Keynote Speech by Dr George W. Vella
at the Germia Hill Conference:
Irregular Migration, the Situation in Libya and Malta's EU Presidency Priorities
Pristina, 3 February 2016
Excellencies,
Dear friends,
I am truly pleased to have the opportunity to address such an outstanding audience today.
The variety and richness in representation is a welcome departure from the more rigid frameworks
Foreign Ministers are usually exposed to on their regular duties.
I will be doing my utmost, over the next few minutes to address three aspects of Malta's foreign
policy in a dynamic and energetic spirit, which adequately reflects the characteristics of this
Conference.
This setting also gives me enough room to be critical when warranted – a luxury we politicians are
rarely afforded!
Before I move on to the main themes of my address, I want to spare a few words on my host –
Kosovo. I am first of all very much moved by the extent of hospitality and generosity that all officials
have extended to me and my delegation since my arrival here in Pristina.
I feel privileged to go down in Malta's history as the first Foreign Minister to have visited this
country.
While our relations are still developing, their intensification has taken place at a formidably steady
pace. In 2013 I had the honour and privilege of welcoming the then Foreign Minister Enver Hoxhaj. I
also had the honour of welcoming Deputy Prime Minister Thaçi to Malta on an Official Visit last
year, to discuss bilateral and regional matters, and I can confidently state that we have not looked
back since then. I had on that occasion assured His Excellency of Malta's support to Kosovo’s reform
and European integration process, and had the occasion to reiterate this same commitment to my
interlocutors during official talks yesterday.
Ours is a success story which I intend to keep on strengthening at every possible opportunity.
The affinities that have clearly emerged between our two countries do not as much emerge from
similarities in size and cultural characteristics as much as they do from shared challenges.
Migration is certainly one of these. To most of you, Malta has for years been synonymous with the
deaths of migrants in the central Mediterranean. This is a phenomenon we unfortunately know all too
well, with all the pressures, infrastructural constraints, security fears and most of all the helplessness
in the face of impending tragedy.
Except for a few other countries in the neighbourhood, over the years Malta's pleas for international
attention to the harsh realities of irregular migration, which we were experiencing remained unheeded.
This enabled unscrupulous traffickers and smugglers to make huge fortunes from migrants,
1
originating primarily from the Horn of Africa, as they led them to very perilous crossings in the
deserts and across the Mediterranean Sea.
Most of them were met by death mostly by drowning and not by the safety and prosperity they were
promised, and to which they aspired on starting their journey of hope.
For over a decade the world stood passive or adopted countless declarations and statements that did
nothing tangible to save lives.
It took the sinking of over eight hundred people off the Libyan coast in April of last year for efforts to
be truly mobilized and action to be taken. Shock and shame had finally motivated international action.
Within barely twenty four hours, European Union Ministers of Foreign Affairs and of the Interior
joined forces to devise a plan that would address the matter: The Avramopoulos Plan. A number of
obstacles, which were at that very point not apparent, emerged along the way, which resulted mainly
from the situation in Libya and the complications entailed in international maritime law and the
sovereignty of nations.
Having said this, the European Union did act fast, and in a matter of weeks, and despite the many
setbacks, efforts were mobilized for a naval operation to be launched in the Mediterranean, with
results that are not negligible.
As a stark reminder of the fact that we are ultimately dealing with saving lives, the Mission is referred
to as Operation Sophia, following the birth of a girl on one of our vessels, right as her mother was
saved in time from the wrath of unforgiving waves.
Like everything else in the European Union, success can only go as far as its Member States allow it
to. There could certainly be more encouraging reactions across the board.
What I can proudly say is that despite its own difficulties and limited infrastructural capabilities,
Malta lived up to the principle of solidarity and willingly undertook to participate in the relocation
and resettlement formulations, even though the resultant numbers of relocated migrants leave much to
be desired.
True to its committed stance of concrete action on this subject, Malta launched the idea to host the
first ever EU-Africa Summit wholly dedicated to Migration. The Valletta Summit, which took place
in November of last year, shall go down in our books as a crucial, action-oriented landmark that will
enhance EU-Africa cooperation through a carefully formulated action-based programme. It is now
crucial that the countries involved – be they countries of origin, transit and destination – keep up the
momentum, guided by the Action Plan, the objectives underlined, and the support of the Africa Fund.
Malta, as host to the Summit and as a country that carries its responsibilities on this front very
seriously, will be doing its part to make sure that these undertakings are adequately fulfilled.
In parallel to events in the central Mediterranean the international community witnessed what to my
mind constitutes an unrivalled migratory crisis on the Western Balkan route. I, like others in Malta's
immediate neighbourhood, was admittedly concerned that these events would dilute the increased
attention that the world had finally started giving to migration from Africa.
This momentary suspicion was immediately replaced by a sense of urgency to join forces and act.
Migration is the same phenomenon, with its challenges, threats, opportunities and sufferings wherever
it happens.
2
There is no hard and fast truth or solution to what we continue to see evolving on the Aegean islands
or on the land routes that go as far north as the Norwegian and Scandinavian borders.
Make no mistake – migration is here to stay and it will take years for the situation to be stabilised and
somehow controlled.
The one durable approach is a multifaceted one that spans from resolving root causes such as
conflicts, eradicating sectarian violence and religious extremism, to the provision of basic services
and access to humanitarian aid, up to relocation or assimilation in our societies. In the longer term, we
will need to invest more heavily in the nexus between development and migration, as well as address
socio-economic growth with a particular focus on youth.
In its own way, Kosovo is also a crucial protagonist of recent events. The figures concerning this
country are remarkable – but so is its success. According to the authorities more than 60,000
Kosovars left Kosovo during the first six months of 2015 with a third being repatriated by the close of
the year. I therefore heartily support Commissioner Avramopoulos' statement which describes these
achievements as spectacular.
We are nowhere close to resolving this compounded multifaceted phenomenon, but we can begin by
establishing the basis for dialogue between all the stakeholders involved in the immediate region and
beyond.
As we all continue to hold our breaths for the Syrian people to be relieved of the suffering they have
endured for years on end, our hope should be that the evident tensions between influential players in
the region will not stand in the way of a transition period that will pave the way for a definite end to
the inexplicable anguish and suffering that the Syrian population has been exposed to.
I feel compelled to refer to those countries, which at the cost of demographic and economic
instability, have unconditionally opened their homes to Syrian refugees. I refer in particular to
countries like Jordan and Lebanon who with fortitude and dignity and vast national sacrifice have
carried the burden for so many months.
I witnessed these efforts first hand during a visit to a Syrian refugee camp at al Zatari, in Jordan last
year and was impressed, and deeply touched, by the hospitality afforded to the almost eighty thousand
Syrians housed and cared for in that encampment.
The least the international community can do is to openly acknowledge these efforts, and find
methods in which the burden can somehow be allayed. Malta will look very positively at those special
measures geared at assisting these countries and societies in all possible sectors including investing in
their economies to create job opportunities for locals and refugees alike.
While we are on this subject, allow me to touch on a very topical aspect related primarily to the
European Union borders. Many were quick in claiming failure of existing mechanisms such as the
Schengen regulations. Rather than drawing simplistic conclusions that capitalise on flaws and
deficiencies we would be better off discussing how these deficiencies can be remedied.
The debate at hand goes even deeper, to touch upon one of the cardinal principles of the European
Union which commands freedom of movement. Our efforts need to be increasingly focused on
avoiding the risk of falling either into one extreme or the other. What we should be after is a sense of
balance and certainly not the building of barriers and creating more difficulties.
Dear friends,
3
From Malta's perspective, the solution to the migration crisis affecting mostly our region is heavily
dependent on the stabilisation of Libya. It has been generally ascertained that most departures at sea
on the central Mediterranean route take place from Libyan shores; western Libya to be more specific.
This was the case a few years back, when the regime that controlled Libya resorted to using migration
as a threat to Europe. It is even more so nowadays with an evident absence of the rule of law across
all Libyan territory and practically complete collapse of any organised authority.
The present instability and political turmoil in Libya continues to pose a number of threats to the
Mediterranean region and I would also add to Europe itself.
In the face of several challenges that the Libyan people continue to confront, Malta continues to fully
support the UN-led process of reconciliation. Yet it is evident that the complexities that surround the
formation of a Government of National Accord, have not yet successfully been addressed.
The issue as to who is to lead the defence portfolio and control the military remains at the crux of the
matter, and very little progress will be made unless this aspect is fully resolved by an all-round
agreement.
It is crucial that this process remains an inclusive one, which does not close doors on any one
interlocutor, however delicate and difficult the position may be. It is equally important that our efforts
on the political level do not dilute the content and the strength of our message and outreach to the
Libyan population.
I am all the more convinced of this in the light of the most recent developments. It can certainly be
dispiriting when one perceives setbacks such as the rejection by the House of Representatives of the
Government of National Unity. The reality is that a lasting and durable solution to the crisis will only
be reached if the process includes all Libyans. Pressure on the Libyan leaders to make progress on the
reconciliation front will be most effective if it comes from the Libyan people themselves, which is
why the international community must avoid the pitfalls of the experiences past and remain fully
engaged as more of a facilitator, than an enforcer.
The sadness of it all is that what was once a country with huge economic potential has been brought
down on its knees, with thousands and thousands of Internally Displaced Persons, and the majority of
its population having no access to basic services, creating an ever increasing humanitarian crisis.
We are witnessing the development of yet another humanitarian crisis in the making. It is therefore
fundamental that the international community sends urgently a strong message of support to the
Libyan people that while they have to own the solution, the international community will stand by to
assist.
Recalling the setting that characterised the immediate aftermath of the 2011 Revolution, the
international community must have learnt the lessons that had to be learnt and seems to be firmly set
on assisting an emergent Libyan Government.
The sectors that will require immediate and coordinated attention are in my view, the establishment of
security and the rule of law, a full return to acceptable health services and provision of basic
amenities, as well as capacity- building. Economic reconstruction and the functioning of state bodies
and institutions will in the long run also require international assistance.
There is one pre-requisite only the people of Libya can fulfil. That is, the rebuilding of trust: trust
between themselves and trust from the international community. Over the decades of dictatorship,
divisions that were invisible to most external observers, were formed along tribal and territorial lines,
which can only be mended through a plethora of confidence building efforts at grass roots levels.
Civil society and local actors will need to be fully involved in this reconciliation process.
4
Over a regional scenario that is so volatile, and with neighbours that are themselves going through
very testing times, Libya simply cannot fail. Such an eventuality will result in unavoidable and
undesirable repercussions northwards into Europe, but even more so towards the South, in the Sahel
region, with all the dangers that this would obviously entail.
The roles that international and regional organisations can play in the stabilisation of the country
cannot be underestimated. In this respect, while the United Nations should retain a leading and central
position, other organisations such as the League of Arab States, the African Union and the European
Union itself should also emerge as contributors, guarantors and stabilisers to what promises to be a
lengthy and fragile process of stabilisation.
Dear friends,
In less than a year's time, Malta would have embarked on what is sure to be the most critical
responsibility as a European Union member since its accession in 2004. For a number of months now,
preparations for the Malta Presidency of the Council of the European Union have been in place with a
view of ensuring that the infrastructural and policy-making engines run at full speed as from 1
January 2017.
My fellow colleagues and I are very encouraged by the spirit of cooperation that has emerged within
the TRIO format, as this is a challenge that we will share over a total span of eighteen months with
our trio partners the Netherlands and Slovakia.
For all intents and purposes, we are already operating in Presidency mode and I have no doubt in my
mind that Malta will keep up the pace with the initiatives and visions that our predecessors in the
TRIO will introduce and implement during their individual six month stints in the Presidency.
As difficult as it might be to foresee international developments or predict imminent crises weeks and
months ahead, it is already foreseen that Malta will seek to strengthen the EU's profile on an
international scale. Our key priorities will include, among other issues, areas touching upon the
Mediterranean, Maritime Affairs and Migration.
More concretely, we shall strive to keep illegal migration and asylum high on the agenda at the EU
level with a view to achieving immediate remedies as well as long-term results, particularly in the
run-up to the European Council of June 2017.
As a country that is traditionally associated with anything maritime, Malta will utilise its experiences
and expertise to work intensely on a Sea Basin Strategy for the Western Mediterranean in the context
of the blue economy. We will also ensure that there will be an effective and efficient coordination
with the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) - an institution to which Malta attaches
considerable importance and with which we have worked for many years in the past.
Malta's priority in the Mediterranean region is to ensure that engagement in the region remains a
priority for the EU, no less as important as that in the Eastern Neighbourhood. Malta will also strive
to ensure that levels of assistance to Southern Neighbourhood countries are based on the principles of
differentiation and modelled on the specific needs and priorities pointed out by the partners
themselves. Programmes and assistance will have to have to be “tailor made” to fit the needs of each
country.
Our partners to the South should be fully engaged in the process at all times. It is high time we
actually listen to what they have to tell us about their own needs.
Flexibility is central to this process, as the aim should be that of addressing the individual needs of
each partner country. We should, by now have realised, that there is no ‘one size fits all' policy of
reform. It does not work.
5
I also remain keen to highlight the need to differentiate between the Eastern and Southern partners.
This type of differentiation should not be done in a competitive way, and direct comparisons between
the two regions should be avoided. What we need to do however is understand that both regions are
facing entirely different challenges and prospects and are rooted in entirely different geographical and
political contexts. They present the EU with two sets of completely different challenges.
Furthermore, Eastern countries can aspire to joining the EU in the medium to long-term, something
that Southern partners cannot ever do. In view of this, we believe that the budget allocation should
remain as is, with two-thirds of the funds being allocated to the south.
At this juncture, I want to underline Malta's vision on the Enlargement process, which will also be an
integral aspect of its Presidency programme. I am convinced that it is in the interest of the Union, as
much as it is in the interest of the Candidate Countries and potential applicants, to speed up as much
as possible the integration of this region - the Western Balkans.
The pace at which Candidate Countries move closer to the Union should continue to depend on the
pace of the reforms carried out in each country, and on the support for these reforms as seen in
implemented legislation, stability, rule of law, economic reforms and institutional capacity-building.
It is equally important from Malta's perspective that the Union's enlargement is done in a structured
and manageable manner and within a reasonable timeframe.
Still quite fresh from our own accession endeavours, Malta will seek to contribute to a system
whereby the EU responds positively to those countries which show commitment and take practical
concrete measures that satisfy the conditions for enlargement.
From a purely reform-driven approach, the enlargement process is an instrument in external relations
which provides soft positive pressure on any country or region to abide by democratic principles, the
respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Ultimately progress towards accession must be measured on each country's own merits.
More cohesion and unity in these very delicate times are the best tools we have. As a Union, we need
to provide the citizens of Candidate and prospective candidate countries with the same values and
prospects that the EU thrives upon and that have been laid in the solid foundations of the Union from
the very beginning.
We have to be understanding. We have to be supportive. However, we have to be firm in seeing that
accession criteria are fulfilled and that these practices take root in the applicant countries. Time is of
the essence, but no country should expect to become a member unless all accession criteria are
fulfilled.
Malta welcomed the convening of Intergovernmental Conferences in December 2015 where all three
countries currently negotiating accession - Turkey, Serbia and Montenegro - registered important
progress in their path towards membership.
Recent General Affairs Council Conclusions reaffirmed that the Union's enlargement policy remains
based on consolidation of commitments, fair and rigorous conditionality, better communication,
combined with the EU’s capacity to integrate new members, and each country being assessed on its
own merits. Rule of law issues, economic governance and public administration reform are crucial.
Malta looks forward for the positive momentum gained so far to be maintained throughout 2016 and
hopes that the same progress is registered by the other candidate and prospective candidate countries.
6
A few words are here very much in order on Kosovo's journey towards membership, which Malta
fully supports. There have been several accomplishments on the Government's side that have earned
this bid support in several quarters.
Among others, I fully commend the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement between
the EU and Kosovo that took place in October 2015 and welcome the establishment of the Special
Chambers in the legal system that will deal with war crimes allegations.
With particular regard to the Stabilization and Association Agreement, I vividly welcome the concrete
plans to intensify political dialogue between the EU and Kosovo, enhance trade relations and
encourage closer cooperation in several sectors, including energy, the environment, justice and home
affairs.
The Stabilization and Association Agreement also very importantly marks the first formal step on the
country's European integration path.
Further normalisation of relations with Serbia are also very important. I welcome the agreements with
Serbia that will enable the full implementation of the Ahtisaari Plan. It is now crucial to remain
steadfast on this dialogue to take this process forward.
These efforts, along with an evident commitment to intensify the reform agenda and strengthen
regional cooperation, go a long way in strengthening Kosovo's European aspirations.
Dear friends,
In rounding up, I want to convey to all of you a message of optimism. Sure enough, the tests ahead of
us are nothing short of daunting.
Against a backdrop of diplomatic tensions, sectarian strife and intercultural misunderstandings, we
will need to redouble our efforts at dialogue and engagement.
I am positively inclined to conclude that our deliberations over these two days will undoubtedly add
to the prospects in this respect.
I thank you all for your attention.
7