Negotiating Patriarchy: South Korean Evangelical Women and the Politics of Gender
Author(s): Kelly H. Chong
Source: Gender and Society, Vol. 20, No. 6 (Dec., 2006), pp. 697-724
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NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
Women
South Korean Evangelical
and the Politics of Gender
KELLYH CHONG
Lawrence
of Kansas,
University
on
Based
this
research,
in South
Korean
investigates
While
the meaning
recent works
and
impact
of
the
addressing
have highlighted
the signif
religions
"paradox"
of women's
participation
as unexpected
vehicles
and contestation,
icance of these religions
empowerment
of gender
women
's reli
and consequences
this study finds
that the experiences
of Korean
evangelical
are
in
to
women's
the
crucial
negotiate
giosity
highly
contradictory;
although
efforts
ethnographic
's involvement
women
study
evangelicalism.
in conservative
of the modern
their effective
also
women,
conversion,
Confucian-patriarchal
family,
for many
to this family/gender
redomestication
regime, which
helps maintain
To address
this tension,
the article
the meaning
arrangements.
gender
explores
of
on the motivations
in the Korean
submission
behind women's
context, focusing
religious
to patriarchy,
are rooted
consent
in women's
desires
the
which
regarding
contradictory
injuries
signifies
current
and
system
family
Keywords:
the ambivalent
traditionalism;
religious
resistance
that
subjectivities
patriarchy;
they evoke.
South
Korea;
evangelicalism;
consent;
the recent surge of scholarly interest in religious fundamen
have begun to pay greater attention to the question of
scholars
talisms,
Along
in contemporary
women's
traditionalist religious movements.
participation
are
of
them
well
educated
and middle class, becoming
women, many
Why
with
attracted
increasingly
to
perpetuate
designed
ment
in traditionalist
NOTE:
AUTHOR'S
to and supportive
of religious
that seem
groups
their subordination? The question of women's
involve
is intriguing because
it not only provokes a
religions
/ would
like to thank Bob Antonio,
of the University
I am also
lier drafts of this article.
mous
reviewers for their excellent
and
the members
project
GENDER
was funded
&
by
SOCIETY,
of Kansas
grateful
comments
the USIA/IIE
Vol.
Fulbright
20 No.
Cornell
Fleischer,
Shirley Harkess,
seminar for their reading
gender
of the ear
to Christine
L. Williams
and the several
anony
and
constructive
Fellowship
6, December
2006
criticisms.
and
the Korea
Research
for
this
Foundation.
697-724
DOI: 10.1177/0891243206291111
?
2006
Sociologists
for Women
in Society
697
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698
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
and the role of religion in the
rethinking of the problems of secularization
modern world but addresses some of the central issues related to gender: the
engagement with contemporary
patriarchy, the nature
question of women's
in which
of contemporary
and dynamics
gender relations, and the ways
women negotiate the challenges of modernity
and social change.
have advanced our
and religious traditionalisms
Recent studies of women
a
illu
in number of ways. While
of this fascinating question
understanding
to
turn
women's
connections
between
the
contemporary
important
minating
social transformations
of modern
and the processes
religious traditionalism
across societies,
of the effects and
the understanding
scholars have moved
new directions.
for
in sophisticated
role of these religions
By focusing,
on
in
of
the
inherent
the
instance,
religious patri
operations
complexities
views of traditionalist reli
conventional
archy, these works have challenged
sources of oppression
and of women as victims of male
gions as monolithic
to
matters of women's
domination.
agency, as well as to the
By attending
the surpris
tensions between
they have illuminated
ideology and practice,
women
as
of
sites
for
traditionalist
role
that
nego
gender
ing
religions play
tiation, and their unpredictable
an ethnographic
Through
consequences
for altering gender dynamics.
of women's
evangelical
this article seeks to expand
investigation
in contemporary
South Korea,
the
traditionalisms.
current research on women
and religious
Exploring
in
of women's
and dynamics
distinctive meaning
religious participation
our
to
broaden
this understudied
cultural context promises
understanding
involvement
frameworks.
and help reassess current interpretative
of the phenomenon
first entered Korea around the turn of the twen
Protestantism
Evangelical
missionaries.
and Methodist
tieth century by way of American
Presbyterian
of the twen
first
the
half
After growing steadily, if sporadically,
throughout
an explosive
in South
underwent
tieth century, evangelicalism
expansion
in the decades following
the 1960s, to become the second largest reli
(Gallup Korea 1998). Although
gious group in South Korea after Buddhism
in
a number of studies examining
growth
phenomenal
evangelicalism's
Korea
have appeared (Clark 1986; Han 1994; Kim
of which
link this growth
1990; Suh 1985)?most
1996; Martin
to the dislocating
conditions generated by the process of rapid industrializa
attention has been paid to the
since the 1960s?little
tion and modernization
post-World
1985; Lee
War
II South Korea
in this growth. Despite
the highly patriarchal theo
role and place of women
Korean
churches (Lee 1996),
of
cultural
orientation
and
evangelical
logical
women have constituted
the most enthusiastic
portion of the church mem
as
a
in
their
force
capacity both as dedicated church
pivotal
bership, serving
and as ardent evangelists
churches (Yi 1985).
workers
in the growth
and maintenance
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of Korean
Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
699
article has two major aims. First, through an analysis of the unique
within
the South Korean
involvement
of women's
evangelical
our
to
and
will
contribute
the
article
context,
broadening
complicating
women
for
role
of
traditionalist
of the
current understanding
religions
This
character
and
of this religiosity
the complexity
today. This article will also examine
issues in the study of
its impact for women,
key interpretative
addressing
women
traditionalism.
and religious
traditionalism
current
and religious
studies on women
of
the
Many
of
the dimensions
notable for their concern with highlighting
to religious patri
in the acts of submission
and empowerment
has been
this line of analysis
the part of women.1 Although
to
of
in
women's
attention
invaluable
engage
aspects
religious
bringing
ment
that have been largely ignored, this focus has led to the elision of
have been
resistance
archy on
of women's
engagement,
especially
religious
important dynamics
the tensions inherent in women's
religiosity.
con
the profoundly
As Iwill demonstrate,
ambiguous and conflict-ridden
women
I
reveal
in
that
for
of
my study?
sequences
religiosity
evangelical
other
consequences
interpretations
versive. While
that are as oppressive as they are liberating?obviate
any facile
or sub
actions or situations as empowering
of the women's
in
to recognize
of resistance
the dimension
it is necessary
Korean women's
actions, the Korean case calls attention to the need to refo
to
cus our attention
to the issues of patriarchal power and, furthermore,
continued cooperation with patriarchy.
women's
WOMEN AND RELIGIOUS TRADITIONALISM
since
traditionalism
and religious
emerged on women
In
American
the
cultural
several religious and
the 1980s encompass
settings.
set of ethnographic
investi
context, studies have included an illuminating
on evangelical/fundamentalist
Jewish
and Orthodox
Christian
gations
women
in Latin
a number of studies have appeared on Pentecostal
women;
that have
Works
America
and on Muslim
women
as well.
have made
setting, these investigations
women
tra
to
and
of
the
religious
understanding
significant
under
The first lies in providing us with a useful sociological
ditionalism.
turn to
women's
behind
of the motivations
contemporary
standing
within
the
choices
movements.
women's
traditionalist
Situating
religious
studies
have
these
demonstrated
each
of
framework
society,
sociological
can be seen as a reac
involvement
the extent to which women's
religious
and sociocultural
tion to the problems generated by the forces of modernity
Although
diverse
in terms of
contributions
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700
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
across
2006
those affecting family and gen
especially
contribution
lies in casting light on the
important
as vehicles
for
function
of
these
women,
unexpected
religions
particularly
common
in the women's
gender and domestic
struggles. By problematizing
as
tools of gender oppression,
of traditionalist religions simply
perceptions
transformations
der relations.
and of women
have
societies,
other
a number of these studies
as dupes of false consciousness,
the significance
of these religions as often-subversive
strains.
in the women's
efforts to deal with domestic
demonstrated
instruments
In
The
their
for
women,
explorations
instance,
of American
various
to the church's
researchers
evangelical
have
shown
and
fundamentalist
that women's
accom
on gender,
the
teachings
especially
a
to
not
of
submission,
represents
patriarchy
ideology
simple capitulation
but rather women's
efforts to improve and renegotiate gender relations and
achieve marital
1997; Rose
1987). Stacey
stability (Brasher 1998; Griffith
to the often "conscious,"
in particular has directed our attention
(1990)
nature of such efforts, while others have
"strategic," and "instrumental"
modation
conservative
to the discrepancy
that exists between
ideology and actual
1987; Gallagher
2003; Manning
1999). More recent
(Ammerman
practices
not only have underscored
such discrepancies?a
studies on evangelicals
called
attention
this "symbolic
traditionalism
that
have highlighted
the diversity
and pragmatic
egalitarianism"?but
to the church's
with regard to their approaches
exists among evangelicals
(Bartkowski 2001).
ideology of submission
In addition to illuminating
the role of traditionalist
religions as flexible
resources
in women's
efforts to pursue their domestic
interests, many of
work
and Smith
by Gallagher
(1999)
labels
the empowering
and liberating functions of
have emphasized
women.
on American
for
Research
Orthodox
traditionalist
religions
Kaufman
for
Jewish women
1991;
(Davidman
1989),
example, has high
that orthodox
ways
lighted the unexpected
religious beliefs and practices
serve as a vehicle of empowerment
for women,
through fem
particularly
these works
inist reinterpretations
and reaffirms female
of traditionalist
power. Outside
women
Pentecostal
that valorizes womanhood
ideology
of the American
setting, works on
1993; Gill
1995; Burdick
(Brusco
the
have
been
notable
for
1993)
emphasizing
especially
as
a
resource
of
traditionalist
"liberating"
potential
religions,
especially
for raising female status and subverting patriarchal
relations within both
arenas. Calling
to the "revolutionary"
domestic
and religious
attention
Latin
American
1990; Maldonado
Pentecostalism
for reforming gender roles, Brusco
potential of Colombian
so
as
to call Colombian
far
(1995), for example, has gone
evangelicalism
a "revolutionary"
and "strategic" form of women's
collective
action, even
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
more
effective
thanWestern
in raising women's
feminism
701
status and alter
role behavior.
ing gender
In important
these interpretive
reflect and draw on
ways,
approaches
recent developments
in social scientific and feminist
theorizing,
develop
concern with
ments
and
that have been characterized
by a distinctive
emphasis on the issues of agency, resistance, and praxis in the analyses of
as
subordinate groups. These theoretical approaches,
broadly characterized
and influenced by the ideas of such thinkers as Foucault
"post-structural"
Gramsci
(1973), pivot around "de-cen
(1992), andWilliams
([1978] 1990),
tered" notions of power as well as culture as a site of both the inscription of
to power
this line of the
(Rubin 1996). Furthermore,
from
what
Ortner
(1984) has labeled
Sherry
orizing draws its inspiration
a
form of theorizing
"practice theory," which began to emerge in the 1980s,
and resistance
power
that has reflected
of human
active
a move
behavior,
analysis
strategizing/calculating
model"
"strategic
of
toward a more
human
centered
agent
"action-based
approach" analysis
the "doing subject" seen as an
calls the
and what Ortner
(1984)
on
action.
of such poststructuralist
There is no doubt that incorporation
insights
our understanding
of women's
actions and choices
has helped complicate
these works may have
in the context of traditionalist
religions. But while
the conventional
views of traditionalist
reli
successfully
problematized
I contend
of women's
religious engagement,
gions and the passive model
to the dimensions
of resistance
and empower
that this fruitful attention
ment
in women's
with religious patriarchy
has, at the same
engagement
to deflect
attention away from other
time, served in some crucial ways
of this engagement.
Of special importance are the prob
central dynamics
and the particularly
lems of patriarchal
power and domination,
thorny
assent to patriarchal
structures and authority. Although
issue of women's
in women's
of protest or resistance
actions has
a more thorough understanding
of the nature
been valuable for achieving
with religious
the acute tensions
of women's
traditionalisms,
engagement
and the more
accommodative
of
that exist between
resistance
aspects
attention
to the dimensions
that raise questions
both of the ambiguity
of
and
of
the
of
their
actions
consequences
intentions/subjectivities
in
been less than thoroughly
regard to patriarchy?have
explored
women's
actions?aspects
women's
with
recent
works.2
As
with religious
this article will
show, women's
engagement
patri
a
matter
whose
and effects must be
is
particular dynamics
archy
complex
as these are shaped within
contexts
sociohistorical
understood
specific
case
not
demonstrates
that
and regimes of patriarchy. The Korean
only the
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702
& SOCIETY
GENDER
behind
motivations
ticular
/ December
women's
2006
turn to religious
forms
of their religious
as products
be comprehended
but the par
must
its consequences,
sociohistorical
specific
traditionalism
and
engagement,
of each society's
and the structure and logic of gender/
social change, modernity,
process-of
to
the distinctive
relations?that
gender subjectivities,
family
give shape
women.
and interests of
motivations,
behind Korean
with an analysis of the motivations
as
a
it
involvement,
response to the
viewing
primarily
evangelical
the
dramatic
social
changes generated by South Korea's
challenges posed by
of con
the contradictions
War
II
transformations,
particularly
post-World
two
the role
In
where
sections
that
life.
the
Korean
follow,
temporary
family
are
I
the
show
and character of Korean women's
closely explored,
religiosity
The
article
begins
women's
is appropriated?both
ways in which Korean evangelicalism
spir
women
to deal with these very challenges,
itually and institutionally?by
as resources for transcending and negotiating
the oppressiveness
especially
distinctive
of the contemporary Korean patriarchal family.
illustrates how, despite these liberating and empower
of
women's
functions
faith, women's
very efforts to cope with their per
ing
that
also result in consequences
beliefs
sonal dilemmas
through religious
and restrictions
The Korean
case
of
are highly oppressive
redomestication
for women,
namely, the effective
women
to the Confucian
the
perpetuation
family system and, by extension,
of the current gender/family
arrangements. As ameans of exploring this ten
of
the meaning
sion, I devote the final section of the article to examining
to religious patriarchy, focusing particularly
submission
Korean women's
consent to patriarchal relations,
on the motivations
behind Korean women's
desires regarding the
which I argue stem primarily from their conservative
family
system
and the contradictory
subjectivities
they evoke.
METHOD AND DATA
This
on ethnographic
field research in two Protestant
one
undertaken
Methodist?in
and
Seoul,
Presbyterian
and Methodism
1996 and 1999. In South Korea, Presbyterianism
with Presbyterianism
the two largest Protestant
denominations,
article
is based
churches?one
between
represent
about 73 percent of the Protestant population,
being the largest, constituting
about 11 percent of
second
the
and Methodism
largest, claiming
being
Korea
this
Given
church membership
fact, studying these
1998).
(Gallup
two churches?which
I call the South River church and North River church,
of the general
the best demographic
representation
respectively?promised
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Chong
/ NEGOTIATING
PATRIARCHY
703
I do not claim that these two churches are
population. Although
to the two denominations,
of
churches
all
they
belonging
representative
a
set of qualities thought to belong
were consciously
for
selected
possessing
Korean evangelical
to a typical mainstream
church, especially with regard
and institutional
to conservative
orientation
culture, as well as
theological
Protestant
middle-class
characteristics.3
predominantly
of the fieldwork were
The primary methods
and
in-depth interviewing
inter
and open-ended
Semistructured
observation.
intensive participant
views were conducted with 96 individuals, which were obtained mainly
of interviews,
The majority
totaling 60,
through the snowball method.
were conducted with married women
the ages of 35
between
congregants
that women
the
in this age bracket represented
the sig
in both churches;
thus, addressing
category
largest membership
the natural
became
for this group of women
of evangelicalism
nificance
This study, then, is an investigation
focus of my investigation.
primarily of
a particular generation
those born between Korea's
of women,
postlibera
It is noteworthy
and 55.
tion (from Japan) era and the early 1960s, and coming of age during the
reflect the period of South
1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Their experiences
For purposes of compar
and
industrialization
modernization.
late
Korea's
12
and with
10 male congregants
interviews with
ison, I also conducted
women
and older ages
of younger
interviews with pastors
lasted from one
Interviews, which
additional
than the primary sample. I conducted
and outside
experts on Christianity.
to three hours, were mostly
taped and
were
interviews
of the interviewees.
in the homes
Many
over
days.
repeated
In keeping with the broadly middle-class
profiles of the two churches,
women
the
I
fell squarely within
interviewed
of
the
about three-fourths
were
the
rest
either
of
members
the
class, while
category of the middle
carried
out
and middle
class or those on the border between
working
working
as a study largely of middle
classes.4 This study can thus be characterized
it is important to
class women, most of them housewives.
Furthermore,
to
interviewed
of the women
note that although
the majority
belonged
as middle
what can be characterized
class, this was quite a wide category,
spectrum to the upper end.
ranging from the lower end of the middle-class
to those within
other
of this study are not generalizable
The findings
socioeconomic
strata,
for
example,
poor
and
lower-class
women.
in that I had a basic set of questions
interviews
cover
in all the interviews, but the interviews were also left open
I sought to
in the direction
she or he
ended to allow the informant to take conversation
I typically began by asking the interviewee
In all of the interviews,
wished.
The
were
semistructured
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704
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
to tell me why and how she or he became a convert to evangelicalism,
which
led to a series of rich life history and conversion
narratives, as
commonly
current life situations. In addition
well as revelations about the interviewees'
to the array of questions
the
interviewees'
regarding
personal and family
lives, I sought information about the meanings,
patterns, and impact of their
church participation.
was undertaken
Intensive participant
observation
in a wide variety of
and social settings. South Korean evangelical
churches
typically
a
and prayer service meetings.
sponsor
large array of worship
My partic
services, from Sunday daytime wor
ipation included all forms of worship
to daily dawn prayer
and Wednesday
services
ship services
evening
a
I
also
and
attended
of
Bible
meetings.
variety
study meetings
regularly
religious
a number
of special seminars,
such as family and marriage
seminars. An
of
observations
also
included
in
my
important part
regular participation
various "cell" home group meetings,
home visits, and evangelizing
mis
events. In addition to formal
sions and an array of other church-sponsored
church events, I obtained useful insights through informal socializing with
members
outside
of the church.
CONTEMPORARY CRISIS OF GENDER AND
FAMILY IN SOUTH KOREA
In the past few decades,
South Korea has undergone
overcame
South
Korea
the devastations
of war
changes.
dramatic
social
and
(1950-1953)
to
of colonial rule (1910-1945)
an
a
transform
itself from
prosper
poor, agrarian society into
ostensibly
ous and modern nation. While
this may have made South Korea one of the
East Asian economic
such single-minded
"miracles,"
pursuit of economic
a
and
modernization
has
had
its
it has engendered
costs;
development
the socioeconomic
distortions
of 35 years
cultural contradictions.
society characterized
by enormous
can be most markedly observed in the
In South Korea, these contradictions
realm of family and gender relations. In recent years, the Korean family has
some major modernizing
undergone
changes, especially with the decline of
of the family, and the spread of
rates, a trend toward nuclearization
the
of
romantic
love and companionate
ideals
values, particularly
marriage. The contemporary Korean family, however, is characterized by an
enormous degree of internal tension, as modern
forces clash with powerful
fertility
Western
family system that are both per
and
the
refashioned
within
modern
petuated
patriarchal family (Abelmann
2003; Kendall 2002, 1996; Kim 1997; Lett 1998; Nelson 2000; Palley 1990).
ideals and values of the traditional Confucian
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
705
for everyone
such a situation generates
conflicts
involved,
Although
a particular
source of dilemmas
In the past
it has become
for women.
few decades,
the unprecedented
in both
by Korean women
participation
mass
some significant
and higher education
has produced
in
changes
their basic status, outlook,
and expectations.
Korean women,
with
along
an exceptionally
have become
the men,
well-educated
the
population,
are now sophisticated
of whom
and informed
citizens
of an
majority
modern
and increasingly
consumerist,
society.
aggressively
globalized
education
and
the
of
The dramatic
forces
moder
changes generated
by
have not been accompanied
nity, however,
by a concomitant
develop
ment of opportunities
for women
outside of the domestic
sphere, nor of
full gender equality.5
to bring about key modernizing
In fact, South Korea has managed
a set of core traditional cul
while
transformations
successfully
preserving
in the family and gender system.6 Reflecting
tural elements
both a survival
of the elements
of the neo-Confucian
tradition (Deuchler
1992) and their
the
this
context,
modern-capitalist
reconfiguration
postcolonial,
a
a
is
result
of
the
conscious
of
family regime
policies
patriarchal
largely
on the maintenance
state whose developmental
of
program was predicated
the traditional family and gender order as the basis of social stability and
has called the "partner
economic
growth, akin to what Heidi Hartmann
within
1981).
(Hartmann
ship between patriarchy and capitalism"
across classes,
this situation has given rise to
For many Korean women,
acute tensions due to the discrepancy
between
the rapidly changing expec
tations of women
and the norms of a still-powerful,
fam
neotraditionalist
a set
For
these
tensions
have
women,
many
system.
generated
ily/gender
of acute
contradictions
by the conversion
I am
a
very
Confucian
life
when
I was
from
restricted
was
a
in for
of two middle-class
young.
Then
I got
so
strict,
very
very,
family,
at 23. Although
[arranged marriage]
lives, as illustrated
church members:
in their domestic
and conflicts
narratives
married
lived
quite
jungmae
through
thought I had married well,
everyone
a
I
surprise.
What happened was that upon marrying, I had to livewith my husband's fam
for years I had to take care of and serve all of them, all 13 of them:
ily_But
parents
my
mother-in-law
was
the only
she was
babies
my
eyes
sick,
of
three
in-law,
my
son,
course.
seriously
became
everything
I also
...
in the morning
had
So
and
cousins.
To make
ill. Of
course,
being
sisters-in-law,
became
to take
as you
until
my
charge
can
I went
sole
of
imagine
to bed,
entire
. . . from
I had
no
husband
. . .And
responsibility.
the
worse,
things
that my
household.
the moment
life of my
because
Then
I had
I opened
own.
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706
GENDER
& SOCIETY
it was
ile
for
in mind
everyone?I
and
about
13 years
totally
anxious
2006
I was so young when
But because
how
/ December
just
emotion
of
I went
into
nervous.
But
this,
and
know
any
a deep
I was
And
better.
to accept
I tried
that
I thought that this was
I got married,
didn't
everything.
I couldn't
depression.
I couldn't
tell
so frag
. . Well,
.
after
became
eat,
saw
I secretly
anybody.
shrinks by myself.
one
Then
invitation
was
from
always
to heaven.
going
to her
Bible
of a church
What
that
me
her was
about
no
she had
the
no
I had
time,
fear
idea what
no worries
she had
a housewife,
(Mi-Won,
So
she knew that
she was
talking
and
I started
two
of
mother
45,
aged
she
that
of dying.
me,
intrigued
an
I received
and
this, and she said itwas because
that
study.
near me,
struck
and
happy
At
statement
the
about,
she was
that
she believed
going
but
a deacon
to church.
to go
her
saying
I asked her why
she was
was
there
day,
children)
From
the very
first,
my
I first had a marriage
was
that
he
life was
married
see, when
You
difficult.
incredibly
interview with my husband, what struck me about him
to be
seemed
honest.
very
he
And
also
a good
had
...
job.
I
that living with a mother-in-law would be difficult, but foolishly, I
thought that if Iwas just all good, obedient, and faithful, everything would
knew
be OK.
But
law
tongue.
turn
didn't
things
me
very
. . . She
is the
treated
type
the consequences,
ing of
out
From
that way.
the beginning,
. . .
mother-in-law
has
My
badly.
of person
how
who
it'll hurt
other
sonality. I tend to keep things tomyself
of how it'll affect other people.
And
ning.
see, my
you
You've
got
man.
Confucian
understand;
we
When
took
I have
his parents'
is
he
got married,
think
the opposite
per
I am afraid to talk and afraid
husband
my
first
sharp
out without
things
people.
because
he always
husband,
to
spits
just
mother-in
my
a horribly
side
to me
said
the begin
from
most
the
traditionally
that
his
parents
were
like his limbs, irreplaceable and with him forever, but Iwas like cloth
ing, disposable and interchangeable. My husband's way of thinking is that the
wife
is an
woman.
inferior
He
just
more difficult
only
from
one
him,
I won't
get
rest of my
of
whatever
the
family,
so
is no
there
. . .And
he wanted.
his
It's
accommodates.
do
you
be
able
divorced
life.
know
what
so hard
to continue
either.
(Hyung-Soon,
...
for me.
I mean?
If I got
with
my
divorced,
a housewife,
I still
So
aged
gets
personality?it
so many
have
see,
you
life,
it'll
a
to respect
need
to him. . . .But I am the
to deal with the longer I stay married
who
I wouldn't
member
did
without
I couldn't
follow
43, mother
me
God,
live. And
around
of
scars
two
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for
children)
the
Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
707
of acute domestic
crises, such as described
above, emerge ubiq
in
conversion
of most
the
narratives
of the women
whom
I
uitously
as
a
factor
behind
their
church par
interviewed,
key motivating
especially
the particular
ticipation or conversion. Although
trajectories or reasons for
these narratives
of domestic
conversion
may vary for each individual,
on problems
of loveless marriages,
intense conflicts with
crises?focused
Stories
and mothers-in-law,
domestic
burdens, and frus
unmanageable
individual aspirations?are
often bound by com
trations from unfulfilled
mon themes and reveal the central contradictions
of the family and gender
husbands
system.
I argue, then, that a useful place to begin comprehending
the evangeli
women
as
a
to
of
is
it
view
cal involvement
many Korean
part of their
to a current crisis of gender and family facing South Korean
response
the contradictions
of the modern
society: more
specifically,
patriarchal
is that for many
Indeed, what my findings
suggest
family.
strongly
a
means
for
involvement
is
central
women,
helping women
evangelical
dilemmas
and conflicts
deal with an array of domestic
arising from these
contradictions.
the women
I interviewed
discussed
their altered expectations
women could not by any
marital
life.
these
and
regarding
Although
means
as
a
most
enter
be described
did
feminists,
marriage
anticipating
romantic, companionate marital relationship, one that was to be an improve
ment over their mothers' marital experiences.
Intense conflicts arose, how
Most
of
domestic
ever, when
"marriage
matches
women
of Korean
family
and marital
what
changed
Many
difficult
the realities
life clashed with these
some observers
call a
subjective
expectations,
generating
shock" (Choi 1994; Kim 1992; Rhi 1986).
were
for instance, found that companionate
women,
marriages
to achieve,
when
had
entered
they
especially
semi-arranged
with men with whom
Other
they turned out to be incompatible.
that once married,
their spouses were a great deal more
traditional and than they had anticipated,
spawning deep personal disap
and domestic
conflicts. For a majority
of the women,
conflicts
pointments
a
source
as
with mothers-in-law
of
presented
major
personal
suffering,
discovered
the traditional demands of and treatments by their moth
they experienced
as deeply unjust and humiliating.
ers-in-law
several found the
Finally,
of day-to-day
demands
domestic
burdens and obligations
of a conven
to cope with, often requiring a great deal
difficult
tional Korean marriage
more sacrifice than they expected.
Korean
figured
women
are
also
tasks of the modern
under
increased
"housewife"
stresses
generated
and their subjective
by
the
recon
understandings
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708
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
women
1996; Moon 2002). In South Korea,
(Chong 2002; Kendall
nuclear
of women's
within
the modern
the reconfiguration
responsibilities
to
with
while
women's
domestic
roles
endow
greater status
family,
helping
a
source
new
of
kinds of demands on
and significance,
has also become
as modern
women,
women
women.
for middle-class
especially
stresses and burdens Korean
The
the contemporary
family, then, must also be under
experience
stood within the context of these transformations of women's
tasks within the
modern nuclear family. These tasks, revolving around a set of activities that
Hanna Papanek (1979) has called "status production," have included the all
in informal
important work of ensuring children's education and engaging
within
activities to supplement family income.7 Furthermore,
the
income-generating
sexualization
of
that
has
transformed
societal
both the
increasing
femininity
of South Korean womanhood
in a new direc
perception and self-perception
tion has further intensified pressures on women
1996;
(Cho 2002; Kendall
Lee 2002).
As hinted
in the preceding
another striking aspect of the
narratives,
women
is that they contain fre
stories of Korean evangelical
or
accounts
of
which
illness
breakdown,
quent
supports the view
physical
that a crisis experience
is a central factor in conversion. Very few women
said that attending church was motivated
directly by the goal of attaining
conversion
a cure
for their ailments, which were both physical
and psychosomatic.
as symptoms
most women
their illnesses
of their
However,
interpreted
domestic
and they turned to the
anguish that they felt had to be addressed,
to deal with problems
after other methods
had failed.
church, especially
As
related by one church member,
My husband was the first son so was the head of his family because his father
was dead, but I married him because his economic prospects looked good,
that he had
given
was
so
Korean
like
...
for me
society,
mothers-in-law
and
abused
me
as
as an accountant.
the
first
I was
even
a learned
I was
And
I got married,
You
hada]
[hakdae
also
worse....
once
But
daughter-in-law.
torment
since
and
crazy,
something
jealous
a license
gotten
difficult
their
know
daughters-in-law
she was
daughter-in-law,
weak,
mind
my
it
in
that
was
fragile,
and wasn't used to that kind of suffering and hardship [gosaeng hada]. So I
got sick a lot. For example, I'd go on a school field tripwith my kids, and I'd
just
faint
and
it was
first,
law wanted
rest
day
of
I'd
leave
lose
so hard
me
that
to. Since
if I went
the house
The
consciousness.
I'd refuse
I worked
myself
to church
as
burdens
to go
if I was
on
Sunday.
going
and
to church
to death
So
to church
stresses
even
every
on Sunday,
but would
were
I would
I rested
At
mother-in
my
though
day,
too much.
have
in secret,
just wander
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no
like
around
/ NEGOTIATING
Chong
or
the market
one
so
I got
summer,
Jesus
sick
mouth
that my
appeared
robed
I came
to North
River
church.
pastor,
realizing
a revivalist
from
grace
I was
gelizing
45.
From
on
for hours
for days
I had
on
the
received
And
while
They
end,
all
I was
thought
"fire"
the
about
truth
I couldn't
Then
crazy.
[yeol].
This
I could.
(In-Hae,
I was
is
enormous
salva
stop
that day, I was
to everyone
evangelizing
evangelization
that
is when
conscious.
I received
time
so "hot"
I became
this
And
half
here,
the first
for
I met. On my way home
street.
the
on,
I was
when
. . .But
home.
back
going
"turned."8
finally
in all white,
that day
everybody
everyone
before
mindlessly
to me,
when
tion.
the neighborhood
709
PATRIARCHY
evan
evangelizing
on
the phone
I couldn't
65,
aged
help
it.
mother
of three)
In the Korean
of domestic
distress
and
context, women's
experience
to
be
further
another
crucial
factor:
the
rel
anguish appear
aggravated by
can express
ative dearth of other legitimate avenues through which women
In a society
for their problems.
in which
even
to
health
is con
problems,
professionals,
women
are often left feeling alone,
sidered improper and embarrassing,
so
isolated, and helpless. As one woman,
Soon-Yi,
put it, "Things were
piled up inside me that if anyone even touched me, I would just break into
their grievances
revealing one's
domestic
a river
There
women
of
tears.
and seek help
was
no
one
to
console
like Soon-Yi,
church involvement
for
acceptable
option
dealing with personal
me,
no
one
to
talk
to."
For
a compelling
and
represents
borne
in
silence.
anguish long
IN SEARCH OF HEALING
In the sociology
of religion,
as a
conversion
is understood
religious
a
of
dramatic
fundamental
transformation,
process
involving
change in the
and worldview
of the convert (Bainbridge
and
1992; Lofland
self-identity
Stark 1966; Rambo
terms, conversion
1992). In evangelical
typically
sig
as it occurs through rebirth and sal
nifies a process of self-transformation
vation in Jesus Christ. Conversion,
a uniform,
is not necessarily
however,
even
same
within
the
tradition,
predictably
patterned process;
religious
can be meaningful
to and experienced
conversion
in different
by people
the significance
and meaning
of
women,
ways. For Korean
evangelical
as
conversion
I
to
one
with
what
refer
of
evangelical
begins
"opening up,"
the three central components
of the spiritual healing process.
a believer,
in developing
"Opening up" refers to the process by which
a direct, personal relationship with God, is able to reveal and articulate his
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710
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
or her inner self and concerns
to God, seeking God's help in dealing with
them. For women whose
in the
distress has its source as much
psychic
as
of
in
the
them
their
silent, long-term
repression
sufferings
problems
in their
selves, this act of release appears to be tremendously
significant
one
woman
a
to
As
"I
achieve healing.
found
God who
stated,
attempts
over me, who
small, a God that watches
responds to all my cries, however
me
so
I was always
when
and painful.
things are difficult
no
means
now
can
to
I
and
had
but
[nulida]
express
oppressed
myself,
I know I am a child of God."
because
In this effort, prayer is one of the central vehicles
such
through which
consoles
intimate
communication
with God is pursued. Continually
stressed by the
as one of the most central activities
to being an evangelical,
prayer
in Korean churches
is seen as a channel for approaching
and communicat
church
release, regular
ing with God and also as a vehicle for fervent emotional
ized self-revelation,
and spiritual/physical
of the divine.
experience
In the Korean evangelical
context, opening up, however, occurs not only
as
but
"Cell
well, in venues such as cell meetings.
collectively
individually
Bible
(5 to 10 persons),
typically sex-segregated,
a
on
held
in
of
the
homes
the
members
study/fellowship
meetings
rotating
a combination
basis. A weekly
cell meeting,
of a guided small-group Bible
is a highly effective
institutionalized
study and an intensive fellowship,
meetings"
refer to small
vehicle
for fostering openness
and sharing of personal
lives and problems
In both churches that I studied, intimate sharing
among women members.
of personal
lives through such small-group
interaction provided collective
for
emotional
and mutual
consolation,
release,
ventilation,
opportunities
as the first step in the conversion
member
often functioning
One
process.
her experiences
in a cell group this way: "When I went to a cell
an indescribably
I
for
the
first
time,
meeting
experienced
peaceful
feeling.
I realized there was that other people were not different from me, in
What
their lives, problems,
and feelings. Until then, I thought my life was pecu
described
from that, before
liar, but that was not the case. And I received consolation
anything else."
In the process of conversion,
another central means
by which women
are moved
toward healing and strengthened
in their ability to cope with
In general discus
domestic
situations
is through the act of self-surrender.
a step neces
sions of evangelical
is
considered
conversion,
surrendering
a point at which a person,
of genuine commitment,
sary to and constitutive
In the
after admitting
that she is a sinner, delivers
herself up to God.
as well, surrendering
Korean evangelical worldview
is an act that occupies
a crucial place in the conversion
process, but one that has special impli
cations
for women.
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Chong
/ NEGOTIATING
PATRIARCHY
711
a total relinquishment
surrender emphasizes
obedience
control, along with unquestioning
to
an
the devel
leads
orientation
that
such
criticism
the
Despite
I
have dis
feminine
and dependent
of powerless
self-conceptions,
takes
the act of self-surrender
that for Korean evangelical women,
as
a
to
internal
by
healing,
especially
path
important significance
In Korean evangelicalism,
of the self and will to divine
to God.
opment
covered
on an
that liberates
toward profound
unburdening
psychic
is illustrated
and suffering. This process
worries
from day-to-day
mother of two who recently
in an interesting way by Ok-Ja, a 40-year-old
to see why people
"I think I am beginning
to evangelicalism:
converted
serving
women
as a means
to understand
the feeling of, okay, let's forget
I am beginning
me
over
to
take care of everything,
and
trust
in
God
watch
I'll
you
it,
just
a
tantrum at God to take care
a
child
of
the
know,
throwing
feeling
being
to feel like that."
I am beginning
of everything.
that is pivotal to the healing
The final aspect of the conversion
process
women
of divine
is the experience
and coping efforts of Korean evangelical
seek God.
of identity,
to be reborn signifies a reconstitution
love. In evangelicalism,
as
and
someone
to
in
the
live
learns
who
knowledge
importantly,
mean
can
be
love
of
divine
the
love.
While
of
God's
experience
experience
most
it has, in the Korean context, particularly
profound
ingful for any believer,
for women,
ramifications
by fostering a sense of empowerment
especially
the healing process.
that promote
and deep internal transformations
sources of psychic
one
to
the
of
my research,
injury
major
According
women
for Korean
in marriage,
is the problem of emotional
deprivation
of marital
love, intimacy, and spousal respect,
love. For many
for conjugal
against women's
expectations
the felt absence
especially
set especially
and healing
of God's
love can be transformative
the experience
women,
a
kind
of
and
emotional
both by alleviating
by providing
ongoing,
pain
that helps transform their sense of self. This can
experience
empowering
that better
and self-worth
help to rebuild a sense of inner confidence
and defend
situations
their domestic
them to deal with
against
equips
never
one
woman
"I
felt like I received
As
harm.
emotional
remarked,
for by God. For the
love from anyone. But all this was compensated
much
and special."
first time in my life, I felt loved, blessed,
NEGOTIATING WOMEN'S
SPACE
In most South Korean churches, women have historically
been, and still
and authority struc
the church hierarchy
are, strictly subordinated within
of
the ordination
in South Korea,
ture. In most Protestant
denominations
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712
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
women
are not only kept from
is prohibited. Women,
in most churches,
are
to
of
and
decision
but
relegated
positions
authority
making
generally
are
tasks
within
the
where
church,
support-level
they
regarded primarily
as helpers
(do-eum
church participation,
and service
baepil)
for many women,
and empowerment,
autonomy
experiencing
creation of an autonomous
nondomestic
workers
(bojoja). Regardless,
serves as a crucial vehicle
for
the
by facilitating
particularly
for utilizing
sphere and opportunities
women's
talents and abilities.
of religious
activities, women
By coming
together daily for a myriad
use the church to forge a space of their own, especially
away from their
I interviewed
families. Although most women
believed
that they
sincerely
were going to church to carry out their duties as Christians,
it was also
that these frequent gatherings
often became central to them as a focal
as
a
crucial form of social outlet that was
point of their social lives and
in the eyes of their families.
acceptable
Several women
the church as a place of "escape"
actually described
a sense of autonomy
from home,
in which
and relief
they experienced
clear
from domestic
however
church
pressures,
temporary. For many women,
as
an
means
also
functioned
of
resistance
participation
clearly
important
of domestic
situations. One 42
against male authority and the constraints
a
store
small
convinced
her
abusive
owner,
year-old woman,
formerly
husband
that the only way she could
to let her faithfully
attend church:
Yes,
people
knows
says
tell me
I'm
and sane was
remain healthy
too much
"hanging"
onto
God.
But
for him
husband
my
that if I don't go to church like I do, I'd be a sick person! So now he
to me,
for
you,
is not
work
the most
important
the point
thing. What's
if you have money but get sick so we have to pay the hospital bills? My hus
band knows this, so going to church is one thing he doesn't say anything
about.
For
nonchurch
But
everyone
church
me,
friends,
knows
comes
I leave
what
and
God
before
go
means
everything
to church
to me,
else.
if a church
that
I can't
Even
matter
if
I'm
comes
live without
with
up.
Him.
were
church participation
this woman,
sickness
and subsequent
as
a
direct
instrument
of
resistance.
employed
gender
within
the church?indeed,
the subordinate
role of women
Despite
women
as
to
referred
themselves
"kitchen
slaves" and
many
cynically
women
for
activities
offer
of
laborers
the
church
church"?many
"army
For
to exercise
talents and abilities,
nondomestic
providing
opportunities
a
a
sense
to
outside of the
chance
of achievement
them with
experience
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
713
the brain." These opportunities?which
arena, even to "exercise
a range of lay leadership roles reserved for women,
such as dea
as
as
leaders
of
cell
and
teachers
(of other
groups
conships,
serving
women
outlets
for
their
women,
rarely men)?gave
legitimate
suppressed
in a society
talents and energies
and for pursuing
individual
fulfillment
where
there were few other such avenues available for women
outside the
domestic
include
domestic
arena.
some women
voiced resentment
at the often heavy demands
Although
made on them by the church,
it was clear that church participation
for
of self-esteem
and confidence,
many others led to a visible enhancement
even to dramatic
internal transformations.
for instance,
women,
Many
from being
transformations,
reported having undergone major personality
more
"meek" and "shy" to becoming
and
"bold,"
"confident,"
"outspo
a cell
ken." Achieving
of leadership,
such as being appointed
positions
or
a
a
sense
to
leader
seemed
offer
of
deacon,
particularly
rewarding
achievement
and
self-esteem
for many
women.
What
is that for many women,
my study has also uncovered
attaining
comes
and fulfillment
from gaining
esteem,
self-satisfaction,
public
of their accomplishments
and contributions?especially
acknowledgement
reflects the deep needs many women
appear to have
by the pastors?which
for
These
forms of external
recognition.
a
central
(injung) occupy
place in many women's
"I think in a lot of cases for women,
involvement:
social
and
social
recognition
for church
motivation
doing
church
service
is
for self-fulfillment,
satisfaction
of ego [chashin chungman].
It's not for
Jesus, to pay him back for what He's done for us. It's to receive recogni
tion from others, for others to think you are good. That's a good feeling,
so you try even harder, to look good to other people"
(Kyung-Hee,
aged
62, mother of two).
For Korean evangelical
church participation,
women,
along with spiri
an
resource
is
in
their
domestic
tuality,
important
struggles. By enabling
them to acquire a measure
of emancipation
from the stresses of domestic
and oppression,
and by providing
them with the inner resources
problems
to deal with conflicts
with which
and suffering, church involvement
plays
a key role in helping women
better cope with the difficult
of
challenges
their daily lives.
For many women, however, church participation
ismore than just a cop
an
it
is
instrument
of
mechanism;
ing
important
gender resistance as well,
male
control
and
restrictions
especially
against
imposed by the family sys
tem.
Church
against male
involvement
authority
can
become
and control when
an
obvious
a woman
weapon
becomes
of
resistance
so involved
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in
714
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
abandons her home and husband, becoming
that she practically
God
may replace the husband as the central object of her
"Jesus-crazy."
discord but
and source of her authority,
devotions
intensifying marital
situation.
to
her
the
transcend
wife
internally
oppressive
empowering
the church
THE QUESTION OF CONSENT
beliefs and practices as an
of evangelical
In spite of their appropriation
for Korean
conversion
instrument of gender emancipation,
evangelical
to the traditional patriar
women may also signify a sincere recommitment
chal family. Indeed, despite the initial resistance, one of the most surpris
is
of evangelical women's
religious engagement
ing and ironic dimensions
that lie at the
the deep belief many come to develop for a set of ideologies
of the tradi
those that buttress the legitimacy
root of their predicament,
tional Confucian
family system.
sanctioned
This ideology of gender and family, asserted as a divinely
of the
reflects the basic principles
set of Christian
beliefs, unequivocally
including
family and gender relations,
of gender
strict division
ent superiority
of men,
of women's
and the necessity
outside
realms,
as the prerequisite
for family harmony
endurance
Confucian
and inher
the absolute
spheres
total
into inside
and
obedience
and
and cohesion. Although
is by no means mono
Korean
must
that
be
noted
it
ideology
evangelical
to love
the husbands
do
lithic in its position?some
encourage
pastors
on
the unquestionable
in return?the
their wives
emphasis
prominent
an interpretation
of
reflects
submission
of
female
clearly
necessity
lens.
cell
One
cultural
the
Confucian
refracted
Christian
through
ideology
her church's belief this way: "I really believe
leader described
sincerely
she has to deal with and
is something
obedience
that for any woman,
the husband, God will not use that home.
the wife obeying
accept. Without
We think the husband has to treat the wife well for the wife to obey, but
... A wife
that's not the case. A wife has to obey first, unconditionally.
him
the
and
leader, that
making
raising her husband continuously
obeying,
most
the
is the most essential
important part to which
aspect of marriage,
else will follow."
everything
of women's
In this section, I explore the meaning
and cultural context. Many of the
Korean evangelical
of
conventional
interpretations
cessfully
challenged
with religious patriarchy, bringing to light important
feminine
the
have suc
within
submission
recent works
engagement
contestatory or "strate
of
women's
dimensions
1997;
religious activity (Brusco 1995; Griffith
gic"
in
submission
that
women's
reveals
McLeod
1992; Stacey 1990). My study
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
the Korean
evangelical
715
a
is a highly
involving
complex matter,
feminine
accommodation
and resistance
can serve as a "strategy"
submission
is, while
context
between
interplay
contradictory
to religious patriarchy. That
for many
in women's
attempts to negotiate patriarchal relations, submission
an
assent
to
women
the patriarchal family, reflect
also signifies
ideological
ing their ambivalent desires and interests regarding the family system.
women
can be under
of Korean evangelical
In many ways,
submission
to negotiate
their
stood as a strategy, an instrument in the efforts of women
to what has been described
for American
situations.
Similar
or Orthodox
Jewish women
1991; Kaufman
(Davidman
evangelical
sanc
women
to
the
Korean
of
1989), acquiescence
religiously
evangelical
a
not
and
does
indicate
of
tioned ideologies
capitu
simply
family
gender
a rational effort at improving
their
but represents
lation to patriarchy
domestic
for renegotiating
situation, especially
gender relations.
comes to be seen as a means
important way that accommodation
the behav
is as a tool for reforming
for women
for domestic
negotiation
the belief is that
the husband. For many women,
ior of others, especially
to the rules of virtuous
feminine
adherence
through their own perfect
domestic
One
to
by the church, the wives can inspire the husbands
success
women
at
declared
their
several
Indeed,
transforming
change.
ideal wives.
Some
their husbands by their own diligent efforts to become
behavior
as endorsed
and
their "dictatorial"
that they were able to change
instance,
to become more respectful,
husbands
(yugyojok)
stubbornly "Confucian"
or
affectionate.
loving,
their husbands become more "commu
Other women
spoke of helping
have of
that Korean women
nicative." One of the common
complaints
said,
for
their husbands
is that the husbands
do not
like to talk. The
behavior
of
in part reflect men's
may
to
of
to
live
ideal
the
traditional
Korean man, but it
the
up
image
attempts
resentment
of
husbands'
also
the
the "aggressive"
expresses
frequently
women
that when
and "nagging" wives. Many
said, however,
they began
"silent"
and
"closed-mouthed"
husbands
their
to behave
and less assertive manner,
in a more gentle,
submissive,
Various
husbands
"open-hearted."
began to "soften up," becoming more
women
character change in their husbands as
reported a more long-lasting
well, such as when husbands were transformed from being "domineering"
and understanding.
and "selfish" to being more considerate
or "family
to become more "domestic"
the husband
enabling
Finally,
the hus
oriented" was another recurring theme, which not only signified
to be more attentive to the home and children but also
bands' willingness
instead
for domestic matters,
the taking on of more moral
responsibility
occurs
in
home.
for
that
the
the wife
of holding
everything
responsible
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716
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
an effective way for Korean women
in particular,
This,
represented
redefine
the boundary
of traditional gender roles. Of course, when
wife's efforts result in the conversion
of the husband, this is considered
ultimate victory.
Another
intriguing
that it is appropriated
but
as
also
a weapon
to
the
the
in the Korean context is
aspect of female submission
women
as
a
means
not
of gender bargaining
only
by
of
passive
resistance.
For
example,
my
research
that women
often employ a strategy of radical subservience?what
a subversive means of enforcing on
I call "obeying with a vengeance"?as
the debt of long-term gratitude.
others, such as husbands or mothers-in-law,
I
As one woman
if
"You
didn't
it,
know,
put
obey, and just ran off like I
wanted
to, would my husband have the gratitude he now has for me, for
showed
can
I have endured in the past?" Such strategies of perfect submission
a powerful weapon
become
of internal resistance
and defense
by
to feel a sense of moral superiority, even acquire greater
enabling women
status and power.
domestic
submission
in
Viewing
simply as a strategy, or as a hidden weapon
what
also
women's
domestic
and gender
in the
is, however,
struggles
inadequate
a
on
context. Moving
focus
feminine
dissent
and
resistance,
beyond
it is important to address the crucial issue of women's
conservative
desires,
Korean
for preserving
and maintaining
the existing family and gender
especially
the
order. On the first cut, we can say that women's
interests inmaintaining
status quo arise out of the constraints
in
which
define
and
face
they
society,
to them. In comparison
to their
limit the options and choices
available
women
are
a
to
American
far greater degree of
counterparts, Korean
subject
constraints
and limitations, defined primarily by the path of mar
and
motherhood.
Given these constraints and lack of life
domesticity,
riage,
women's
of
the
arrangements may
support
options,
existing gender/family
be seen, at one level, as their effort to survive and defend their places within
societal
the system.
What my
is that Korean women's
research strongly suggests, however,
for supporting
the status quo are not simply a function of lack
and pre
of choice;
they also arise out of positive desires for maintaining
the
of
social
the
the existing
structure, especially
family
serving
integrity
motivations
three aspects of this.
system. I will discuss
to understand
One place from which
the conservative
yearnings of con
and continu
their powerful
lies in recognizing
temporary Korean women
to
attraction
motherhood.
A
tremendous
value
and
is placed on
power
ing
as mothers
of sons, which has served
women's
domestic
roles, especially
as a kind of compensatory
for women
in an intensely patriar
mechanism
as
women
chal family
became
mothers-in-law
(Cho
system, especially
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
717
recent changes
that have attenuated
the
1988). Despite
to
the
value
and
accorded
domestic
power,
importance
as
sources
role in general?especially
and women's
domestic
hold true in Korean
status, and identity?still
society
today,
1986; Kandiyoti
level of women's
motherhood
of reward,
rendering
traditional
In Korea,
domestic
however,
sources
roles highly
of
women's
desirable
for women.
conservatism
must
also
be
sought at deeper levels of feminine
identity and subjectivity. As discussed
and experience
of
and
(1987)
(1991), the meaning
Mohanty
by Kandiyoti
a
or
a
is
of
dis
therefore
and
woman,
mother, wife,
daughter,
being
being
of feminine
sub
tinctive in each culture, producing
subtly diverse modes
women
as
In
Korea, whether
experienced
by
jectivity and consciousness.
or wives, a unique aspect of the feminine gendered
mothers
identity lies in
an orientation
roles
of one's family/gender
that seeks the proper fulfillment
as a moral obligation
that has two main sources.
and duty, an orientation
to individualistic)
and
relational
The first is the intensely
(as opposed
of Confucian
human and social relations, which
over
to
individual
others
fulfillment,
particularly
obligations
to family members.
within
this family sys
Second, women,
accorded a distinctive
task, which has had the effect of intensi
family-centered
privileges
vision
obligations
tem, were
fying this other-directed
A central aspect of Korea's
orientation.
highly
system is the tremendous energy the society invests
a task for which women were tradition
family cohesion,
as the guardians
of the house
Viewed
ally given primary responsibility.
not simply for meeting
the physical
hold, Korean women were responsible
and emotional
needs of the family but for its ultimate
integrity and sur
family-centered
in maintaining
social
vival. One consequence
come to evolve not only
ily strong sense of moral
of this, as I see it, is that in Korea, women
have
an
domestic
identities
but
extraordinar
intensely
to preserving
and commitment
the
responsibility
in sig
their roles within
it, which works
family structure, and to fulfilling
to countervail
In fact, along with
nificant ways
emancipatory
impulses.
one of the most
common
emotions
frustration,
by Korean
expressed
in regard to their domestic
situations
is guilt, guilt over their sense
as
to fulfill their roles as good
their
failure
view
properly
they
of marital
because
conflicts
and their feelings
of unhappiness
mothers
within
the marriage.
women
of what
final aspect of Korean women's
conservative
desires regarding the
to
is
related
another
distinctive
facet
of
the
Korean
family
family system?
In the Korean context, familism can be seen as
what I refer to as familism.
an overriding centrality of the family to the organization
and ethos of society
One
to the welfare,
One
status, and identity of its members.
and, by extension,
implication of such a system, of course, is that it facilitates the development
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718
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
in which a
of intensely role- and family-centered
identities in its members,
as
or
over
role
familial
the
take
mother, wife,
person's
precedence
daughter
her identity as an individual. At the level of subjectivity, another significance
of such a system for women
is that the belief in the centrality of the family,
to their own welfare and
and in the ties of family's fortunes and well-being
society, is productive of a desire not only to defend the family
it as a unit. And especially given that Korean women have tra
and still are, vitally responsible for the task of enhancing
the
been,
ditionally
women
serve
as
not
and
active
status,
family's well-being
only
participants in
as
the
the
of
but
also
its
staunchest
promoters.
maintaining
integrity
family
status within
but to advance
CONCLUSION
an examination
of the distinctive meaning
and dynamics
of
Through
women's
involvement
in contemporary
Korean evangelicalism,
this article
attrac
has sought to expand and deepen our comprehension
of women's
tion to religious
in the contemporary
traditionalism
world. The analysis of
women
some of the
in
this
article
confirms
evangelical
presented
on
women
recent
of
research
and
traditional
religious
important findings
serve an
to
ism: Traditionalist
beliefs
and practices
continue
religious
Korean
in
in the lives of women
around the world, especially
important function
and challenges
the problems
of rapidly changing
helping women
navigate
serves as an instrument
societies.
in women's
efforts to
Evangelicalism
with
their
domestic
and
battle
domestic
lives,
cope
gain hope
oppression,
and consolation,
both spiritually and institutionally.
Korean
women's
also departs
However,
religiosity
from and challenges
faith is far
the findings of recent studies. For Korean women,
evangelical
or of hidden gender
more than simply an instrument of gender negotiation
It also represents
such dual
their redomestication.
Although
struggle.
to both liberate and oppress, injure and
aspects of religious power?power
heal?have
been amply demonstrated
1983), the
(Appleby 2000; McGuire
Korean case provides a clear example of a case in which religious power,
through its interaction with the structures and ideology of South Korea's
recom
to bring about women's
regime of patriarchy, operates effectively
to the existing family and gender system, helping to reproduce the
current family/gender
arrangements.
an important
As a way of addressing
this issue of female conservatism,
to
Korean
focus of this article, then, has been
women's
engage the issue of
consent
to religious patriarchy. Recent
of women
and reli
investigations
to the issue of
traditionalism
have not paid sufficient
attention
gious
mitment
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Chong / NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
719
women's
conservative
desires for maintaining
the status quo. In the course
of this inquiry, one finding
that has clearly emerged
is the ambiguity
of
women's
desires regarding
case
the patriarchal
in
the
of
system, which,
Korean
is a contradictory
mixture
of powerful
women,
emancipatory
a
and
attraction
to the family system. For
and
attachment
impulses
profound
Korean women,
this source of attraction
lies not only in the fact that the
its
still offers women
the best form
family system, despite
oppressiveness,
of security and reward in a rapidly changing world, but in women's
power
ful sense of obligations
to maintain
the integrity of the family, both as
women
and
From
church
as moral
persons.
we can, then, understand amajor part of women's
this perspective,
as a response
to two distinct and conflicting
involvement
feminine
to
resist
the
of
the
and
(1)
(2) to pre
oppressions
family system
desires:
serve its integrity. And by the same logic, we can
the role of
comprehend
the Korean
church for women
in the following
way: While
providing
women with a socially legitimate means
to cope with the problems and suf
it enables women
to fulfill their obliga
ferings of patriarchal oppression,
tions via the family by revalidating
their conservative
longings and helping
to combat
their internal ambivalence.
It is perhaps
this double
role of
as a vehicle for both helping women
Korean evangelicalism,
their
negotiate
domestic
frustrations
and redomesticating
them for the family,
that has
made it an effective
instrument for maintaining
the cohesion of the current
family and gender system.
With
specific regard to gender, several points are underscored
by this
As
stated earlier, one is a need for renewed attention to the question
study.
of why women
the conditions
of their own
actively collude in perpetuating
in the contemporary
subordination
world, even while
they actively resist.
Abu-Lughod
romanticizing
have
also
(1990) has pointed out that there has been a tendency toward
in recent feminist literature. Others (Baron 1991)
"resistance"
noted
that
while
women's
"resistance"
has
been
amply
docu
the issue of "consent" remains an undertheorized
in gen
mented,
problem
der studies. Seriously engaging
the issue of women's
conservatism
is crucial
both for comprehending
the heterogeneity
of women's
across
experiences
societies and for understanding means
to combating oppression.
in pursuing amore accurate understanding
of the dynamics
Furthermore,
of gender
and
relations, power, resistance, and consent, we need approaches
of gender dynamics
that are culturally embedded
and contextually
nuanced and culturally specific analyses of the systems
specific. Carefully
of patriarchy, family, and operations
of power?and
the impact these have
on the desires, goals, and identity of women?can
bring out the diverse
forms of gender dynamics
across societies. Related
to this is the need to
analyses
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720
GENDER
& SOCIETY
/ December
2006
a more
that can
complex model of gender identity and subjectivity
across
for the complexities
of women's
intentions and behaviors
women
to
in
the
cultures, particularly
capacity of
participate simultaneously
an
and resisting
Such
reproducing
gender hierarchies.
approach would
develop
account
involve
notions
any simplistic
transcending
regarding
emancipatory
of
instead
how
the
and goals of
women,
very
addressing
meanings
impulses
across
in which
liberation
social
and
the
ways
gender
might vary
settings,
women's
actions are shaped by the complex, often contradictory
interests,
as these are structured within particular regimes
desires, and consciousness
of patriarchy.
NOTES
1.Recent work by Julie Ingersoll (2003) represents an exception. In this work
on gender conflicts within evangelical Christianity in the United States,
focusing
she
takes
issue
with
the currently
that
popular
interpretations
is somehow
empowerment.
"really"
2. Notable exceptions
Mahmood
(2001).
3. The
class
(with
class
primary
some
makeup
It can
class.
include works
two
the
churches
from
It is important
to objective
according
to note
that
criteria
class
evaluating
is a highly
in this study was determined
criteria
objective
of denominational
irrespective
and men,
in institutions
neighboring
Korean
South
rates
of
and
24
percent
of higher
education.
was
18 percent
Taiwan
formal
middle
such
both by subjective
as
income
women,
work
in relation
participation
of women
and
In comparison,
and
for men
to both
at every
Taiwan
age
percent
and
percent
and
group
context
mem
class
and
(see
occupation
100 percent for both
of men
were
for women.
Japan,
(Brinton,
enrolled
in
enrollment
education
higher
20
the
class identification
levels
51
the
See Lee
in the Korean
endeavor;
problematic
Protestant
affiliation.
belonging
the
mirroring
is predominantly
of Korean
Abelmann
1997).
5. As of 1990, the literacy rate in South Korea was almost
women
lower-middle
generally
which
Christian
and Saba
(1992)
ranges
class,
be
4.
conventional
by Arlene McLeod
to upper-middle
class)
and culturally,
bership
reli
conservative
population,
said
the vast majority
that
safely
are conservative-fundamentalist
as more
than 90 percent,
also
as much
ologically
(1996).
of
makeup
working
the general
of
class
churches,
for
submission
women,
gious
However,
display
the
lowest
Lee,
and
Parish
1995).
6. Recent
also
of
intriguingly
that country
vatism."
See
on gender
have
in South
Korea
and social
focusing
change
to a growing
cultural
conservatism
trend
toward
greater
pointed
to as "neoconser
refers
since
the mid
what
Cho
1980s,
(2002)
analyses
also Moon
(2002).
This content downloaded from 169.229.32.36 on Sat, 11 Oct 2014 00:21:42 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
721
Chong /NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY
7. Several
for
have
observers
haven"
for husbands,
the demands
wide
range
the
of
South
far more
terized. Encompassing
"safe
investments,
activities
and
social
economic
money
private
nervous
lending,
as a result
usually
as Bell's
disorder,
to
responding
to include
come
a
and
improvement
stock
management,
property
including
and part-time
such as tutoring
work
1992;
(Kim
who
have been
income
the
generating
through
is a common
such
housework,
has
status-seeking
society,
to the maintenance
crucial
women,
1990). Working-class
all along,
informal
labor market
engage
and home-based
service,
ing, domestic
8. "Mouth-turning"
on the face,
women's
status,
Moon
control
a
the traditional role of providing
middle-class
mobile,
of nontraditional
family's
Korean
than fulfilling
Korean
an upwardly
of
as "housework"
is commonly
perceived
women
has been
mischarac
grossly
that what
noted
middle-class
contemporary
in more
craft
manual
activities
(Lett
production
colloquial
expression
or of some
of stroke
as petty
such
trad
1998).
to denote
kind
loss
of muscle
or
of neurological
palsy.
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