Rhetoric Society of America Demagoguery and Political Rhetoric: A Review of the Literature Author(s): J. Justin Gustainis Source: Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Spring, 1990), pp. 155-161 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3885904 . Accessed: 20/01/2014 17:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Taylor & Francis, Ltd. and Rhetoric Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Rhetoric Society Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 155 Demagogueryand Political Rhetoric: A Review of the Literature, J. JustinGustainis In ancientGreece,a demagoguewas, literally,a "leaderof the people." The meaning of the term has changed considerably since then, however, and a demagoguetoday is regardedas someone who "appealsto greed, fear, and hatred" (Safire163),a politicianwho achievesor holdspower "bystirringup the feelings of his audienceandleadingthem [sic] to actiondespitethe considerationswhich weigh againstit" (Scruton115). If "demagogue"is a modem day "devil term," then its usage will be accompaniedby the degree of subjectivitywhich is a hallmarkof such words and phrases in modern society. In short, the label "demagogue"is often used as a weapon by one group to attack another (Clark 423). This is especially true in Americanpolitics, where the termhas been used as an "attackword"as far back as 1808(Safire163). This subjectivitymay help to explain the wide varietyof persons who have been, at one time or another,labeled as demagogues. Some membersof this less-than-elite group are obvious and noncontroversialcandidates: Senator Joseph McCarthy (Fisher; Luthin; Baskerville), Huey Long (Gaske; Luthin; Bormann;althoughexception to this label for Long is takenby Williams), George Wallace (Johannesen), Adolf Hitler (Blackbourn; Fishman), Louis Farrakhan (Rosenblatt),and such well-knownNineteenthCenturyfigures as Dennis Kearney (Lomas, "Dennis Kearney"), "Pitchfork"Ben Tillman (Clark), and William JenningsBryant(Tulis). Otherpublicfigureswho have been nominatedfor the list are more obscure,including"Ma"and "Pa"Ferguson(Luthin;Herman),GeraldK. Smith (Sitton), and Henry Harmon Spalding (Thompson), while others would seem, at first glance, to be unlikelycandidates:JimmyCarter(Will), Jesse Jackson (Drew), AndrewJohnson(Tulis), and SenatorJosephBiden (Barnes). In attempting to understand what is nominally called demagoguery, however, two important distinctions should be made. The first involves demagogueryand rhetoric. Although demagogues use rhetoric (as noted above), and althoughdemagogicrhetorichas certainidentifiablecharacteristics(as will be discussedbelow), it does not necessarilyfollow thata speakerwho uses demagogic rhetoricon a particularoccasion is thusproperlyto be considereda demagogue. As Luthinnotes, "thereexists a bit of demagogueryin the most lofty of statesmen.. ." (355). Thus, a demagoguewould be correctlydefined as one who habituallyuses the hallmarksof demagogueryto be discussedlaterin this review of literature. A second importantdistinction should be made, this one concerning the difference between what is nominally called demagogueryand nominally called agitation. The distinctionhas often been blurredin practice;for many, all agitators are demagogues,and vice versa (Lomas,TheAgitator18). Put simply, an agitator is someone who seeks to effect social change throughrhetoric. The termoften has a negativeconnotationbecausethe statusquo is usuallyresistantto change andthus wary of those who urge it (McEdwards36). Although the agitatormay resort to demagoguery,agitativerhetoricis not, in itself, demagogic (Lomas, The Agitator 19). 1 Presented at the annual meeting of the Speech CommunicationAssociation. San Francisco, California, November 18, 1989. This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J. JustinGustainis 156 The remainderof this review discusses the literatureof demagogueryin termsof five areas: situationspromptingdemagoguery,personalcharacteristicsof the demagogue, the focus on enemies, the demagogue'sself-proclaimedrole as savior,andthe rhetoricalappealstypicalof demagoguery. The Demagogue in the Rhetorical Situation It has been contendedthat some audiencesand contexts are more likely to encouragethe developmentof demagoguerythanareothers. In the southernUnited States, for example, demagogues have tended to flourish in the rural areas. Following the Civil War, the gradual breakdown of the South's agricultural economy led many farmersto feel victimized, both by the Northand by theirown leaders. This situationhelpedgive rise to the phenomenonknownas the "Southern demagogue"(Dykeman 562). The ruralnatureof the South, combined with the effects of Reconstruction,producedlarge numbersof Southernerswho felt no real connection with their own state's political leaders (Larson 342-343). This alienationwas exacerbatedby the South'seconomicproblems. As Gaskenotes, "at the root, perhaps,of audienceresponseto the demagogueis economic dislocation" (60). The demagogues of the South were able to capitalize on this, and were providedadditionalammunitionby the ever-presentracialtensionsin the region. In Dykeman's words, "it was on the subject of the Negro that the Southern demagoguereachedhis crescendos"(561). Demagoguery was not, of course, limited to the American South. In this country, for example, it flourished in the Great Plains during the Depression (Herman57), and the whole nationseemedto be fertilegroundfor McCarthyin the early Fifties. It should be no surprisethatdemagogueryhas been seen, from time to time, in the United States,becausedemocraticgovernmentseems to be one of the prerequisitieswithoutwhich demagoguerycannotoperate. A demagoguecan only succeed in an atmosphereof free speech and free expression, since, as noted earlier,demagogueryis intimatelyboundup with rhetoric. Even Germanywas a democraticstateduringthe rise of Hitler;it was only afterthis Nazi demagoguehad achieved power that the countrysuccumbedto totalitarianism(Gaske 59). In the TwentiethCentury,especially, the demagoguehas only been successful when he had a foundationof democracyupon which to build, and a democraticplatform fromwhich to speak(Neumann236). The Demagogue As a Person The workof those who have studiedwhatis nominallycalled demagoguery leads to the conclusion that a demagogue is a person who possess at least three characteristics: he is motivatedby self-interest,he evinces little concern for the truth,and he is an opportunist.Each of these will be discussedbelow. A number of scholars have concluded that the demagogue's primary concern is the development of his own power, influence, and popular acclaim. Gilbert defines the demagogue as one "who seeks notoriety and power by exploitingthe fears and desiresof the people. . ." (51),while Johannesenconcludes thatthe demagogue's"primarymotive is selfish interestandpersonalgain"(76). In their study of America's Southerndemagogues, Logue and Dorgan found that many of the promises made by such men were meaningless or unkeepable, designed primarily to increase the demagogue's personal standing among their followers (10). This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Demagogueryand PoliticalRhetoric: A Review of the Literature 157 Many studiesconcludethatthe demagogueis a liar,or, at least, thathe finds questions of truth to be irrelevant. Although Thompson maintains that "most demagoguesareprobablysincerein the sense thatthey are not consciously lying," (228-229), his viewpoint is in the minority. Graberfound that, in demagogic rhetoric, "thereis little concern for fairness or truth"(183), and this opinion is sharedby Gilbert (51). Baskerville arguedthatdemagogues are characterizedby "theuse of untruthsand distortions,"(9), althoughhe was focusing specifically on the rhetoric of Joseph McCarthy. Lomas suggested several reasons why the demagogueand truthare noddingacquaintances,at best, if not total strangers:the demagoguemay be so ignorantas to be unableto distinguishtruthfrom falsehood; his own prejudicesmay prevent him from seeking the truth;or he may employ deliberate deception because it allows him to achieve his goals ("Rhetoric of Demagoguery"161). Demagogues have also been called opportunistic. That is, rather than possessing fixed convictions, they may choose to stand for whatever issue is burninghottest in the heartsof the people. Logue and Dorgan say that Southern demagogues "often acted opportunistically" (10), while Graber characterizes demagogicrhetoricby claimingthat"appealsareentirelyopportunistic"(183). The demagogue'swillingness to latch on to the popularissue of the day has also been attestedto by Johannesen(76). The Demagogue and His Enemies The nominal demagogue cannot function in an atmosphere of social harmonyand tolerance. Historically, demagogues have only been successful in periodsof turmoil,division, and anxiety. This is well put by Ceaser,who says that "demagoguery... is characterizedby the uniting of a constituency by means of opposing it to something else, be it an object within the community or another communityaltogether"(57). It is conceivable thatthe "enemy"denouncedby the demagoguecould be solely his own invention,but historyshows thatdemagogues usually exploit existing hatredsand fears. As was noted above, demagogues tend to be opportunists. Such opportunities are not, unfortunately, rare. In the American South, for example, "hatredand resentment [were] concentrated on certainpersonswho [were]denouncedas conspiratorsor rejectedas unwholesome influences for the society" (Larson345), which allowed Southerndemagogues to flourish. In Germanyduringthe 1920s,Hitlerand otherNazi oratorsfixated on the popularbelief in a high-levelconspiracywhichhad been responsiblefor Germany's defeat,and this gave thema footholdon the publicmind (Blackbourn152). Senator JosephMcCarthywas, of course,able to capitalizeon the widespreadanxietyabout a domesticCommunistconspiracywhich grippedAmericain the 1950s(Baskerville 8). The demagoguemay well feel the emotions he exploits in his audience,but the feelings are also a tool: "Hate is aroused so that it will obscure thought and facilitateuncriticalaction"(Minnick6). One area of public concern especially vulnerable to exploitation by the demagogue is racial and class hatred. Since those near the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder are among the most susceptible to demagogic oratory, the demagogue will attack the rich, the powerful, and the "interests"who take advantageof the poor and downtrodden(Luthin 307). Hitler railed against the bankersand industrialistsof Weimar Germany,and as is tragically well known, took advantageof widespreadanti-Semitismto focus hatredon the Jews. In the AmericanSouth,the poor whites of the ruralareaswere resentfulboth of the North and of many mainstreamSouthernpoliticians (Larson345-346). Further,the race This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 158 J. JustinGustainis issue was always availablefor exploitation,and the Southerndemagoguesused it relentlessly(Dykeman566). While denouncingthose who were dissimilarto his audience(by virtue of social status, wealth, race, or religion), the demagogue could also increase the identificationhis audience felt with him by portrayinghimself as a "manof the people." Many demagogues"retainedpopularsupportby appearingto be ordinary, down-to-earthcitizens like those whose votes they courted"(Luthin306). In his oratory, the demagogue will continually remind the audience of his humble beginnings,so similarto theirown, andwill speakin such a way as to show thathe has not lost touch with his origins (Neumann 237). In the American South, demagoguesoften adopted"folksy"nicknameslike "PitchforkBen," "CottonEd," "Pappy-Pass-the-Biscuits,""TheWild Man from Sugar Creek,"and, of course, "TheKingfish"(Dykeman561). The demagoguealso attemptsto increasehis audience'sidentificationwith him by embracing(publicly, at least) all the virtues which the audience members hold dear. He will espouse conventionalreligious beliefs; he will proclaim his partriotism;and he will employ whatever"godterms"he thinkswill appeal. Huey Long, for example, used to tell Louisianansthathis economic programshad been endorsedby WilliamShakespeare,DanielWebster,the Pope, andAbrahamLincoln (Fisher110). Elsewhere in the South, demagoguesstood foursquarein defense of God, country,and,especially, Southernwomanhood(Dykeman560). The Demagogue as Savior In orderto gain broadpopularsupport,the nominaldemagoguewill attempt to createa crisis mentalityin his audience. This is not quite the same thing as the demagogue's taking advantageof people's hatreds and fears (as was discussed earlier). The differenceis one of degree;people may experiencehatredand fear on a daily basis and learnto live with it, but a crisis requiresaction. As Fisherput it, "Dissonancecreates discomfort;crisis can create panic, behavior not ordinarily consideredrational"(108). It is this irrationalbehaviorthatthe demagoguewill try to encourage and channel. Hitler did this in WeimarGermany. He had learned how to "paintvividly the horrors"of impendingdoom andto persuadehis audience thatonly the most drasticactioncould fend off destruction(Fishman250). The "drasticaction"which the demagoguetalks aboutusually involves the audience giving him political power. Once he has that power, he promises, the enemy will be destroyedand the audiencewill be redeemed. The demagoguethus proposes himself as the audience'ssavior. Once the audienceis convinced of the existence of crisis, the demagoguepromisesto restoreorder(Neumann233-234). Gaske argues that demagogic rhetoric conforms to the guilt-victimizationredemption-salvationpattern developed by Kenneth Burke. The salvation is provided(at least rhetorically)by the demagoguehimself (Gaske61-68). Rhetorical Techniques of Demagoguery The literatureon demagogueryshows thatthe nominaldemagoguetypically employs any of seven rhetorical techniques: reliance on personalized appeal, oversimplification,emphasison emotionalappeals,use of specious argument,"ad hominen" attacks, anti-intellectualism, and political pagentry. Each will be discussed below. Personalized appeal. Aristotle divided the artistic (i.e., rhetorcontrolled) forms of proof into ethos, pathos, and logos: personal appeal, This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Demagogueryand PoliticalRhetoric: A Review of the Literature 159 emotionalappeal,and logical appeal. The demagogueputs considerableemphasis on the first of these. As Larson wrote in his study of American Southern demagogues,"Theauthorityof the men was personalratherthantraditional... the demagogueswere able to cultivatepoliticalloyalty throughpersonalidentification" (340-341). Gaske points out that one of the distinctionsbetween the mainstream political figure and the demagogue is that, while the mainstreampolitician may representor lead a movement,the demagogueis the movement(58). Demagogues come to embody the causes for which they fight, and much of their appeal to audiencesis basedon personalfactors. Oversimplification. Simplicity is a hallmarkof much political rhetoric. This is an understandableapproach,since most membersof the mass audienceare neithersophisticatednor well-educated. But the demagoguetakes this prudentidea one step further- he oversimplifies the solutions to complex problems (Fisher 109-110).This has the double advantageof makingthe demagogue'soversimplified solution understandableto the mass audience, and making that solution seem preferable to the more complex, realistic solutions offered by mainstream politicians. Joseph McCarthymaintainedthat all of America's problems, both at home and abroad,could be blamedon "Communistsubversion"(Baskerville10). In the 1870's,Dennis Kearneyblamedall the difficultiesexperiencedby California laborerson the importationof largenumbersof Chinese(Lomas,"DennisKearney" 163). Huey Long claimed thatall the nation's economic problemscould be solved by the simpleplanof "sharethe wealth"(Fisher109-110). Emotional appeals. Just as most politicians regardsimplicity in rhetoric as a virtue, so too would most of them admit to appealing to their constituents' emotions, at least occasionally. The differencebetween the mainstreampolitician andthe demagogueis thatthe latteremphasizesemotionalappealto the exclusionof rational thought (Lomas "Rhetoricof Demagoguery"165). This is what many people thinkof when they hear the word "demagogue": a rhetoricalfire-breather who can turn an audience of supposedly rational people into a mob of howling madmen. This conception is slightly hyperbolic, but it essentially characterizes what demagogues try to do (Larson346). The demagogue thus focuses much of his rhetoricat the "non-thinkingside of humannature"(Minnick6), because if the audiencepausedto think,it mightthinktwice aboutthe demagogue. Specious argumentation. The demagogue does not ignore the cognitive aspect of rhetoricentirely. But when he does employ what classical rhetoriccalls logos, his argumentis often deliberatelydistorted. This can be truewith respectto either reasoning, or evidence, or both. As Minnick notes, "although the demagogue does not like to reason at all, he will at times offer a kind of pseudoreasoning which often deceives the intelligence instead of enlightening it" (6). "Pseudo-reasoning"refers to arguments which, while sounding good to the untutoredlistener,arein fact logicallyfallacious. The demagogue is also careless with evidence, citing "proof' which is in fact proof of nothing at all. The textbook example of this approachis Senator Joseph McCarthy, who was much given to the waving of "lists" which were purported to contain the names of Communists in the State Department, or elsewhere. The lists were never producedfor inspection;the evidence was never provided. As Lomas points out, "The citation of 'facts' is no guaranteeof either ("TheRhetoricof Demagoguery"164). theiraccuracyor theirinterpretation" Ad hominem attacks. The argumentum ad hominem is a recognized logical fallacy. As such, it could have been discussed above under "specious argumentation,"but it is so characteristicof demagoguerythatit deserves separate mention here. Argumentumad hominem(literally "argumentagainst the man") involves ignoringthe argumentsmadeby an opponentand attackingthe opponent's characterinstead. This was frequentlyemployedby America's demagoguesof the This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 J. JustinGustainis South. For them, "thefunctionof name-callingwas mainly to createa climate of emotionalexcitementand personalinvolvementon the partof the voters"(Larson 347). Indeed, the rhetoricof such men often demonstrated"publiccontempt of social, economic, andpolitical conventions"(Logue andDorgan9). In California, Dennis Kearneyinsultedhis opponentswith such venom andimaginationthat,had duellingbeen still in practice,he would have been challengeda dozen times (Clark 427). Anti-intellectualism. Gilbert (51) believes that anti-intellectualism is basic to demagoguery. It is not difficult to see why this might be so. Since, as noted above, demagogues attempt to set the lower classes against the upper, intellectuals are a naturaltarget, since they are usually identified with the upper classes (in educationif not in wealth). Further,the intellectualis the demagogue's foremostenemy, since the formeris often adeptat pointingout the fallaciouslogic and oversimplificationsof the latter. This is one reason why demagogues have frequentlyattackednewspapers;they were respondingto the newspapers'exposes of the demagogues' specious rhetoric(Luthin309-310). Intellectualsoften present an easy target for the demagogue. Recognizing that complex problems require complex solutions (or may even have no solution),the intellectualrarelycan offer simple, easily-grasped ideas to the public. The demagogue, with his flair for flippantanswers and simple solutions, can sometimes make the intellectual look pompousor silly (Baskerville10-11). Political pagentry. As has been mentioned throughout this review, demagoguestend not to be interestedin seriousdiscussionof issues. Instead,they are inclined to offer personal appeals and emotion. These are often provided at mass meetings, which are an attemptto take an advantageof crowd psychology (Neumann 239). Such meetings often contain other elements associated with pagentry: songs, marches, torchlight, repetitive slogans, bands, and banners (Fisher 111). The rallies at which demagogues spoke were often reminiscent of "carnivals"(Larson), "Barnumism,"and "showmanship"(Luthin 303). They providedentertainmentto attractlistenersand simultaneouslyto preventthem from thinkingtoo much. The phenomenoncalledDemagogueryhas not passedfrom the scene, either in Americaor aroundthe world. It can only be combattedif it is understood. It is hoped that this review of literature will make some contribution to that understandingand will serve as a startingpoint to scholars who wish furtherto explorethe rhetoricof demagoguery. J. JustinGustainis Departmentof Communication StateUniversityof New York,Plattsburgh This content downloaded from 146.244.117.218 on Mon, 20 Jan 2014 17:20:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Demagoguery and Political Rhetoric: A Review of the Literature 161 Works Cited Barnes,Fred. "RonaldBiden." TheNew Republic 1June1987: 18-19. Baskerville,Barnet. "JoeMcCarthy,Brief-CaseDemagogue." Today'sSpeech 1(1954): 8-15. Blackbourn,David. "ThePolitics of Demagogy in ImperialGermany."Past and Present 113 (1986): 152-184. Bormann,ErnestG. 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