutari”- Relazione Dell’assedio di Scutari in Albania dall’Ottobre 1912 al 14
Maggio 1913 mandata dai Padri della Compania di Gesu dimoranti in Scutari, ai loro Superiori, Benefattori e
Amici, Padova, 1913.
Journals and Magazines
1. Almanaku “Shkodra” 1961, Nr.1.
2. Almanaku “Shkodra” 1962, Nr.1.
3. Revista “Cirka”, 1936, Nr.4, Shkodër.
4. Revista “Klan”, Nr.840, Tiranë, 2014.
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