The Price of Promotion: Political Careers and Marriage Stability Olle Folke and Johanna Rickne Women’s Lobby Conference, Kungälv 2015 Gender and Career Di¤erences I Women lack power, economic resources, and status - why? I Gender equality in career attainments is the "last chapter of the grand gender convergence" (Goldin 2014) I In politics, descriptive evidence shows that women are trading o¤ family life for appointments I women politicians are less likely to be married and more likely to be childless (Childs 2014, Dodson 1997, Carroll and Sanbonmatsu 2013) Our Paper I Analyze how a promotion impacts on the probability to remain married I Empirical focus on political promotions, corroborate with evidence from the private sector I analysis by gender and parenthood (0-17 yrs) I Descriptive evidence that women combine dual earner family with top job, men do not I Results show that mothers divorce rate doubles, while the risk falls among men Economic "Intuition" about Promotion and Divorce I Promotions (more work hours and higher wage) trigger role cycling/re-negotiation of tasks I Renegotiation to buy home production from the non-promoted spouse I Easier to re-negotiate for promoted men I I gender norms on relative earnings reduce scope of negotiation (Brines 1994, Coltrane 2000, Akerlof and Kranton 2000, Greenstein 2000, Bittman et al. 2003, Bertrand et al. 2013) Divorce if bargaining fails, especially in families with children (role overload) (Skinner 1980, McElroy and Horney 1981, Breen and Cooke 2005) I outside option gives more utility than the relationship Our Case: Political Promotions I Mayors (KSO) vs. Opposition Leaders in 290 municipalities and 6 election periods I I I I I I top individuals in largest majority and opposition party parties 20% higher wage, plus higher status strong power concentration in the Mayor (Nilsson 2001, Nilsson 2008, Jonson 2003) mayor works more (52 hrs/week vs. 38 hrs/ in 2014) no gender di¤erences in work load and self-rated in‡uence Work conditions become more "extreme" (Hewlitt and Luce 2006) I unpredictable work ‡ow; large work burden; events outside of regular o¢ ce hours; 24/7 availability; budgetary and employee responsibilities Extreme Top Job "Many mayors have a problem in viewing the appointment as a job, in particular with regard to the limits on what needs to be done. The work load is limitless. Work time is only bounded by your family situation and your own health" (Nilsson 2001, 181). Our Data I Balanced yearly panel data for both politician and spouse I I Connect to register data I I I I list placement and soc.sec # on ballot earnings and sickness absence number of children and their age no missing information, highly reliable, not self-reported Additional data from the whole private sector, including CEO variable Summary Statistics, Full Sample (1991-2010) Elected Women Men Mayors Women Men Share Married Divorced Children (0-17) Children (0-3) Parental leave share Earnings (100’s SEK) Politician's earnings share Age 0.41 0.61 0.17 0.36 0.08 0.75 2112 0.53 50.28 0.59 0.71 0.10 0.36 0.08 0.22 2392 0.61 52.68 0.25 0.61 0.21 0.28 0.03 0.82 4500 0.67 52.52 0.75 0.78 0.09 0.33 0.05 0.13 4578 0.73 53.62 Observations 32149 46150 376 1106 Summary Statistics, Main Estimation Sample I Sample restrictions I I I no previous experience as mayor "with children" = children under 18 drop if age > 65 during the election period Mayors Opposition Leader Women Men Women Men Share 0.23 0.77 0.25 0.75 Divorce during period 0.26 0.07 0.11 0.08 Children (0-3) 0.09 0.12 0.08 0.12 Parental leave share 0.85 0.13 0.73 0.14 Earnings (100’s SEK) 4703 4735 3703 3577 Politician's earnings share 0.61 0.73 0.59 0.67 Age 44.84 47.01 45.39 48.10 43 147 66 198 Observations Individual Level "Event Study" Divorced Empirical Speci…cation I Address selection into positions by exploiting uncertain elections I I I I close (2.5 or 5 percentage points of vote share) to either the left or right bloc winning a seat majority in the municipal council in close elections, the promotion is a toss up (randomization –> we can estimate a causal e¤ect!) compare the promoted individual to their non-promoted, but identical, equivalent Use simple regression to compare the probability of remaining married Yit = bMpt + γt + ept I Mpt is a binary indicator for becoming mayor Remain Married During Election Period Women Treatment Obs. Men Treatment Obs. Full Sample 5% window 2.5 % window -0.152** (0.073) -0.111 (0.121) -0.189 (0.190) 109 45 28 0.010 (0.028) 0.074** (0.036) 0.124** (0.057) 345 169 96 Remain Married During Election Period: Interaction E¤ect I Combine the samples and add interaction term With Children Treatment Woman Treatment *Women Obs. Full Sample 5 % window 2.5 % window 0.012 (0.028) -0.015 (0.043) -0.163** (0.081) 0.076** (0.037) -0.040 (0.080) -0.218* (0.129) 0.127** (0.057) 0.017 (0.115) -0.347** (0.174) 454 214 124 CEOs I Do we see the same gender di¤erence in the private labor market? I Examine internal promotions to CEO in …rms with more than 100 employees I Use graphical event study CEOs: Proportion of Divorced Possible Mechanisms I Role overload from partner’s failure to adjust labor supply I Two alternative outcomes I I I partner’s earnings partner’s sick leave Compare key descriptive statistics for those who divorce with those who remain married Partner’s Earnings Partner’s Sick Leave Descriptive Statistics Prior to Promotion Women Men Divorced Married Divorced Married Previous Election Period Outcomes Make more 82 % 45% 100 % 94 % Earnings share 0.63 0.51 0.71 0.72 Partner´s earnings 7.65 7.78 7.35 7.13 Share of parental leave 0.91 0.83 0.08 0.13 Conclusions I Study women’s promotions to top post in Swedish local politics with goal to understand gendered consequences of promotions I Women who make it to the top have dual earner families, men do not I Political promotions have a di¤erential e¤ect on politicians’ marriage stability I I women with children su¤er increased risk of divorce men with children bene…t from lower divorce risk I New clues to women’s absence from top positions and men’s incentives to seek them I Demonstration e¤ects constrain the candidate pool Conclusions I Mechanisms, why do women divorce and men do not I I I I I no evidence of "husband should earn more" break-point (but possibly for status?) divorcing women made more before promotion, suggests lack of "happy divorce" e¤ect politician husbands do not reduce work hours likely role overload in women politicians’families, husbands’ health deteriorates Address requirements of top jobs to facilitate combination with dual-earner family structure
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