Chapter - IV
PRESS AND SOCIAL REFORM
Chapter - IV
PRESS AND SOCIAL REFORM
During the later half of the nineteenth century, the spirit of social reform was
evident in almost all the provinces of India. Assam was no exception to it. Newspapers
played a significant role in reflecting this spirit of reform.
"There were at the beginning of the nineteenth century, numerous social evils of
such a character as would rudely shock our sensibility at the present day. They
were tolerated, partly out of veneration for the old customs and partly out of sheer
inertia. But the urge of a rational spirit which declared war against religious
superstitions could ill brook the social evils which were eating into the vitals of
the society." 1
Society in India had passed through numerous phases of change. In her long
and chequered history, there have been periods of progress, regeneration and reform,
as well as periods of decay, dissolution and degeneration. Th e eighteenth century and
the early part of nineteenth century witnessed the latter tendencies. While in Europe, it
1. R. C. Majumdared. British ParamountcyandIndian Renaissance Part II, Bombay, 1965, p 256.
was the age of enlightenment, in India it was a period of stagnation. Social institution,
customs and practices began to assume a rigid and petrified form. Irrational social
practices became conspicous features of the period. Religion, the pivot of Indian life,
had always exercised great influence on the people in their social ways and habits
With religions attaching more importance to the external form rather than to inner
realisation, religious superstitions began to pervade all aspects of social life. The priestly
class became dominant in the society, majority of whom seldom understood the
scriptures and cared little for spiritual values. But the society obeyed them faithfully
They could explain any and every social evil as holy, with the apparent sanction of the
scriptures behind it. Infanticide, childmarriage, polygamy, sati and other social evils,
were all interpreted as scripturally and religiously valid.
However, from the thirties of the nineteenth century, there was in India a wave of
reforming activities, which influenced the minds of her people through the wholesome
activities of different Samaj, Societies, and other organisations. Throughout the
nineteenth century, contact with the progressive and the enlightened thoughts of the
West resulted in phase after phase of various reform movements in India to reform the
society and rationalize thoughts.
With tiie establishment of the British rule, Assam along with the rest of the country
experienced the impact of western education. Western education brought humanistic
outlook and rational spirit in its train. The influence, which brought revolutionary changes
in the life and thought of the Indian people, gradually and eventually grew into an irresistible
motivating force in Assam also.
Towards the second half of the nineteenth century, under the influence of Bengal
renaissance, a strong wave in favour of widow remarriage grew in Assam as well The
(92)
initiative was taken by Jaduram Barua, Gunaniram Barua and Hem Chandra Barua.
This was soon followed by a movement against polygamy and child marriage. 2
The reformative ideals of the Bengali intelligentsia became a model for the
educated section of the Assamese society. Assamese students in fairly large numbers
went to Calcutta, for higher studies, during the later half of the nineteenth century. There
they came under the influence of new ideas and a new outlook which they brought back
with them to Assam. This was the beginning of the modernization of thought and culture
in Assam.3The newly educated Assamese were deeply influenced by the reformist
ideas and activities of the Bengali intelligentsia. Anandaram Dhekial Phukan, for
instance, who went to the Hindu College in Calcutta for higher studies was attracted by
the reformative activities of the Young Bengal Group.4
The Bengali periodicals in circulation in Assam also played a significant role.
Hem Chandra Baruah, who had never been to Calcutta for higher studies, was an ardent
admirer of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. 5 Great personalities like Holiram Dhekial
Phukan, Jaduram Deka Barua, Jagyaram Khargharia Phukan and Maniram Dewan,
had not only subscribed Bengali papers but also regularly contibuted to Bengali journals
like the SamacharDarpan, the SamacharChandhka and the Bangadut. These papers
acquainted them with the progressive aspects of the nineteenth century intellectual
development in Bengal. They became increasingly aware of the reformative trends that
had set in during the period and used the printed medium to express their opinion on
important issues of social reform like Sati, education of women etc.6
2.
3
4.
5.
6.
H. K. Barpujari ed., The Comprehensive HistoryofAssam, Vol. V, Guwahati, 1993, p. 204
S. K. Chatterji, ThePlace ofAssamin theHistoryandCivilization ofIndia, Gauhati, 1970, pp 78-9
N. Talukdar, ed. AnandaramDhekial PhukanarRachanaSangraha, Guwahati, 1977 p. 136
J N. Goswami, AsamiyaBhasarOjaHemChandraBarua, Guwahati, 1985, p.68
S. P Barua, Pressin Assam, Guwahati, 1999, pp. 127-29
93
( )
The Brahmo movement in Bengal also had its influence on the newly educated
Assamese. Jagyaram Khargharia Phukan, uncle of Anandaram Dhekial Phukan, was
one of the first disciples of the Brahmo Samaj under Rammohan Roy in the 1830's.7
Gunaviram Barua was attracted to the Brahmo Samaj when he was in Calcutta during
1855-56. He was greatly influenced by the widow-remarriage movement launched by
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar during this period.8
The impact of western civilization brought radical changes in the society. It gave
a new mental outlook to many and most importantly it put a question mark on some of
the traditional values, and age-long customs of the society. The newly educated class
had to choose between old orthodoxy and the new liberal culture. Some of them freely
adopted the European style of living. On his return from Calcutta, Anandaram Dhekial
Phukan, for example, used trousers, hat and shoes, whenever he visited European
friends or when he went out for a walk.9Lakshminath Bezbarua adopted a new hair cut
in English fashion and gave up the time-honoured custom of keeping a pig-tail.10
Jagyaram Khagharia Phukan freely dined with Europeans and enjoyed varieties of
European delicacies and wine. His house at Guwahati was amply adorned with modem
furniture like chairs, tables, carpets, art-glass lustres, and an organ.*11Govinda Bezbaruah
was also among those who adopted western dress and food habits.12
The impact of modem education, new scientific outlook, the doctrine of rationalism
and humanism particularly impressed the English educated section of the society. Armed
with a critical attitude this section of the society used the Press as a medium to rouse
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
Dersa BachariaAssamiya SanskrititAbhumuki,
AssamBandhu,
Introduction
AnandaramDhekial PhukanorJivan Charitra,
MorJivan Sowaran,
Political HistoryofAssam,
Arghyavaii,
B. K. Bhattacharya,
Guwahati, 1978, pp. 47-50.
Dr. N. Saikia complied and re-edited
Guwahati, 2003,
pp. 18-19.
Gunaviram Barua,
Guwahati, 1971, pp. 48-50
Lakshminath Bezbaruah,
Guwahati, 1999, pp. 12,18
H. K. Barpujari, ed.
Vol. I, Guwahati, 1977, p. 126.
BenudharSarma,
Gauhati, 1964, p 3.
(94)
social awareness against the evils prevailing in the Assamese society. The first and
foremost social problem that attracted enlightened opinion was the need for a better
position for women in society.
" .... It was a long tale of suffering and humiliation almost from birth to
death. Among several tribes, the birth of a girl was regarded as unfortunate, and
they did not hesitate to kill them deliberately soon after they are bom. The marriage
of a girl at an early age, long before puberty, and even sometimes when hey were
five to ten years old, if not earlier still, was the prevalent custom amongst the
Hindus, with rare exceptions. This deprived the girls of any opportunity of receiving
any education worth the name and denied them altogether any say in the matter
of selecting their partners in life. If the husband died, even when the wife was
quite young or a baby, she was faced with the alternatives either burning
herself along with his dead body, or living a desolate or miserable life, almost
often as neglected, if not hated drudge in the family. For, beyond a bare
maintenance, she had no right to the property of her husband, and could not
marry again. But though the wife had no right to marry after the death of her
husband he could and not unoften did, marry a number of wives, not only after
her death, but even during her lifetime."13
Women in Assam enjoyed no better status than other places of India. Shihabuddin
Talish, the seventeenth century Muslim historian who accompanied Mir Jumla to Assam
in 1662, however, gave an impressive comment that in Assam "the wives of the Rajas
and peasants alike never veil their faces before anybody, and they move about freely in
the market places with bare heads."14Ahom society till then was not much under the
13.
14.
op. cit. p. 261.
AHistory ofAssam, Guwahati, 1994 (reprint), p. 138
R. C. Majumdar, ed.
Edward Gait,
(
95)
grip of Hindu scriptures. Thus women during the period had a comparatively free and
liberal movement than their counterparts in other parts of India, governed completely by
Brahmanical laws. In the absence of major Aryan influences, the position of women in
Assam was somewhat different from that in other parts of India. During the Ahom period,
certain women belonging to the higher class enjoyed a high status in public. Phuleswari
(1714 A. D.), Ambika (1721 A. D.) and Sarveswari (1739 A. D.) were great
administrators during the Ahom period. The name of Mula Gabharu continues to be a
source of inspiration for the women of Assam.15
Though examples can be cited of women having played sigificant roles in politics,
administration and scholastic fields, the common women was denied the right place in
society.
"Like most women of Indian, they are denied even the least portion of education,
and are excluded from every social circle. They are even accounted unworthy to
partake of religious rites, except in conjunction with their husbands, and hence
that remarkable proof of barbarity - the wife held unworthy to eat with her husband,
is also prevalent. Women, in fact are in all respects held in extreme
degradation....Early marriages are common, though in the lower classes many
young women do not succeed in getting husbands till the age of twenty. To these
premature marriages, we are undoubtedly to attribute the general appearance
of old age in the persons of the women, before they have reached even the
meridian of life .... Females are not included within the pale of education, every
ray of mental improvement is carefully kept from the sex. As they are always
confined to domestic duties, and excluded from the society of the other sex, the
15.
P Gohain Barua, Asomor Buranji, Guwahati, 1976, pp. 75-79; also M. L. Bose, Social History of
Assam, N. Delhi, 1989, pp. 44-5.
(96)
people see no necessity for their education. A women's duties are comprised in
'pleasing her husband, and cherishing her children’ To this there are a few
exceptions. In the higher ranks of life, and among families of some importance
the females are frequently taught to read and write."16
Gunaviram wrote in Orunodoi, that the position of women in Indian society was
low. As such, the reformer stressed that men should try to raise the status o f women
The early reformers realised that unless the women-folk were educated, their position
would not be improved in the society. In October 1856, Orunodoi publishec an article
by Gunaviram Barua on ideal relationship between husband and wife - Puruse Tirotak
JiRupe SamadarKariba lage (The manner in which men should respect women) The
writer opined that, God has created both men and women with same physical attributes
Both are equal in the eyes of God. They are inter-dependent. One cannot survive without
the other. However, in our male dominated society, women were treated not better than
slaves. He commented that, although the 'kind authorities' had abolished s avery, the
condition of the womenfolk reminds us of the evil system. He regretted that while women
in countries like Germany were enjoying equal status with men in society their
counterparts in India were leading an undignified life. In all the civililized nat ons of the
world women were treated with due honour and respect, but in India, a status of equality
for women is a far cry. On the other hand, they were being regarded as the personal
properties of men. In this regard, Gunaviram Barua referred to the Manusamhita (III
Chapter, 55-58 sloka) where Manu had directed the men to show respect to and honour
women. To this, the editor of Orunodoi added a special note that the article carries a
message for the society which is of immense benefit for all.17
16. William Robinson, A Descriptive Account o f Assam, Calcutta, 1841; reprint Delhi, 1975, op 274-277
17. 'Puruse Tirotak JiRupe SamadarKarb lage '', Orunodoi, 1856, October issue.
(97)
A writer under the pen-name of 'Patriot'from Guwahati sent a letter dated 4 April
1876, to the Assam-Bilasinee castigating the then prevailing custom of selling of girls
among certain communities in Assam. He urged the Chief Commissioner of Assam to
ban such practices in the larger interest of the society. This evil custom prevailed among
some sections of the Assamese society according to which the groom had to buy their
brides from theirfathers by paying sums which varied, according to the caste of the girl,
from Rs. 200/- to Rs. 1200/-. The writer compares this to the selling of cattle and strikes
at the base of such illogical customs. The writer praised the British government for
declaring Sati and infanticide illegal. The sender of the letter was perhaps Hem Chandra
Baruah.18
Assam-Bandhu, edited by Gunaviram Barua could not do much for the progress
of women in Assam. In a series of articles published in Assam-Bandhu, titled
'Swadhinata ne Swechchacharita' (whether independence or wilfulness) and Ghainir
Karttabya O Stir Siksha' (duties of wives and women's education) the conservative
attitude of the male-dominated society was shown as 'archaic' as the era of Manu.
As has already been mentioned in the previous chapter, the matter of education
of women was an important issue of discussion in Assam-Bandhu. But the paper did
not draw a positive picture of educated women. In a satire, ’Sadanandar Natun
Abhidhan' (New Dictionary of Sadananda), Lambodar Bora described that such women
'ride on an elephant placing their feet on the back of men’.19In another article "Ghoinir
Karttabya O Stri Siksha” (duties of wives and women's education), the author, Ratneswar
Mahanta expressed the view that education of women deprive them of their traditional
duties —
18.
19.
AsamarBatonKakat-AJocanirDersaBasariyaItihas, Guwahati, 1998, p.136; also
150 Yearsof JournalisminAssam, Guwahati, 2007, p. 82.
'SadanandarNatunAbhidhan', AssamBandhu, Vol. 1, Saka 1807,1885, VIII issue.
C. P. Saikia ed.
G. P. Sarma ed.,
(9 8 )
'Many did not allow their wives to cook depriving them of discharging household
duties not because of their love and respect to their wives or to women, but for
imitation of alien customs. The result is the introduction of male Brahmin cook in
the society. The husband would not allow the wife to work in the loom. As a result
the practice of spinning had become obsolete. Even the daughters-in-law of
villages had to weave cloth with foreign threads. However, many Brahmin spouces
had maintained the habit of spinning for the lagun (sacred thread), thus not
allowing the system to disappear. The consequence of giving up the trade of
spinning was a decrease in production of eri (endi-silk) and muga, increase in
price of eri and muga : rupees 10 for one ser of eri, rupees 12 for one ser of
muga. In place of spinning and weaving cloth, weaving of wool had entered the
list of duties of Assamese women. The price of wool ranged from Rs. 12 to Rs.
16 per ser. The lady teacher who taught the works of wool had to be paid from
Rs. 4 to Rs. 5 per month."20
It can be said in this context that in the ye ar 1872, an exhibition w as held in
London, w here som e locally produced articles by A ssam ese w om en w ere sent. Among
these, five item s w e re highly appreciated. T h e s e w e re two Laguns (sacred thread),
one B achow al (a band o f loose trousers), two C helengs (W rappers), two Bar-Kapors
(W rappers) and two G am ochas (towels). After only one decade of this incident, as was
published in A ssam Bandhu, the change that entered the A ssam ese w o m en’s society
was certainly noticeable.21
R atnesw ar M a h an ta in a poem 'G aolia Boari', in A ssam B andhu said that the
'GhoinirKarttabya 0 Stri Siksha'Assam Bandhu, Vol. 1, Sa/ca -1 8 0 7 ,1 8 8 5 , X issue; G. P. Sarma
ed. op. cit. p. 102.
21. J. N. Bhuyan, Unavinsa SatikarAsam Samvada, Dibrugarh, 1990. pp. 92-3; G. P. Sarma, ed.
op-cit., p. 102.
20
( 99 )
daughters-in-law without school education are much more qualified for worldly life than
the daughters-in-law, who have school education. Further, he said, the doctrines of Manu
are superior to the opinions of present scholars and are more acceptable and
admirable.22 These arguments testify the tendency of male domination over female in
society. Such assumptions had been, no doubt, a great obstacle in the improvement of
the status of women in society.
In another article in the Assam Bandhu,'NaiirMuktabastha'(Freedom of women),
the author, Purnakanta Sarma, had even objected to women going out of their houses
alone without being accompanied by either their husband or father. According to him
women's education would pollute this beautiful world. He even stated that it is God's
wish that women should never be free and always be dependant on men.23 However,
Gunaviram Barua in a special note at the end of Purnakanta Sarma’s article, commented
that the author was standing against the course of time, and was patronizing a
handicapped life for the community. Such weak and unjustified views, the editor observed,
are short sighted and unlikely to be sustained.24Assam Bandhu, occasionally published
articles of Padmavati Devi Phukanani and Swarnalata Barua. But most of the articles
published in the paper represented male chauvinistic views. Ironically, Gunaviram
Barua's own ideas on women emancipation failed to find expression in his own paper.
As such, the Assam - Bandhu contributed little towards raising public awareness on the
condition of Assamese women.
The First article in the inangural issue of Bolinarayan Bora's Mau the Bee was
TirotarBan Ki? (what are the duties of women?") The subsequent issue published
another article on the liberty of man, Pumsh Swadhinata. Both the question of women's
22.
23.
24.
‘Gaolia-Boari’ (Poem) AssamBandhu, Vol. 1, Saka -1807, English 1885, VII issue
'Narir Muktabastha', AssamBandhu, Vol. 1, Saka - 1807,1885, VII issue.
'Stri Siksha' Assam Bandhu, Vol. 2, Saka 1807,1886, l/ll issue.
(100 )
e d u c a tio n a n d th e ir lib e rty w e re in te rlin k e d a n d th e s u b je c t w a s ra ise d a s a m a jo r social
q u e stio n in th e la te r h a lf o f th e n in e th e e n th century. M au , how ever, laid m o re im p o rta n ce
on th e e c o n o m ic fre e d o m o f m e n th a n on th e s o c ia l fre e d o m o f w o m e n .25
In a th o u g h t p ro v o k in g e s s a y - A m a r Tirotar Obostha (P o s itio n o f o u r w o m e n ) in
Jonaki b y C h a n d ra d h a r B a ru a , th e a u th o r a s s e rte d th a t w o m e n a re a n in d is p e n s a b le
p a rt o f th e s o c ie ty a n d m e n c a n n o t s u rv iv e w ith o u t w o m e n . B o th a re e q u a l in th e e y e s o f
G o d , h e n c e th e y s h o u ld b e tre a te d equally. If w o m e n a re c o n s id e re d w e a k e r a n d less
c a p a b le th a n m e n , h e a rg u e d , th e n th e y (w o m e n ) a re a ls o in c a p a b le o f b e a rin g all so rts
o f s u ffe rin g s , a n d th e re fo re , th e ir s h a re o f m is e rie s s h o u ld a ls o b e le s s th a n th a t o f th e
m e n . In all th e c iv iliz e d n a tio n s o f th e w o rld , w o m e n a re g iv e n d u e h o n o u r a n d re sp e ct.
In a n c ie n t H in d u so ciety, th e w o m e n w e re n o t tre a te d a s s la ve s, th e y w e re a lso n o t k e p t
in s e c lu s io n . P ro g re s s o f w o m e n , h e s tre s s e d , is e s s e n tia l fo r th e p ro g re s s o f th e
s o c ie ty .26
It is re m a rk a b le th a t th e w o m e n in B e n g a l h a d u s e d th e n e w s p a p e r p re s s to
ve n tilate th e ir g rie va n ce s, e v e n m u c h earlier. A fe w w o m e n fro m C h in su ra had exp resse d
th e ir c o m p la in ts in th e fo rm o f q u e s tio n s in th e S am achar Darpan in 1 8 3 5 —
1.
O h : fa th e r a n d b r o t h e r ! w h y s h o u ld y o u d e p riv e u s o f th e s c o p e o f e d u c a tio n
w h ic h th e w o m e n o f o th e r c o u n trie s a v a il o f? D o y o u th in k th a t e d u c a tio n w o u ld
m a k e u s u n fit fo r d o m e s tic d u tie s ?
2.
W h y d o n o t y o u a llo w us to live a n d m o v e fre e ly a s w o m e n o f o th e r c o u n trie s d o ?
3.
W h y a re w e tra n s fe rre d like c a ttle a t th e te n d e r a g e o f 4 , 5 , 1 0 a n d 1 2 to u n k n o w n
m e n w h o h a v e n o e d u c a tio n , w e a lth o r b e a u ty ? W h y d o yo u tre a t u s s o cru e lly? 27
25.
26.
27.
TirotarBan Ki?', Mauor The Bee, Saka 1808,1886, December issue, 'Punish Swadhinata', Mauor
The Bee, Saka 1808,1887, January issue.
'Amar Tirotar Obostha', Jonaki, Vol. 6, Saka 1818, Jeth, V-VI issue
SamacharDarpan, 21 March, 1835.
( 101)
A s s a m d id n o t la c k w o m e n w rite rs ; m e n tio n m a y b e m a d e o f B is h n u p riy a D e v i,
S w a m a la ta B a ru a , P a d m a v a ti D e v i P h u k a n a n i a n d T e ja s w a ri B a ru a . G u n a v ira m B a ru a 's
w ife B is h n u p riy a D e v i k n e w b o th A s s a m e s e a n d B a n g la a n d a little bit o f E n g lis h t o o .26
S w a m a la ta stu d ie d in B e th u n e S c h o o l, K olk a ta . S h e re n d e re d s o m e tre n d s e ttin g a rticle s
in A s s a m -B a n d h u a n d Jo n a k i . 29 T e ja s w a r i B a r u a 's a rt ic le J iy a r i J iv a n in Bijuli
e n c o u ra g e d u p c o m in g w o m e n w rite rs, at a tim e w h e n th e re w e re o n ly a h a n d fu l o f w o m e n
lite ra te s .30 B is h n u p r iy a D e v i a n d P a d m a v a ti D e v i w r o te in t h e A ss a m -B a n d h u a n d
Orunodoi. In a n a rtic le 'B haija-Sw am irK orttabya K a ra m '( d u tie s o f H u s b a n d a n d w ife ),
B is h n u p riy a D e v i e m p h a s is e d th e im p o rta n c e o f e d u c a tio n a m o n g w o m e n .31 In a n o th e r
a rticle 'Stri S ak alar Karttabya K a rm a ' (d u tie s o f w o m e n ) P a d m a v a ti D e v i laid s tre s s on
th e sp re a d o f e d u c a tio n a m o n g w o m e n .32S ign ifican tly, th e y d id n o t a d v o c a te th e fre e d o m
o f w o m e n to th e e x te n t, a d v o c a t e d b y a s e c tio n o f th e ir m a le c o u n te rp a r ts . P e r h a p s it
w a s to o re v o lu tio n a ry a n id e a fo r th e m .
It h a s a lr e a d y b e e n d is c u s s e d in th e p r e v io u s c h a p te r th a t in s p ite o f th e
in tro d u c tio n o f a m o d e rn s y s te m o f e d u c a tio n b y th e B ritis h , th e e d u c a tio n o f w o m e n in
A s s a m w a s s a d ly n e g le c te d ; in fa c t th e re w a s h a rd ly a n y d e m a n d f o r it. S o m e c o n c re te
s te p s w e re ta k en b y th e A m e ric a n m is s io n a rie s w h o h a d s e t u p a fe w e le m e n ta ry s c h o o ls
fo r g irls a n d c a rrie d o n a p r o p a g a n d a f o r fe m a le e d u c a tio n th r o u g h th e ir m o u th p ie c e
Orunodoi. T h e g re a te s t e vil fro m w h ic h th e w o m e n s u ffe re d , w a s th e d e n ia l o f e d u ca tio n ,
d u e p a rtly to e a r ly m a rria g e , a n d p a rtly to a s u p e rs titio n th a t a n e d u c a te d w o m a n w a s
fa te d to b e c o m e a w id o w o r th a t n o o n e w o u ld m a rry a g irl if s h e c o u ld re a d o r w rite .
28.
29.
30.
31.
32
J. N. Bhuyaned. JnanadabhiramBarua Rachanawali, Jorhat, 1981, p.124.
Shewrote articles like 'Karmeti Bai' (Vol 1,1885, find Issue), 'Prakrita laj ki' (Vol 2, 1886, lll-IV
issue) inAssam Bandhu, 'Jatodharmostatojaya'(Vol. 3,1812, Fagun, llnd issue) inJonaki
C. P. Saikia ed , op.cit.
'Bharja Swami Karttabya Karam\ Orunodoi,January 1867issue.
'Stri Sakalar Karttabya Karma’ Orunodoi, October 1867issue.
(102)
W o m e n b e lo n g in g to s o m e e n lig h te n e d fa m ilie s re c e iv e d e d u c a tio n b u t e d u c a tio n o f
w o m e n , in g e n e ra l, w a s c o n s id e re d " d a n g e ro u s " . A n a n d a ra m D h e k ia l P h u k a n ,
G u n a v ira m B a ru a , H e m C h a n d ra B a ru a a n d a fe w h a n d fu l p e rs o n s w e re a d v o c a te s o f
e d u c a tio n fo r w o m e n b u t th e c o m m o n p u b lic la c k e d e n th u s ia s m in th is re g a rd . T h is is
e v id e n t fro m th e fa c t th a t w h e n G a n g a g o b in d a P h u k a n e s ta b lis h e d a g irl's s c h o o l a t
S ib s a g a r in 1 8 7 0 , th e re s p o n s e o f th e lo ca l p e o p le to th e s c h o o l w a s v e ry p o o r.33
In th e a rtic le
T
i r o
t a
r B
a
n
K
i ’
(D u tie s o f w o m e n ) p u b lis h e d in
M
o u ,
th e e d u c a tio n
o f w o m e n w a s s a id to b e m o re d a n g e ro u s th a n th e B u rm e s e a tro c itie s . T h e a u th o r w a s
o f th e o p in io n th a t th e g irls m u s t b e ta u g h t to re a d a n d w rite o n ly a t h o m e b y h e r o w n
b ro th e rs o r b y w o m e n tu to rs . S h e s h o u ld b e g ive n a little k n o w le d g e o f a rith m e tic s o as
to e n a b le h e r to c a rry o n th e d o m e s tic d u tie s .34 T h e w rite r h e ld th e v ie w th a t a w o m a n 's
jo b w a s to co o k, w e a v e , s p in , p ic k lice, g iv e birth a n d re a r ch ild re n . E d u c a tio n fo r w o m e n
s h o u ld b e c o n fin e d to fe m in in e h a n d ic ra fts s u c h a s kn ittin g , e m b ro id e ry , a n d p a in tin g .35
T h e id e a o f g irls b e c o m in g p ro fe s s io n a l d o c to rs a n d la w y e rs w a s d e p lo ra b le . A t th e
m o st, th e y w e re to h a v e a c c e s s o n ly to th e ru d im e n ts o f re a d in g a n d w ritin g a n d a little
k n o w le d g e o f h is to ry a n d g e o g r a p h y ."
W h o w ill a c c e p t a w o m a n a s his w ife if s h e
sits b e s id e s a m a le p a tie n t, fe e ls h is p u lse , e x a m in e s h is to n g u e , to u c h e s lo w e r p a rt o f
h is b ody, a n d m a k e s q u e rrie s w h ic h d o e s n 't s u it th e m o d e s ty o f w o m e n " ? h e a s k e d .36
In a n in te re s tin g d is c u s s io n in
J o n
a k i ,
S ri P a n in d ra n a th G o g o i a s s e rte d th a t
o n ly th a t ty p e o f e d u c a tio n sh o u ld b e g iven to w o m e n w h ic h co u ld h e lp th e m in b e com in g
id e a l w iv e s . A c c o rd in g to h im , th e s y s te m o f e d u c a tio n th a t is b e s t s u ite d fo r w o m e n ,
w a s o n e in w h ic h g re a te r e m p h a s is w a s la id o n te a c h in g s o f h o u s e h o ld a c tiv itie s . H e
33. B. Sarma, Gangagobinda Phukan, Guwahati, 1948, pp. 23-38.
34. 'Tirotar Ban Ki?'op.cit.
35. ibid.
36. ibid.
(
103
)
o p p o s e d th e d e s ir e in w o m e n fo r g e ttin g B .A . o r M .A . d e g r e e s fo r h e b e lie v e d th a t
w o m e n d o n o t re q u ire th e k in d o f e d u c a tio n th a t m e n d o . T h e h a rm fu l e ffe c ts fro m s u c h
e d u c a tio n is m o re th a n its b e n e fic ia l e ffe c ts . In th is re g a rd th e w rite r q u o te d a n 'im portant
p e rso n a lity' fro m th e A ssa m -N ew ^ 7 w h o h a d w ritten th a t w o m e n in c o u n trie s like F ra n c e
a n d A m e r ic a a re h ig h ly e d u c a t e d b u t t h e y a re d e p r iv e d o f m a rita l b lis s . W o m e n w ith
U n iv e r s ity d e g r e e s a re m o re in te re s te d in e c o n o m ic s , s o c io lo g y , a n d p o litic s ra th e r
th a n h o u s e h o ld d o m e s tic a c tiv itie s . T h e y a re m o re h a p p y in th e c o m p a n y o f 'B e n th a m '
a n d 'M ill' th a n in fa m ily. A c t u a lly w o m e n d o n o t re q u ire E n g lis h e d u c a tio n , it is m o re
im p o rta n t fo r th e m to g a in e x p e rtis e in fe m in in e p u r s u its .38
T h u s w e s e e th a t w o m e n 's e d u c a tio n , in g e n e ra l, w a s n o t e n c o u r a g e d in th e
e a rly n in e te e n th c e n tu ry . A n d th e e x p o s u r e o f w o m e n to fo rm a l w e s te rn e d u c a tio n w a s
to ta lly d is c o u r a g e d . W o m e n 's e d u c a tio n w a s c o n s id e re d a th re a t to s o c ie ty a n d m o s t
o f th e a rtic le s in th e A ss a m B a n d h u p o in te d o u t th a t w ith e d u c a tio n , w o m e n w o u ld
b e c o m e m o re m a s c u lin e in th e ir n a tu re a n d b e h a v io u r, d e trim e n ta l to th e s o c ia l o rd e r .39
G ra d u a lly , h o w e v e r, a ttitu d e s c h a n g e d . B y th e la te r h a lf o f th e n in e te e n th ce n tu ry,
th e c a u s e o f th e w id o w s w a s ta k e n u p b y th e p re s s in A s s a m . T h e Orunodoi, th ro u g h its
c o lu m n s d e b a te d th e q u e s tio n o f w id o w re m a rria g e a n d trie d to p o p u la r is e it a m o n g
th e A s s a m e s e . T h e id e a s o f G u n a v ira m B a ru a h w h o h a d b e e n a ttra cte d to w a rd s B ra h m o
re lig io n a n d s o c ia l re fo rm a tio n d u rin g h is s ta y a t C a lc u tta , fo u n d e x p r e s s io n in a s e rie s
o f a rtic le s th a t h e w ro te in th e Orunodoi. U n d e r Is h w a r C h a n d r a V id y a s a g a r th e is s u e o f
w id o w -re m a rria g e h a d b e c o m e a m o v e m e n t in B e n g a l d u rin g th a t tim e a n d G u n a v ira m
m a d e s p e c ia l m e n tio n o f th e fa c t th a t V id y a s a g a r , h a d q u o te d o ld S a n s k rit re fe re n c e s
to p ro v e th a t re lig io u s s c rip tu re s a c tu a lly s a n c tio n e d w id o w -r e -m a r r ia g e .40
37.
38.
39.
40.
‘Tente Amar Upai Ki?' Jonaki, Vol. 3, Saka 1812, Sot, third issue.
Assam News, Vol. Hi, 124 issue.
'Swadhinata ne Swachchachar1,Assam Bandhu, Vol. 1, Saka 1807,1885, Vissue.
'Works on the Marriage ofHindu Widows', Orunodoi, July 1855.
(104 )
The widows, in Bengal, had themselves expressed their miseries through
newspapers. A letter from a woman from Shantipur described their predicament and
narrated how widows were denied even good food and clothes. In her letter, she
complained that while widowers were free to enjoy the company of concubines and
prostitutes and could still hold high positions in society, the widows were deprived of
even the basic needs. She appealed to the government to give justice to the women of
Bengal.41
The Tattvabodhini Patrika started a reform movement for ameliorating the lot of
widows in Bengal. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar published an article in the paper
highlighting the scriptural saction of widow-remarriage.42While papers like Tattvabodhini
Patrika, SamvadBhaskar, Sarvashuvakari, Bamabodhini, and Somprakash supported
widow-remarriage, protests against widow-remarriage soon filled the pages of many
new-papers like Samachar Chandrika.*3
For the first time in Assam, the Orunodoi openly published ideas related to
marriage reforms and remarriage of widows. In an article on marriage reforms,
Gunaviram Barua suggested certain reforms which were much ahead of time He
proposed that a period of courtship should precede marriage so that the couples could
be better aquainted with each other, before they finally decide on marriage. Another
point that he made was that at the time of marriage, a man should be at least 23 and a
woman at least 18 years of age, so that the age-difference between the husband and
wife is minimum and they could be more like friends rather than like a grandfather and
a grand-daughter. He also approved the ancient Hindu custom of giving the women
41. SamacharDarpan, 14 March, 1935.
42. P. Chattopadhya, Bangla Sagnbadpatra 0 BangalirNabajagaran, Calcutta, 1977, pp
43. ibid., pp. 127
(105)
1 3 3 -3 4
lib e rty to c h o o s e th e ir o w n m a rria g e p a rtn e rs . H e la m e n te d th a t all g o o d p ra c tic e s o f
th e a n c ie n t H in d u s h a d d e g e n e ra te d in to c o rru p t p ra c tic e s in la te r tim e s . H e q u o te d
fro m th e 'Manu Sam hita' to e s ta b lis h th a t w id o w -re m a rria g e w a s p e rm itte d in th e H indu
law s. H e s tre s s e d th a t w id o w re m a rria g e w a s p ra c tic e d a m o n g th e lo w e r c a s te s in
A s s a m a n d a ls o in s o m e p a rts o f O rris a .44
T h e c u s to m o f w id o w -m a rria g e h a d p re va ile d in A s s a m a m o n g th e n o n -B ra h m in
p e o p le .45 T h e s e m a rria g e s w e re c o n d u c te d w ith o u t fo llo w in g th e V e d ic rituals. H ow ever,
re m a rrie d w id o w s d id n o t e n jo y e q u a l s ta tu s a n d re s p e c t lik e th e o th e r w o m e n . T h e y
w e re re fe rre d to a s dhemani, batalu e tc . G ra d u a lly , th e p ra c tic e o f w id o w -re m a rria g e
w e n t into d is re p u te .46
In M a rch 18 54 , O runodoihad p u b lish e d a n e w s-ite m on w id o w -re m a rria g e ta ke n
fro m H a ra c h a n d ra B a n d h y o p a d h y a y 's S angbadP um achandrodoi. T h e a rtic le s ta te d
th a t th e D e p u ty M a g is tra te o f K rish n a g a r, B a b u Is h w a r C h a n d ra G h o s a l, h a d o rg a n ise d
a d is c u s s io n w ith th e Pundits o f N a b a d w ip o n th e is s u e o f th e w id o w s . S o m e o f th e
Pundits h a d g iv e n th e ir o p in io n in fa v o u r o f w id o w -re m a rria g e a n d th is h a d c re a te d
g re a t d is tu rb a n c e in th e a re a .47
In J a n u a ry 1 8 5 6 , Orunodoi p u b lis h e d a n a rtic le in fa v o u r o f m a rria g e o f w id o w s.
A ll th e Shashtras, in c lu d in g th e P arashar Samhita, fro m w h e re V id y a s a g a r fo u n d his
s u p p o rt fo r th e c a u s e , w e re in v o k e d to p ro m o te th e c a u s e . T h e a rtic le , w ritte n by
G u n a v ira m B a ru a , a p p e a le d to th e p e o p le in g e n e ra l to g o th ro u g h th e b o o k w ritte n b y
V id y a s a g a r o n w id o w -re m a rria g e . H e a d d e d th a t th e b a n o n w id o w -m a rria g e h a d led
to th e in c re a s e in c o rru p tio n , p ro s titu tio n a n d fo e tic id e in th e s o c ie ty . T h e c o n d itio n o f
44.
45.
46.
47
'AnAssamese from Calcutta On Marriages', Orunodoi, December 1853.
Gunaviram Barua, AsamBuranji, Guwahati, 1972, pp. 199-200.
Census Report of India, Assam, 1891
'Remarriage of widows', Orunodoi, March, 1854
( 106)
women in the Assamese society, he said, was no better than domestic animals and
slaves. People believed that to defy the dictates of the scriptures would be transgression
againat the divine authority. He lamented the degeneration of Indian society from a
position of influence among the countries of the world.48
In May 1857, Orunodoi published another article of Gunaviram Barua on 'Marriage
of Widows'. He wrote, that widow-remarriages were common in many countries of the
world. In ancient Assam also, instances of widow-marriages were found, though it was
distinctly rare among the higher castes of the society. In this regard, he cited examples
of widow-marriages from the Ramayana and Mahabharata — the marriage of Arjuna
with the widow-daughter of Naga Dhritarastra, marriage of Shugriv and Tara, and
Mandodari and Bibhisana. These and many more references of widow-marriage found
in the ancient texts suggested that such marriages were not uncommon in India. The
writer commented that since, the tradition of writing history of the common people was
rare in our country, references to such cases are found only among the royalty and the
nobility. We can assume that the custom also prevailed among the common people. He
questioned why there was so much of hue and cry about the widow-remarriage
movement in Calcutta, in modern times, if widow-remarriages were permitted in ancient
times, which was 'considered to be the most sacred period in history'.49
In response to the above mentioned articles of Gunaviram Barua in Orunodoi,
Rudraram Bardoloi raised some controversial points. In a letter to the editor of Orunodoi,
which was published in the paper in August 1857, he commented, that a girl's relation
with her husband's family does not end after the death of her husband. The girl, is still a
member of that family, and as such her own parents do not have the right of Sampradan
48. 'Bidhava Bibah', Orunodoi, January 1856
49. Bidhava Bibah', Orunodoi, May, 1857
( 107)
(the ritual of giving away the daughter in marriage), in consequence of their having done
so on the occasion of her first marriage. In such circumstances, in a widow-marriage,
who would observe the ritual of Sampradan. While citing the examples of the marriages
of Arjuna with the Naga princess, and Shugriva with Tara, he asserted that these were
inter-caste marriages. The same rules may not be applicable in case of marriages
within the same caste. It is undeniable, he accepted, that some ancient scriptures
sanction widow remarriage, but in the absence of any written text in hand in support of
widow-marriage, he appealed to Gunaviram Barua for an exaplanation of his querries.
This, he added, would remove the appreahensions of many poeple regarding the
marriage of the widows.60Gunaviram Barua clarified all the points raised by Rudraram
Bordoioi, giving in details, in support of his arguments, the justifications offered by
Vidyasagar. The editor of Orunodoi published all the those arguments in the paper for
better understanding and appreciation for all.51 Interestingly, the same question had
been raised in the Bangla Newspaper SangbadPrabhakarof 26 April 1842. In response
to an article on widow remarriage, published in the Bengal Spectator of April 1842, the
'writer' in Sangbad Prabhakarhad also raised the question of Sampradan in marriage
during a widow-marriage.52
The unwearied efforts of Vidyasagar ultimately materialised in the Hindu Widows
Remarriage Act (Act XV of 1856) passed on July 26,1856. It legalised the marriages
of the widows notwithstanding any custom or interpretation of the Hindu Law to the
contrary, and declared the children of such marriages legitimate.53
Orunodoi published the news of the legalization of the marriage of Hindu widows.
Gunaviram Barua wrote,
'BidhavaBibah', Orunodoi, August, 1857
BidhavaBibah', Orunodoi, November, 1857
SangbadPrabhakar, 26 April, 1842
Hindu WomenandMarriageLaw, New Delhi, 2001, pp. 69-70
50.
51.
52.
53. M. Basu,
( 108)
"Oh! this is indeed an auspicious day. It is beyond our dreams that God would
show such a great day. Great is Vidyasagar, glory to him! The women of India will
ever remain indebted to him. Widows were not only going through mental sufferings
but physical sufferings as well. The society is polluted with foeticide."
The writer expected that widow marriage would find wider acceptance in Assam.
He fervently appealed to the people of Assam to save the young widows from the clutches
of the cruel social customs. He asked every woman to shower her bessings on
Vidyasagar.54
The widow-Remarriage Act elicited mixed reactions in Bengali society. Some
supported it while others denounced it. But widows themselves were very happy about
it and conveyed their gratitude to ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. Papers like
Bengal
Spectator, SamvadBhaskar came up with great support.55 Notwithstanding the fact
that some widow marriages were celebrated, the Act was not a big success. In spite of
legislation, remarriage among Hindu widows did not make any substantial progress.
The number of widows remarried under the new act was negligible. A Widow Remarriage
Association was started by Vishnu Shastri in Bombay in 1866. A Widows' Home was
founded by D.K. Karve in Poona in 1896 and a similar one founded by Veerasalingom
in Madras.58
Gunaviram, then a young boy of 22, was present in the historic widow-remarriage
ceremony in Calcutta on 7th December, 1856, where Srishchandra Vidyaranta married
Kalimati Devi. The marriage was organised by Vidyasagar. The second widow re­
marriage took place after two days, on 9th December. Gunaviram was present in that
'Bidhava Bibah— Marriage of
1856
55. M. Basu, op.cit, pp. 70-71
56. R. C. Majumdar ed. op-cit, p. 278
54.
Hindu Widows Legalised', Orunodoi,
(
109
)
September
marriage as well. He was so moved emotionally that he wrote an article —Dujani Bidhava
SowalirBibaharKotha, describing the whole event, which was published in Orunodoi.57
He observed that these two marriages had inaugurated a new-era and that it was a
turning point in India's social history.58
The article, of Orunodoi succeeded in creating considerable awareness among
the pople about the injustice meted out to the widows. An anonymous writer, through a
letter to the editor of Orunodoi, lamented that the innumerable widows in the country
were passing their days in agony and that their conditions were beyond description.
Though some poeple realised the gravity of the situation, they did not dare to defy the
existing system. The writer appealed to Gunaviram that if he was unmarried he should
set and example by marrying a widow. This, he said, would be of immense benefit to
the Assamese society as a whole.59
Considering example as better than precept, Gunaviram, after the death of his
first wife, Brajasundari in 1867, married. Bishnupriya, then a widow. The marriage was
registered in 1872 after the Native Marriage Act (Act HI of 1872) came into force.60 His
daughter, Swarnalata also remarried after the death of her first husband.61 Like
Gunaviram, Jaduram Barua not only advocated widow-remarriage but himself married
a widow.62
Gunaviram Barua continued with his endeavour to motivate the common poeple
towards the cause of widow-remarriage. In another article on widow-remarriage in
Orunodoi, he stressed the point that those who vehemently oppose widow remarriage
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
'DujoniBidhava SowalirBibaharKotha', Orunodoi, January 1857
ibid.
'Bidhava Bibah’, Orunodoi, April, 1858
G. Baruah, Jivan Charita, op-cit, p. 177
J. M Bhattacharya ed. Ram Navami Natak, Preface, Guwahati, 1965, p. 4
B. Sarma, Arghyawali, op-cit, p. 110
(110)
actually misinterprent Hindu scriptures. He counteracted that vedic hymns are applicable
to both regular and widow-marriages. The great sages of ancient India — Manu.
Jagnyabalka, Vishnu, Parasar, Narad and Katyana, all actually permitted widow-
remarriage. According to Manusamhita if a woman once deserted by her husband
again returns to him with chastity, she may be married again (chapter 9, sloka 176)
Vishnu-samhita and Bashishta Samhita too support remarriage of widows or chastised
women. These marriages were called Punavu marriage and Sanskar marriage He
also wrote, that the great epics, Mahabharata, Ramayana and various Puranas also
justify widow-remarriage. The reformer appealed for a change in the attitude of people
towards the cause.63
The controversy regarding widow-remarriage found reflection in the newspapers
of the period. The February 1877 issue of the Assam Bilasinee carried an article on
the issue of widow-remarriage. The editor of the paper, Sri Duttadev Goswami,
Sattradhikar of Auniati Satra condemned widow-remarriage on the basis of 'dictates'
of the ancient rishis (sages), and condemned the theories put forward by the supporters
of such a system. The same issue of the paper published the news of remarriage of a
widow in Dhaka.64
The first Assamese social drama Ram-Navami which appeared serially from
March 1858 in the Orunodoi was significantly based on the theme of widow-remarriage 65
The theme of Ram-Navami was built round file tragic love story between a young Brahmin
widow, Navami, and Ram, an educated Brahmin youth. Navami, a child-widow, became
pregnant as a result of the secret affair with Ram. Being helpless, the mother of Navami
63.
64.
65.
'BidhavaBibah', Orunodoi, March, 1858.
AssamBilasinee, February, 1877; C. P. Saikia ed op-cit P - 139; also G. P Sarma ed 150 years
op-cit, p. 83.
'RamNavami Natak', Orunodoi, July 1858; AssamBandhu, op-cit, p 19
(
111)
arranged for a secret abortion. But unfortunately, the news reached the village-head,
Mahajan, who imposed a heavy fine on Navami's father in lieu of social ostracism.
Soon the entire family falls into the trap of this exploitative machinery. Ultimately, Navami
commits suicide. Ram; too, ends his life to get rid of his guilty conscience as
circumstances had made him so week that he failed to declare his love for Navami and
could not support her during her time of distress. Vidyasagar and sage Parasar also
made appearances in the Drama.
The Drama expressed the rationalistic views on marriage put forward by
Vidyasagar that a marriage is a conscious physical and spiritual union of a man and a
woman which is never fulfilled in child marriages. Gunaviram argued that society must
change with time. He was convinced that its adoption would definitely prevent social
evils like abortion and prostitution. Sukumar Sen in his History o f Bengali Literature
has written that Gunaviram Barua's Ram Navami was influenced by U. C. Mitra's drama
'Bidhava Bibaha'. Apparently Gunaviram was influenced by the writings of U. C. Mitra,
R. M.Mitra, and U. C. Chattopadhyay.66
Gunaviram's respect and admiration for Vidyasagar prompted him to write an
obituary under the pseudonym 'Gurudatta', which was published in Bijuli.67 Ananda
Chandra Gupta had also written an illustrous article on Vidyasagar in 'Jonakf.65
Hem Chandra Barua advocated widow-remarriage with rational arguments. Hem
Chandra never received any formal school education, nor did he have a chance to go to
Calcutta for higher studies. But he was a firm believer in the western education. He was
convinced that only liberal thoughts could bring about radical reforms in the Assamese
66 N. Saikia, Compiledandre-ed., Assam Bandhu, December2003, Introduction, AlsoRam Navami
Natak, op.cit.
67. 'Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagarar Baikuntha Prayanat Bharat Bilap’, cf. J.M. Bhattacharyaed. op-cit.,
Introduction, p.11
68. 'Ishwar Chandra Bidyasagar1, Jonakl, Vol III, Saka 1813, Aahar, IVissue
(
112)
so cie ty. T h is h e c o n firm e d in a n o te to th e B ritis h G o v e rn e m n t in 1 8 5 7 , w h e re he
e x p re s s e d th a t e d u c a te d In d ia n s w o u ld in e v ita b ly fre e th e m s e lv e s fro m th e fe tte rs o f
th e o rth o d o x s o c ie ty a n d w o u ld a d v o c a te w id o w -re m a rria g e a n d o th e r s o c ia l re fo rm s .69
In h is a u to b io g ra p h y , H e m C h a n d ra B a ru a p o in te d o u t th a t th e 'a n c ie n t H in d u
te x ts ju s tify th e c a u s e o f w id o w re -m a rria g e . H e a s s e rte d th a t th e s o c ia l ta b o o a tta c h e d
w ith th e re m a rria g e o f w id o w s s h o u ld b e re m o v e d . H e a p p e a le d to th e e d u c a te d
A s s a m e s e y o u th s to fo llo w th e fo o ts te p s o f V id ya sa g a r. H e m ch a n d ra , h im se lf, re fu se d
to re m a rry a fte r th e d e a th o f his w ife in p ro te s t a g a in s t th e p re v a le n t s o c ia l in ju s tic e to
w o m e n . H e a rg u e d , if a m a n h a s th e lib e rty to m a rry th ric e o r m o re , w h y is th e s a m e
rig h t d e n ie d to w o m e n ? "H o w u n ju s t a n d irra tio n a l th e s y s te m is! T h e re fo re , I s h a ll n o t
m a rry a g a in ."70
H e m C h a n d ra B a ru a w ro te A sam iya-Bibaha P addhati (A s s a m e s e M a rria g e
S y s te m ) w h e re h e s tro n g ly a d v o c a te d re m a rria g e o f w id o w s . H e a rg u e d th a t if w o m e n
w e re d e b a rre d fro m re m a rria g e , th e s a m e s h o u ld b e a p p lic a b le fo r m e n a s w e ll.71
He w ro te :
"O ne can see th a t there is no harm in w idow m arriage even w hen one com es to
reason. ... T h e revered V id yasagar did not keep quiet by sim ply proving that
w idow m arriage is sanctioned by religious scriptures, but he g o t his son m ar
ried to a widow. He had drifted away in th e current o f age, but th e foot-prints
which he has left on the sands o f tim e will rem ain fo r-e ve r and never be lost."72
H e m C h a n d ra ju s tifie d th a t s in c e w id o w -re m a rria g e w a s a lre a d y p re v a le n t in
th e A s s a m e s e s o c ie ty , it w o u ld n o t b e v e ry d iffic u lt to d e fy th is e v il c u s to m , a s it w o u ld
o th e rw is e h a v e b e e n .73
69.
70.
71.
72.
73
S. Kakoti, Hem Chandra BaruarJivan Chant, Jorhat, 1982, p. 112
'Atmajiban Charit', Jonaki, V o l. 4, Saka 1813, Fagun, 2nd issue.
D. Neog., New Light on History of Asomiya Literature, Guwahahti 1962,p. 372-73
H.G. Goswami, Assamiya Sahityar Chaneki, III, Part -1, Calcutta, 1928-9, p. 177, Barpujari ed
Comprehensive op-cit, p. 204
S Kakoti, op.cit., p. 90
( 113)
The movement against child marriage had gathered momentum throughout the
sixties and the seventies of the nineteenth century. The Bamabodhini Patrika published
an article denouncing the evils of child marriage, pointing out many abuses caused by
it, such as early death, ill-health, lack of education, poverty etc. It burdened growing
young men, hampered their studies and led them to the horrors of poverty.74
The weekly paper, Somprakash, was also very critical of child marriage and
polygamy, and expressed strong opinion against it. Early marriage, it observed was
the root of numerous evils and the main cause of the gradual decay of the human race
Just as strong trees cannot grow from weak seeds, so also a prosperous mankind
could never grow from physically weak and mentally undeveloped boys and girls s
In August 1850 the Sarvashubhakari Patrika published an article written by Pt
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar pointing out the evils of child marriage. Early marriages
lead to premature childbearing, often damaged the health of young parents, who as a
consequence, rarely had strong and healthy children. Moreover, young boys and girls
developed little understanding of each other because, as a custom they were never
allowed to see or know each other before marriage. Therefore, real conjugal love seldom
grew between them.76
In July 1847, the Sangvad Pravakar pointed out that early marriage was
detrimental to the education of young boys. Early marriage was likely to distract their
attention, hamper their studies and spoil their future.77
In September 1846, Orunodoi, published an interesting news that a literary
society in Gujrat had invited from their people literary essays with prize money of
Rs. 150/-, on the ill effects of child marriage. In response, two persons had submitted
74.
75.
76.
77.
Bamabodhini Patrika, November 1864
Somprakash, June 1868
K. K. Datta., Social Historyof ModemIndia, Calcutta, 1975, P. 312; Also Benoy Ghosh , Samayik
PatreBanglar Samaj Chitra, Part - III, Calcutta, 1962-66, pp. 62-3
SamvadPravakar, July, 1847
(114)
their writings. O n e o f them w as o f the opinion that child marriage w a s against the tenets
of the Hindu scriptures. Both the e ssa ys elaborated on the ill effects of early marriage.
T h e editor o f O ru n o d o i added that early m arriage not on ly led to physical and mental
deterioration but w a s also responsible for w eak pro geny.78 T h e article w a s w idely
appreciated am ong the intelligentsia in Assam .
Child m arriage did not e xist in India during the ea rly ve d ic age but during the
po st-ve d ic period, the a g e o f m arriage w a s gradually low ered. T h e re w ere certain
reasons for child marriage. T h e fundamental reason w as that undue em phasis w as laid
on the the bride being absolutely chaste. It w as laid dow n in the Smritis that a girl should
m arry within three m onths following her attainment o f the a g e o f puberty. T h e girl w as
required to be m arried within the sam e caste o r su b -ca ste . Unfortunately som etim es
during the childhood, the husband died and as such the girl had no option to m arry
again. T h e s e child w id ow s had to undergo the rigours o f life with m uch discom fort.
S a d a r Am in in his autobiography mentioned that for the sake o f recovering a girl from
being polluted b y p o st-p u b e rty m arriage, he m arried he r w h en he w a s 55 and the girl
w as of pre-puberty age. It w ould have been certainly better had the girl been married to
his son w ho married the next year.79
R atnesw ar M ahanta w rote in the article bibah (M arriage) in Jo n a k i that the age
o f the bride should be roughly one-third o f the age o f the groo m .80A s far as possible
girls should be married off before the attainment o f puberty.81 M oreover, girls should be
sent to the house o f the groom immediately after the m arriage function is over.82T h e se
view s of R atnesw ar M ahanta w ere, how ever, criticised b y Kam al C h a n d ra Sarm a. In
78. ‘A top B ayasat Biya Karow a Anucit', Orunodoi, September 1856
79. ‘Bibah A m Samaj', Jonaki, Vol. 4, Saka 1813, Sot, III issue.
80. K.C. Barlodoi ed. Sadaraminar, Atmajivani, Guwahati, 1991, pp. 171-4
81. ‘Bibah’ Jonaki, vol. 1, Saka 1811, IV (A shat% VIII (Bhada), \X {A ahin ), issue
82. ibid.
(115)
response to the vievs of Mahanta, Sarma opined that it is not always practical to follow
the verdict of Manu, Jagnyabalka and other sages. In real terms, he added, one cannot
justify the relevance of all these age-old beliefs and ideas in present-day context. It is,
therefore, natural that in changed circumstances, the rules and regulations of the soci­
ety must also change. Social change is, in any case, inevitable. Furthur, he continmed,
the objectives of marriage in earlier times was totally different from present times. Hence,
in order to avoid the bitter consequences of early marriage, the age of marriage should
be raised and he suggested that girls should be sent to their husband’s house only after
the attainment of 16 or 17 years of age.83
In an essay Bibah aru Samaj (Marriage and Society) in Jonaki, Sri Krishna
Kumar Baruah, observed that the custom of child marriage was not practiced in ancient
Assam, but unfortunately this henious system gradually permeated into the Assamese
society. He pointed out that in none of the civilized countries of the world, except India,
was the custom of child marriage prevalent. In India too, it was mainly prevalent in Bengal
and Marwar regions only. The good news was that, the educated section of the society
in Bengal was trying to do away with this evil practice and had also been successful to
a great extent. The author condemed that at a time when educated sections in other
parts of the country were trying to remove this harmful practice, the same practice had
creeped into Assam. He believed that if this custom was not broken, soon, there was
no hope of progress for the Assamese society. He appealed to the progressive sections
to reform society. He asserted that, there was no harm in changing ancient rules and
regulations for the good of the society.84
Polygany among the upper classes was common in Assam.85Shihabuddin Talish
ibid.
'Bibah' (Pratibad), Jonaki, Vol. 1, Saka 1811, Aaghon - Puh, XI-XII issue.
op. cit. p. 44
83.
84.
85. M.L. Bose,
(116)
wrote,"... few of the men have two wives only; most have four or five, and they mutually
exchange their wives, or buy and sell them . ” 88
To carry on the household life with a number of co-wives was bad enough. One
Sonar Chand wrote in Orunodoi an article, Anek-Bia Kara Ajugut (It is wrong to marry
many), highlighting the evils of polygany. He wrote that from time immemorial polygamy
had been prevalent in Assam. Polygamy has continued due to illiteracy, ignorance and
irrationality of the society. The writer, with a heavy heart, asked, why women could not
marry several times if men could. He also cited the example of the English, considered
as the most civilized nation in the world, who were forbidden by law to marry more than
once. The writer expressed his unhappiness over the prevailing social evils of this country.
He also stressed the importance of education for a happy and prosperous conjugal
life.87 The writer of the article Sri Sonamhand was no other than Hem chandra Barua . 88
In a letter in the Orunodoi, addressed to the Muslim population of Assam, a
missionary pointed out that although Islam permitted polygamy, the modern man should
not take more than one wife. The author further appealed that since God has created
men and women alike, women should be treated with respect.89
Some of the evil practices of the Hindu society like Sati, infanticide, Kulinism
and the dowry system could never strike deep roots in Assam. In an article in JonakiAsamat Kaulinya Pratha NaiKiya (why Kulinism is not prevelent in Assam), Gunaviram
Barua pointed out that Assam was never under Bengal at any period of time and hence
the Assamese Brahmins were consequently free from the rigid classifications that existed
in Bengal. 90
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
Though the evil practices of Sati and infanticide were fortunately rare in Assam,
E. Gait, op.cit.
'AnekBia Kara Ajugut', Orunodoi, April, 1856
P.N. Gohain Barua, Jivani Sangraha, Calcutta, 1948, p. 49; J. N. Goswami, Assamiya Bhasar Oja
op.cit. p. 86
"Letterto Mussalmans", Orunodoi, March, 1854.
'Asamat Kaulinya Pratha Nai Kiya,' Jonaki, Vol. 4, Saka 1840, Jeth, V issue.
( 117)
yet references to them were made in several places in the Orunodoi.
"A lready m any Hindu w om en have burnt them selves in th e funeral pyre o f their
husbands fo r th e sake o f becom ing Sati. S om e did voluntarily w hile som e w ere
forced to becom e Sati by th e ir relatives. T h e reason fo r becom ing Sati was
perhaps th e horrors o f the m iserable life w hich a w id o w had to lead. W idow rem arriage w a s not allowed am ong the Hindu Brahm ins and noble fam ilies. Thus
death w as considered be tte r than w idowhood. The Hindu scriptures also carry
divergent view s on the question o f th e rem arriage o f the widows. However, in
1829, S ati w a s declared illegal by Lord W illiam Bentinck. Now it is heard that
som e pundits have assem bled in Calcutta to decide on the question o f Hindu
w idow -rem arriage. T h e w idow s am ong the C hristians are allowed to rem arry."91
In a news item published in the same issue, it was reported that at Kaiugaon in
Sibsagar, Lambordar Mauzadar's sister-in-law, prepared to become Sati on the death
of her husband. The Mauzadar, however, informed the magistrate in time and with the
help of a Daroga, rescued her from becoming a Saf/ . 92 In another news item under
Anek Desor Sambad, the news of an instance of Sati in Hyderabad was reported . 93
The 'Anti-infanticide meeting at Amritsar' was reported in another issue . 94
The light of rationalism, however, enlightened only a small section of the
Assamese society during the period of our study. This section criticised the superstitious
beliefs of the common people. Anandaram Dhekial Phukan pointed out that supertitious
beliefs had resulted in an increasing number of deaths in Assam. He w rote:
"In m ost parts o f the country, incantations, charm s, and am ulets are substituted
91.
92.
93.
94.
'Immolation o f Widows', Orunodoi, May 1846.
ibid.
'Sattee', Orunodoi, June, 1846
'Anti - Infanticide Meeting at Amritsar’, Orunodoi, January 1854
(
118
)
in place of m edicines, and the num ber of deaths caused by ignorant and opposite
treatm ents is prodigiously great."96
Orunodoi, fro m tim e to tim e , p u b lis h e d n e w s a n d v ie w s re g a rd in g th e s o c io ­
cultural p ro g re s s o f B e n g a l d u rin g th a t tim e . In a letter p u b lis h e d in Orunodoi, a radical
reform ist c o m m e n te d , th a t th e y o u n g g e n e ra tio n o f B e n g a l w e re v e r y civilized a n d w e lle d u c a te d , a n d h a v e b e e n a b le to fre e t h e m s e lv e s fro m s u p e rs itio u s o r u n fo u n d e d
b e lie fs .98 S im ila r o th e r a tic le s a n d c o m m e n ts w e r e re g u la rly p u b lis h e d in Orunodoi.
E x c e rp ts fro m s u c h a rtic le s a re g iv e n b elow .
In a n a rtica i titled 'N e w s fro m S o m e C o u n trie s ', in A p ril 1852, it re p o rte d th a t "Villagers d o not thatch their roofs during the m onth o f 'Magh' and 'Chout' (Ja n
- Feb, April - M ay) d u e to a superstition am ong them that if it is s o d o n e the house
m ight catch fire. But the 'Sahebs'get their ho u se s built an d thatched during this
period as w orkers are m ore easily available. But there is no eviden ce that a
h ouse catches fire b ecau se o f this."87
"It is believed that crow s should not se e a rat-trap being placed. H avin g heard
this, the editor o f the Orunodoi got tw o traps m ade, o f w hich o n e w a s put outside
in full vie w o f the crow s an d the other w a s placed inside. But a big rat w a s caught
in the trap w hich w a s se en b y the crow s in the v e ry first night w h e re a s the other
trap could catch a rat only after three d a ys."98
W h ile re p o rtin g a n o u tb re a k o f e p id e m ic "M any o f the people died while e ven after regularly w orshipping 'Burn Dangoria'
(a kind o f d e m i-g o d ). A few are still dying. S o w e feel that no g ood has com e out
95.
96.
97.
98
Anandaram Dhekiai Phukan: Plea for Assam andAssamese, Jorhat, 1977, p. 89
ArunodoirDhalphat, Jorhat, 1965, p. 128
Thatching Houses in Magh and Sot’, Orunodoi, April 1852
‘Rat-Trap', ibid.
(119)
M. Neog.
B K. Barua, compiled.
of showing respect to d e m i-g o d . Th e re are som e who put rice, pulses, molasses,
ghee etc. on rafts made of the trunks o f banana trees and float them in rivers
O th e rs e v e n o ffe r g o a ts , w h ile still o th e rs put th e s e a rtic le s on h n d
only to be eaten by crow s and thieves. G o o d m oney is lost in all these rituals,
and in spite of these, epidem ics are on the rise instead of declining
Sc>me
people light lamps in the evening in front of im ages placed on river banks, while
some others m ove from place to place beating drums. But so far as we can
:see,
all these rituals, done in the hope of eradicating epidem ics, are in vain "9&
In an aticle o n lo c u s t-in v a s io n in S ib s a g a r, th e w rite r in
O r u n o d o i,
refuted the
prevailing su p erstition a m o n g th e p e o p le that lo cu sts w e re a sign o f e vil d a y s ah ea d
100
T h e rationalistic a p p ro a c h b y th e A m e ric a n Ba ptist M is s io n a rie s w a s , to s o m e exent. a
part o f th e ir e n d e a v o u r to b rin g th e lo ca l p e o p le c lo s e r to C h ristia n ity. T h e y w en t o ne
step further b y som etim es im parting n e w superstitions. F o r instance
O ru n o d o ,
reported:
"Like o th e r d is e a s e s this a ls o c o m e s o n th e o rd e rs o f G o d . T h is is o n ly u n d e r his
control. A n d k n o w it fo r ce rta in that th is is d u e to s in s . S o g iv e up th e rituals and sinful
activities. O n ly th e n will G o d b e p le a s e d
. " 101
In a n o th e r in s ta n c e , to w a rd s th e e n d o f a
d escrip tion o f e p id e m ic o u tb re a k in N a g o a n , th e
O ru n o d o i
a s k e d : "W h o will d e live r us
from hell? W e w o u ld b e a b le to e s c a p e from hell and live in h e a v e n o n ly w h e n w e seek
refu ge in Lord J e s u s C h r is t
O r u n o d o i,
. 102
w h ic h g e n e ra lly re je cte d co m m o n s u p e rstitio n s , p u b lis h e d articles
like 'sm o k e co m in g o u t from th e d o m e o f th e S ib s a g a r te m p le ' a n d th e ‘w a te rs o f the
S ib a s g a r ta nk tu rn in g m ilky w h ite fo r th re e d a y s '; th e birth o f a w o n d e rfu l child at
99.
100.
101.
102.
'Superstitious Fears of the Assamese', Orunodoi, May, 1847
'Account of the Locusts in 1844’, Orunodoi, June, 1946
'Superstitious Fears of the Assamese', Orunodoi, May, 1847
'Mortalityat Nowgong', Orunodoi, June, 1853
(
120
)
Joikhamdang village who asked for rice and water to eat, immediately after birth. Readers
from different parts of Assam accused the editor of Orunodoi, for publishing irrational
matters. The editor, however, admitted that most of these 'extraordinary tales' were
provided by people from distant places and he had no scope of verifying the authenticity
of these reports. 103 The purpose of printing such fictious stories could have been to
increase the circulation of the paper. However, the response made by the readers
explained the influence of rational thinking on their mind.
Assam Bandhu had always given space for writers of all shades. An interesting
article — Ghoinir Duti Prashna, which defended the existence of ghosts appeared in
Assam Bandhu. At the end of the article, Gunaviram Barua added his editorial comment
"When the cause is unknown, we are in the habit of attributing the phenomenon to ghosts
When the cause is known, ghosts disappear.''104
Kanak Chandra Sarma wrote in Omnodoi 'Bhootaloi Bhoi Kara Misa' (The fear
of Ghosts is unreasonable) The article stated that almost all people in our country are
superstitious. People believe in ghosts. Their belief is that ghostly creatures live in
deserted lands and tanks and they attack people at night. People fear to go out at night
by the side of burial places or deserted lands for fear of ghosts. Sometimes the sight of
'Jack O' Lantern', a type of gas producing light as a result of the combination of
phosphorous and oxygen in swampy or marshy land, scare them. Since people are
mostly uneducated, they fail to understand these scientific explanations. 105
The press also dealt with other social issues. Orunodoi condemned the liberal
sexual practices prevalent among the lower classes in society. This had become a
matter of concern for the educated Assamese. In a letter to Orunodoi an Assamese
103.
104.
105.
'Veracity of the Orunodoi', Orunodoi, August, 1854
'Ghoinir Duti Prashna', Assam Bandhu, Vol. 1, Saka 1807,1885, VII issue.
'Bhootaloi Bhoi Kara Misa', Orunodoi, April 1857
(
121)
gentleman condemned the practice of cohabiting before marriage and marrying the
woman only after several number of children were born.106In another article in Orunodoi,
the author, probably a Christian missionary, raised concern over the evil effects of adultery
on the Assamese society. He suggested that only proper education was the remedy of
this evil. Furthur, the author lamented the loose sexual morals of the Assamese people
during Bihu fertival. He considered all these an abuse of sacred marriage vows.107
Nidhi Levi Farwell, the first Assamese convert to Christianity, wrote a review in
Orunodoi on 'Bahire Rang Song Bitare Kowa-bhaturi' (Colourful outside but rotten
inside), the first social satire written by Hem Chandra Baruah.108 The satire tried to
expose the hypocrisy and superstitious beliefs of the socio-religious leaders of the
society. The Character of Bhadrakanta (Character with a modem outlook) in the drama
reflected the rationalistic criticism of Hem Chandra Barua when he said: "They (religious
leaders) have only rituals, no judgement. They get away even after doing all sorts of evil
things, but if they take medicines from a doctor they lose their caste."109Haliram Barua
from sibsagar sent a letter to the editor of Orunodoi to convey that the book of H. C.
Baruah was of great benefit for the Assamese society in general, and the youth in
particular.110
Several long letters, under the pseudonym, "Your friend", an Assamese person
residing in Calcutta were published in the Orunodoi. According to Maheshwar Neog,
the person has been identified as Gunaviram Barua. In a letter to the Orunodoi published
in July 1853, a special issue was raised. The writer criticized the immigrants from 'Bangal
Desh’ for the pathetic condition of the Assamese people.
106. 'BibahNohoakoi SawaliAna', Orunodoi, December 1847
107. 'AgainstAdulteryandFornication’, Orunodoi. April, 1848
108. 'BahireRongSangBhitare Kowabhaturi', Orunodoi, April 1867
109. H. C. Barua. BahireRong SangBhitareKowabhaturi, Sibsagar, 1959, p.31.
110. Orunodoi, April, 1867
(122)
"W e cannot e xp re sse d the extent of unholy activities that the Youth o f ou r country
have ind ulged in, givin g u p educational pu rsuits. Im m igration from the 'Bangal
D esh'
in to
our
c o u n try
is
p e rh a p s
one
of
th e
re a s o n s
of
the
pathetic condition of o u r country. W h e n th e re w e re n o B e n g a li p e op le in our
country, su ch bad habits w e re pra ctically n o n -e xiste n t. B ut sin ce th e se Bengalis
have com e h ere in la rge n u m bers, o u r you th h a ve be e n a d ve rs e ly influe nce d by
their com pany. Drinking w ine, go in g to prostitutes, fra ud , fa lse c h a rg e s, etc w ere
unheard o f in this c o u n try before , but th e se h a ve b e co m e v e ry com m on now-a
d a ys. A la s! the sim ple p e op le o f o u r land h a ve com m itted s o m a ny sin s under
the influence o f th e se p e o p le . . . " 111
A n a n d a ra m D h e k ia l P h u k a n c o rro b o ra te d th is v ie w w h e n h e w ro te , ’fa ls e w itn e ss,
b rib e ry , p ro s titu tio n , o p iu m , a n d a lc o h o l, a re s o m e o f th e s o c ia l e v ils o f A s s a m w h ic h
s h o u ld b e s tric tly p ro h ib ite d . 112
B a tira m D a s P e c k , a n A s s a m e s e c o n v e rt, in a n a rtic le in
Orunodoi -
'E v ils o f
A r d e n t S p irit' w ro te th a t h e w a s s u r p r is e d to le a rn fro m d iffe re n t q u a r te r s th a t a lc o h o l
like R u m a n d B r a n d y w e r e c o n s u m e d b y th e A s s a m e s e p e o p le a ls o . E a rlie r, o n ly th e
ric e -b e a r w a s c o m m o n a m o n g th e M iri, M is h m is , A k a , D a fla a n d th e K a c h a ris A d d ic tio n
to a lc o h o lic d rin k s w a s in c re a s in g d a y b y d a y . 113
A n o th e r m a jo r s o c ia l e v il w a s th e c o n s u m p tio n o f o p iu m . It w a s o n e o f th e m a jo r
c h a lle n g e s f o r th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry re fo rm e rs t o fig h t th is e v il p ra c tic e a n d re v ita liz e
th e m o rib u n d A s s a m e s e s o c ie ty . T h e d ru g w a s d e riv e d fro m p o p p y , a p la nt, w h ic h w a s
fo rm e rly e x t e n s iv e ly c u ltiv a te d . N e e d le s s to s a y th a t o p iu m h a d b e e n in th e n in e te e n th
c e n tu ry a c o m m o d ity o f d a ily c o n s u m p tio n f o r t h e v a s t m a jo rity o f th e p e o p le T h e r e
111. 'Second Le tte r from an A ssa m e se in Calcutta', O runodoi, July 1853
112. 'EnglandarBibaran', Orunodoi, April, 1847
113. ‘E vils o f A rd e n t Spirit', O runodoi, June 1846
( 123)
were, initially, no restriction in its growth and consumption, and the people "being
burdened by no Governmental restrictions" began to engage in a considerable extent
of its cultivation. The enlightened Assamese class was alarmed by this state of affairs
Anandaram Dhekial Phukan was the first to raise a voice of protest. In a memorandum
submitted to A. J. M. Mills, in 1853, he cited the example of China, while highlighting the
evil effects of opium on the people, and called for a gradual eradication of opium M
Mills in his Report writes that, "three-fourths of the population (of Assam) were
opium eaters, and men, women, and children alike used the drug."115Although Mills
was fully convinced of the most evil effect of the opium, yet he conceded that, "the use of
opium has with many almost become a necessity of life and in a country like Assam it
is perhaps beneficial if taken with moderation."116He suggested that the cultivation of
poppy should be suppressed and the Government should supply sufficient quantity of
opium from outside for the consumption of the people.117The American Baptist
Missionaries, from the very begining, were opposed to opium addiction. Rev Miles
Bronson wrote: 'Multitudes of persons, I daily see, going almost naked, and without any
single comfort in life, who, if they get a pice or two, will immediately expend it in the
noxious drug.'118
The Press in Assam expressed its opinion against the use of opium right from
Orunodoicame down heavily upon opium addiction. At a time when the
memory of the Burmese invasion was so fresh in Assamese mind, the Orunodoi termed
the beginning.
opium as more dangerous than even the Burmese invasion. In the very inaugural issue
of the
Orunodoi, the evils of opium addiction were highlighted in a few Assamese verses
114. A. J. M. Mills, Report on the Province of Assam, Calcutta, 1854, pp. 110-11
115. ibid., p. 19
116. ibid.
117. ibid, p.22
118. H. K. Barpujari, The American Missionaries and the North East India, Guwahati, 1986, p
(124)
180
A very evil thing is this opium
Very unwise is the one who takes it
He fritters away his Savings
And uses unpleasant language
Everybody is in the know
That only the evil one takes opium
He can never be wise in life
His language is deceitful I
The article carried a report on the deliberation of the 'Sibsagar Gyan Sabha’
held on 24 Dec. 1845, in which most of the members present expressed their opinions
on the evil effects of opium on society.119
The miseries brought upon the people by opium were illustrated with concrete
examples from life.120The tragic death of an opium - eater was related in another issue.
The article concluded with the note that opium and alcohol were the biggest enemies of
men. Opium made a man irreligious and impious, it not only lead to pre-mature death
but made life itself hell.121
In an essay 'China and Opium', the methods of opium cultivation in China and
India were discussed in detail. It added a severe warning on the evil effects of the drug
on the mind and body of the opium-smoker. The essay also carried an illustration of a
Chinese smoking house.122In addition to highlighting the evil effects of the drug, Orunodoi
also suggested cures from the addiction. Tea and coffee were prescribed as remedies.123
The Assam - Bilasinee also wrote extensively against the use of the drug. G. D.
Walker, Commissioner for Divisions, Assam, in a letter to the editior of the paper,
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
'EvilsofOpium', Orunodoi, January, 1846
‘Fruits of Opium', Orunodoi, May, 1855
'Deathofan OpiumEateT, Orunodoi, May, 1846
'ChinaandOpium', TheOrunodoi, February, 1853
’KaniErabarKatha', The Orunodoi, June 1861
(125)
Satradhikar Dattadev Goswami, wrote:
"... I congratulate His Holiness the Adhikar Goswami, on taking strong active
measures against opium. If only people could be made to feel how wrong and
sinful (i.e. harmful to both God and men) it is to start young people on this
dangerous habit, prohibition would come in of itself, and there would be no need
for legistation. This attitude of the most influential Satra in Assam would go a
long way to hasten the coming of real prohibition."124
The inaugural issue of Assam-Deepak published an article which called for a
stop in the consumption of opium. The aticle cited the evil effects of opium addition.125
t
The Company's Government, on demand from the people, subsequently banned
cultivation of poppy in 1860; but at the same time introduced Government Abkari opium,
which the opium-consumers had to buy from the Governement stores. Thus revenue
consideration replaced their welfare motive, and imported Opium continued to find a
ready market in Assam with the Government earning much profit. It is calculated that the
number of Opium-eaters during the period 1874 to 1905 increased from 10% to 50%.126
The enlightened Assamese class was alarmed at the increasing consumption
of opium. When the cultivation of poppy was banned, they had hoped that opium would
be totally eradicated from the province.127They now demanded that as a preliminary
step the supply of excised opium should be discontinued forthwith. Gunaviram Barua
demanded before the Royal Commission on Opium, the total prohibition of the drug.128
Radhanath Changkakoty, editor, The Times o f Assam, also urged the Commission to
Satrasin Colonial Assam, Lecture V, I.C.H.R., Lecture Series Publication, Guwahahti,
opcit. p. 140
PlantersRaj to Swaraj, Delhi, 1988, p. 56.
'KaniyaLokarKatha', Orunodoi, June, 1860
ReportontheRoyal CommissiononOpium, 1892-93, Vol. II, pp 186-8; also Barpujari, optit, p 208
124. D. Nath,
2007, pp. 29-30
125 C. P. Saikia, ed.
126. A. Guha.
127.
128.
(126)
prohibit the drug altogether making up the loss of revenue, if need be, 'by cutting civil
and military expenditure.'129
Hem Chandra Barua wrote a satire 'KaniyarKirtan', highlighting the evil effects
of opium on the Assamese masses. He showed, how the drug had permeated into
every section of Assamese society of that time, right from the priests and the aristocracy,
down to poor villagers. 130
In an interesting discussion in 'Jonaki'- 'Tente Amar Upai K i?'( Then what is our
way out?) by Panidranath Gogoi, opium, hemp, and alcohol were shown to have done
great damage to our society. Of all these, opium was shown to be the most harmful.
"Day by day, opium is dominating the society ...The society is full of scoundrels who
mislead young and innocent people and teach them to consume opium, opium has
become a great hindrance in the progress of the society.... we propose to establish an
Opium Prevention Society"... He stressed upon the urgency of getting rid of this cause
of ruin of Assamese society.'131 Padmanath Gohain Barooah, as editor, Bijuli, tried his
best to make the people aware of the evils of opium-eating through his essays in the
paper.132
The main purpose of bringing out Orunodoi by the Missonaries was to preach
Christianity. Every issue of the paper contained religious discussions under the title
'Dharamar Katha Barta, 'Dharam Kathar Sam bad which highlighted the merits,
usefulness and superiority of Christianity. Conversions into Christianity were published,
Christian weddings were featured, Obituaries of missionaries were published. The
articles on Hinduism published in the Orunodoi highlighted its negative aspects. The
ibid,
HemChandraBaruaRachanavali, Guwahahti, 1999, pp 1-22
'TenteAmar Upai Ki', Jonaki, opcit.
op.cit, p. 145
129.
p. 305-8
130. J. N. Goswami edited.,
131.
132. G. P Sarmah edited,
(127)
paper published many derogatory comments about certain systems prevalent in the
Kamakya temple, the Hayagrib - Madhava temple of Hajo with its institution of
Devadasis. Some of the charges were, no doubt, true, but the articles found less
supporters and hardly any rejoinder was sent. People, in general, were satisfied with
their religion.133
There was no great conflict between Hinduism and Christianity in Assam The
attempt to evangelise among the Hindus was hardly successful. The first conversion in
Assam of Nidhiram to Nidhi Levi Farwell in 13 June 1841 scarcely created any stir or
sensation in the society. Both Nidhi Levi Farwell and Batiram Das Peck rose to eminence
within the narrow fold of Christianity in Assam but failed to earn the admiration of the
people in general.134 In Bengal, Christrianity and Hinduism had come into direct
confrontation. With the intelligentsia getting involved in the problems of conflict This
had led to the growth of a spirit of enquiry, the birth of the Brahma Dharma, and the
Bengal Renaissance. In Assam, this confrontation did not take place.135
Orunodoi rarely published anything on the spread of the Brahmo faith, perhaps
for fear of losing their own position. An article entitled - ’Kalikatat Brahmo Samajar
Katha'was indeed published but the article highlighted that the principles of BrahmoSamaj were borrowed from the tenets of Christianity.136
Gunaviram Barua, editor Assam-Bandhu, Hemchandra Barua, editor Assam
News, Jadunath Charavorty, editor Assam-Mihir, Chidananda Chowdhury, publisher
Assam-Mihir, Lashminath Barkakoty, editor Assam Darpan, publisher Chandrodoi
Padma hash Goswami, publisher Gyanodoi, Radhanath Changkakoty, publisher Times
Wanderings of a Pilgrim', Orunodoi, August-September, 1852
Orunodoi, 1846-1854, Guwahati 1983, Introduction, P 62
ibid.
'Kalikatat Brahmo Samajar Katha', Orunodoi, Feb, 1867
133.
134. M. Neog, complied and re-ed.
135.
136.
(128)
of Assam, Basambad Mitra, editor, Times of Assam, Kamalakanta Bhattacharjya,
Lakshminath Bezbaruah and most of the celebrated authors of the Jonaki - Age were
ardent followers of Brahmo Dharma in Assam. 137
Both Gunaviram Barua and Padmashash Goswami, significantly prominent
personaliities of the Assamese society during the period and serious believers in the
Brahmo faith, preferred to be silent regarding the patronization of their faith through
their publications. While Gunaviram Barua was quite critical about the prevalent evil
practices in the society, he hardly published anything on Brahmoism. Padmahash
devoted his paper exclusively to 'scientific and literary subjects. '138 No doubt, he wanted
to spread the ideas of Brahmoism but perhaps he took lessons from the fate of Assam
Mihir and Assam - Darpan that no newspaper or journal could thrive as a Brahmo
organ. For that matter, Padma hash authored two tracts, viz., Features of BrahmoDharma and What is Brahmo, in Assamese for the spread of his faith. 139
The caste system in Assam was not rigidly observed as elsewhere in India.
There were only a few castes that specialized in their particular art or craft. 140 The
composition of the Assamese population was predominantly non - Aryan. This might
have prevented the penetration of the rigid caste system into Assam. 141 Another reason
why caste system could not strike deep-roots in Assam was the Vaishnavism preached
by Sankardeva. Sankardeva's Nam-Dharma never differentiated on caste lines. He
welcomed disciples from among the lower castes. 142
Orunodoifocussed on the difference between the customs and rituals practised
137.
138.
139.
140.
141
142.
Brahmo-Samaj andNorth-EastIndia, Guwahati, 2006, pp. 38-43
UwalijowaNathirPara, Nagaon, 1991, p. 86
ibid.
G. Barua, AssamBuranji, op.cit, p. 175
ibid, p. 8; also, M. L. Bose, op.cit, p. 37
S. N. Sarma, The Neo-Vaishnavite Movement and the Satra Institution of Assam, Guwahahti
1988, p. 64; M. Neog. Sankardeva andHis Times, Guwahahti, 1988, p. 369
D. Banerjee,
J. N. Bhuyan,
(129)
by the Bengali Hindus, and the Assamese Hindus. Those practices which would make
a Bengali Hindu an outcaste, were freely accepted in the Assamese Hindu society.
Similarly, the caste rules were not so rigidly followed in Assamese society and the people
were free to take up any profession they chose. Orunodoi commented: "Although Assamese and the Bengalis profess the same religion, their customs
and traditions are not the same. The Hindus are in a majority among the
Assamese as well as Bengalis, but practices that call for ostracism in Bengali
society are practiced little by the Assamese. Just as in this land it is a taboo for
people other than the KaivartaS to sell fish - and they become outcaste - so also
it is taboo among the Bengalis to leave one's own occupation and engage in
jobs of other castes. A weaver must weave cloth, a barber must stick to his
professon of haircutting, a washerman must wash clothes; this must continue
among their successive generations also. But there are no such customs among
the Assamese. Brahmins, Kalitas, Keots, Dooms all can choose the profession
of their choice; there is no bar to it. This practice of better than that followed by
the Bengalis." 143
Since most of the social reformers in the ninteenth century were themselves
from the upper castes, it was not unnatural that they were deeply connected as well as
concerned with the evils rampant in the Assamese upper caste society. 144
Lakshminath Bezbaruah created a comic character for himself - Kripabar Barua.
The mask of Kripabar gave him the liberty to hit out at the corruption and hypocrisy of
the Assamese orthodox society. He severely attacked the evils of the caste system and
'Assamese and Bengali Customs', The Orunodoi, June 1847; G. P. Sarma, ed., op.cit
Literature and Society in Assam, New Delhi, 1987, p. 110
143.
144. T. Misra,
(
130
)
p. 49
untouchability . 145 T h e position of w om en in A s sa m e s e so cie ty w a s d iscusse d by
B ezbarua in his K rip a ba r articles. H e also spoke in favo ur o f widow -rem arriage. But his
view s on social reform w e re those o f a 'traditionalist' and not of a 'radical reform st . '146
A fie ry so cial-re fo rm e r o f the ninteenth ce n tu ry A ssa m w a s Kam alakanta
Bhattacharya. H e hated the narrow caste system and hypocrisy. A ccording to him, the
sacred thread w orn b y illiterate and corrupt priests, are nothing m ore than a co arse
ro p e . 147 A s a sym bol o f breaking caste orthodoxies, he to re -o ff his sacred thread and
used the sacred 'salegram ' stone as a paper-w eight . 148 H e exp re sse d his radical view s
against child m arriage, ban on w id o w -re m a rriag e , K uiinism , P u rd a h etc. w hich
according to him, w e re not inherent in A ssa m e se society, but w e re imported to A ssam
by the Bengali Brahm ins w h o migrated to the region . 149 H is view s continued to influence
the A ssa m e se mind during the later part of the nineteenth century and the early part of
the twentieth century.
T h u s , P re ss in A ssam , during the later half of nineteenth century, created public
opinion in favo ur o f various social reforms. In fact, it laid the foundation for the task that
w a s carried furthur b y the later periodicals. In the p ro ce ss, the outlook o f A ssa m e se
society changed co n sid e ra b ly bringing about a trem endous social transform ation in
many spheres. T h e twentieth century w as of great importance, for exam ple, in the history
of w om en em ancipation; their participation in the social and political activities w as
accelerated during this period . 150
Press in A ssam in the later half of the ninteenth century created social awareness
am ongst the A ssam ese. T h e impact of western education and the reformist trend in the
K rip a ba r’ w e r e s e ria lly p u b lis h e d in 'Jonaki'.
opcit., p. 1 2 8
P. G o s w a m i e d ite d , Kam ala Kanta Bhattacharya Rachanawali, G u w a h a h ti 1 9 8 2 , p. 3 7 8
ibid, preface, p. 8
ibid., p. 2 6 4
D . S h a r m a , A s sam e se W om en in the Freedom Struggle, C a lc u tta , 1 9 9 3 , p. 1 0
1 45 . T h e w ritin g s o f
1 46 . T. M is ra ,
147.
1 48 .
149.
150.
( 131)
Indian Renaissance gave the Assamese intelligentsia a rational outlook and progressive
mindset. The issues that they raised were extremely relevant ones and were hotly debated
upon. But among the advocates for reform, there was division regarding the method
and speed of reforms.
Rammohan Roy had once written to John Digby in 1829"... It is, I think, necessary
that some change should take place in their (Hindoos) religion, at least for the sake of
their political advantage and social comfort."'151"The revolt of the mind against the
tyranny of dogma and traditional authorities, beliefs, and customs is the requisite for
freedom of thought and conscience which lies at the root of progress in social, religious,
and political spheres of life."152Not unnaturally, the new spirit of social criticism infused
by the press in Assam in the later half of the ninteenth century led to the gradual
strengthening of political consciousness and brought Assam into the mainstream of
Indian nationalism in the next century.
151. Ajit Kumar Ghosh ed., Rammohan Rachanavali, Calcutta, 1973, p.462
152. R. C. Majumdared, opcit., p. 89
(132)