CHAPTER-VI
KINSHIP GROUPS AND NETWORKS
1. Patrilineal Descent Group
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2. Overlapping Kinship Group
169
3. A Cognatic Group
170
The present chapter is an attempt at delineating kinship groups and networks in
the present context, hi short, it discusses kinship groups and networks as practically
observed in the present Mizo society.
As discussed earlier, the complex system of kinship grouping and its networks
in Mizo society may be said to have been characterized by overlapping/groupings. As
a patriarchal and patrilineal society, descent is stricktly traced through the father's line
only. However, marriage brought the husband, wife and children into an overlapping
descent group which resulted in a cognatic system of kinship organisation.' Therefore,
Mizo society have the following three main kinship groups with the nuclear family
unit as its core. The following discussion is the general tendency observed from case
studies.
1. Patrilineal Descent Group:
Descent is strictly based on the male line, and the rule of inheritance usually
followed the system of descent. The system can be viewed as a 'series of father - child
unit'.'^ A woman is recognised, even after marriage, by her patri-clan name. Thus all
the children acquired membership in their father's clan group.^ The actual kinship
relation within the patrilineal descent group, it is found, is based on personal
preference. Personal preference is moulded by place of residence, social and economic
position and decisively by the women folk. Therefore, it may be noted that the mere
' P.C. Lalawmpuia, 'Marriage and Kinship Networks in Mizo Society' in TUl: A Quarterly Research
Journal on Tribal Life & Culture, Vol, I, 1998. Si. No. 19. Agartala, pp. 4 ff.
^ Robin Fox. Kinship and Marriage (Harmonworth. Penguin. 1969), p. 45.
^ C. Nunthara. Mizoram. Polity and Society (New Delhi, Indus Publishing Co. 1996), p 84.
166
existence of blood relation or consanguinity in the male's line is not sufficient to
establish that there is reciprocal obligations on the parts of individual members. What
matter in the actual life situation is the existence of proximate relations developed on
the basis of the stated factors - place of residence, socio-economic position or life style
and the psychological inclination of the female members.
The present study closely foUovv^s the method and technique employed
successfully by Phillippe Garigue in his study of the importance and character of
kinship among the French Canadians of Montreal. No significant difference seems to
appear between those of urban and rural in respect of relations within the descent
group. The general pattern observable is proximate relation between kins who are
usually confined to the generation of the Ego, and his parents.
The knowledge of kin members in most cases is very limited. Three of the
respondents did not know even the name of their paternal grandfather. As such,
kinship relations with the offsprings of the grandfather's brothers is unimaginable. It is
also to be noted that more than fifty percent of the respondents do not know the name
of their father's brother's son's children.
The knowledge of kin seems to be increased when the kindred families
are confined to a single village or town. One such descent group not affected by
* Phillippe Garigue, 'French Canadian Kinship and Urban Life', American Anthropologist Vol. 58,
1956. pp 1090 - 101. See also Peter Worsley (ed). Modern Sociology (Harmondworth, Penguins, 1970),
pp. 123 -35.
167
geographical mobility and who are living in the same village most of the time is
studied. This group has more effective kinship relation in comparison with another
group whose members are scattered over different villages. The first group frequently
visit one another at their leisure time while the latter group seldom visit one another.
Casxial visit of kinsfolk is virtually absent among those whose kins are living in
another villages. The only contact they may have is on special occasions like death
and marriage.
Knowledge of kin and the actual relation with one another is becoming higher
as individuals become older. On the other hand, younger persons do not usually give
much importance to kinship. For the children, descent group is an important source of
affectionate attention and care. Hence, descent group with a large member of children
have better chance of enjoying effective kinship relation. Therefore, the hypothesis
suggesting the existence of four phases in the development of kinship attitudes during
the life cycle of the average individual as suggested by Ralp Piddington^ seems to be
well founded. The four phases are:
1. To young children kinsfolk are important as a source of affectionate
attention and cancy.
2. With adolescence new interests deflect attention from kinsfolk; moreover
kinship obligations may be partially rejected as part of the protest against
authority.
3. In adult life kinship assumes a new and different significance arising from
the "advantage" discussed below.
K Ishwaran and Ralph Piddington (ends) Kinship and Geographical Mobility (Leiden 1965), p XIII
168
4. As old age approaches, kinship once more assumes a new significance.
Interest in it arises partly from the necessary waning of other interest, such
as occupational pursuits and strenuous physical activities; and partly from
the comfort derived from contemplation of younger kinsfolk as an
embodiment of the onward flow of human existence.
The study, as it concentrates on the adult life, reveals that the "advantage"
provided by kinship group have resultant consequences such as the importance of
personal preference and the interest of womenfolk in the functioning of kinship group.
The "advantage" are different kinds of reciprocal aids such as caring for children,
residence, help during illness, help with odd jobs, taking care of the house, advice on
personal matters, valuable gifts, advice on business or money matters, help in getting a
job, lending money, financial help and long term residence.
The influence of woman is felt if and when such aids is needed by the family
or is sought from it. The woman, as keeper of the family purse influences the kinship
relation. She often deny assistance sought from her family if the chance for its
recovery etc. is not good and if such assistance is frequent sought. Regular denial of
such help usually weakened kinship ties. On the other hand, a family with a potential
to give such an assistance receive frequent calls and courtesy from kins. Therefore, it
is found that wealthy family usually have a larger kinship network than those families
with poorer economic condition. However, it is to be noted that the situation as stated
above is normally confining itself to relation between adults having families of their
*The advantages listed followed Helgi Osterreich, 'Geographical Mobility and Kinship: A Canadian
Example", K.Ishawaran, Ralph Piddington (ends), op cit., p. 138.
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own. The younger children and the youth seem not to have such a consideration. Their
kinship ties is mainly governed by geographical location of their residences.
Geographical closeness of their residence usually imply more contact, hence more
effective kinship ties. The elderly persons viewed kinship relations not from the
consideration of its economic consequences but from psychological and emotional
satisfaction they gained as a result of such a relation.
2. Overlapping Kinship Group:
The economic basis of kinship relation as described above is normally
confined to patrilineal descent group. The situation seems to be different in the kinship
group which may be called cognatic. Conjugal relations between a woman and a man
of different descent groups resulted in overlapping of kinship groups. As shown in
diagram No. 3 (Chapter 3), the husband and his wife belong to two groups namely,
first, they belong to the husband's father's group, and secondly, they belong to the
wife's father's group. The husband belongs to his father-in-law's wife's group by
virtue of being a MAKPA a son-in-law to the latter. As a MAKPA, he has certain
obligations towards his wife's father's group. For instance, a son-in-law is always the
negotiator for marriage proposal for his wife's father's group. His children partly
belong to his wife's father's group by virtue of Tu Nu (Grant-daughter) and Tu Pa
(Grand-son).
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3. A Cognatic Group:
The kinship over-lapping, therefore resulted in a kinship group, the members
of which related to the ego through both male and female line as already shown in
diagram No. 4 at Chapter 3. We may call this kinship group following Robin Fox,^ a
cognatic group. Within a village, it is this cognatic group which provides the most
important kinship network for the individual. It is interesting to note here that the
cognatic group is, so far as the ego is concerned, dominated by his mother's father's
group. Therefore, it may be said that the cognatic group is more important to the ego
in his actual life than the patrilineal descent group. In fact, the ego always occupies
important place in his mother's father's group especially to his maternal uncle and
auntie's family. Depending on the spatial proximity between them, children receive
more affectionate caring and protection in their mother's group than what they receive
in their father's group. Relation with mother's group is not influenced by its possible
economic consequences. It is more personal intimate and emotional.
It is interesting to note that the children of the family do not necessarily follow
their parents in making relations with the kindred. However, the family is the centre of
all kinship relations. In contrast to one opinion which affirmed that a Mizo family do
not have a separate identity of its own,^ family is the basic unit of kinship relationship,
it is, in fact, the first identity of the individual. A child is recognised through his
family and every family is recognised by the name of the father of the house.
^ Op. cii., p. 47.
* E.J.Thomas, Mizo Bamboo Hills Murmur Change (New Delhi, 1993), p. 24.
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The influence of kinship group and network on the family and on the
individual differ from one another. The influence is virtually absent among the
families who are moving away from the ancestral home. Kindred families living in the
same village, on the other hand, influence one another in many different ways. Their
children receive more closer watch as sufficient eyes of the relatives are present. The
influence of kinship relation which has sociological importance is seen on the
husband-wife relation, especially in their respective roles as man and woman.
Observation reveals that division of roles or labour between husband and wife
is clearly demarcated among those who have strong kinship group and active kin
network. The present study, however, does not rule out the exceptional case. Among
this group, woman's world, for instance, is usually confined to domestic works while
man's world is considered to be at the outside of the home. Hence, husband seldom
helps his wife in her domestic activities. On the other hand, a family having no such
strong kinship group nearby or in the locality usually have no such clearly defined
division or roles.
A much similar conclusion has also been made by Elizabeth Bott in another
social context. A lengthy quotation from her may be made:
"Those families that had a high degree of segregation in the
role-relationship of husband and wife had a close-knh
network; many of their friends, neighbours, and relatives
knew one another. Families that had a relatively joint role
relationship between husband and wife had a loose-knit
Elizabeth Bott, Family and Social Network (London, 1971), p.59.
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network; few of their relatives neighbours, and friends knew
one another...."
"At first sight this seems to be odd relationship .... If both
husband and wife come to marriage with such close-knit
network, and if conditions are such that the previous pattern
of relationship is continued, the previous marriage will be
superimposed on these pre-existing relationships, and both
spouses will continue to be drawn into activities with people
outside their own elementary family. Each will get some
emotional satisfaction from these external relationships and
will be likely to demand correspondingly less of the spouse.
Rigid segregation of conjugal roles will be possible because
each spouse can get help from people outside."
"
If husband and wife come to marriage with such looseknit networks
they must seek in each other source of
the emotional satisfactions and help with familial tasks that
couples in close-knit networks can get from outsiders. Joint
organisation becomes more necessary for the success of the
family as an enterprise."
"No claim is made here that coimectedness of the family's
network is the only factor affecting segragation of conjugal
roles. Among the other variables affecting the way conjugal
roles are performed, the personalities of husband and wife
are of crucial importance.""^
Without ruling out the above explanation, another important variable seem to be
existed in the context of Mizo society. In a close-knit network, the traditional value
and ideas seem to be more effectively upheld. Thus, the traditional view on the
husband-wife relation is that woman is for domestic works while man's works is in the
outside of the home. The hold of tradition may also be explained as the result of lesser
influence of the processes of modernisation on the family with close-knit networks.
'°Ibid.. pp59-6I.
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Those families strongly affected by modernization seldom live within a single
geographical location.
One important point carrying historical and sociological importance is the
nomenclature or designation of kins within the partilineal descent group. As it was
described below diagram No. 4 in Chapter 3, all the father's brothers are the father
(Pa) of ego, their children are also ego's brothers or sisters. Ego's father's brother's
wife is also designated as mother (Nu) for him. Therefore, much similar to the system
found among the Iroguois," the children of brothers call one another brothers and
sisters, and so do the children of sisters. On the other hand, the children of a woman
and those of her brothers call each other in a much different way. For the ego, his
mother's brothers are his Pu (Maternal uncle). The sons or daoughters of his maternal
uncle are also his Pu or Pi (maternal uncle or maternal aunt.) These differences in
desgination may imply or least, in the historical context, the differences in kinship
obligations between the ego and his kins.
As explained by Engels,'^ the terms father, child, brother and sister are no
mere honoric titles, but carry with them absolutely definite and very serious mutual
obligations, the totality of which forms an essential part of the social constitution of
these peoples. The patrilineal descent group, especially the father's generation and
ego's generation, therefore, seem to be playing a very significant role in the past. The
" As explained in Engels, The Origin of the Family Private Property and the State (Moscow. 1948), pp.
29fT.
'- Ibid, p.30.
174
then society, which was constantly endanger by wars and famine, seem to be
demanding a strong kinship group for its very own survival. Ego's kinship relation
with his mother's father's group, on the other hand, seem to be one of submission and
protection. As the Pi or Pu of the ego, his mother's brother or sister are naturally and
necessarily responsible to the ego for his protection if and when demanded. Similarly,
as a tupa or tunu of the mother's brothers or sisters, the ego is naturally required to
submit to his/her mother's kindreds. Then, how is this to be explained ?
It may be understood in its historical context. The rule of descent and of
succession and the then existing environments already described seem to demand,
strong mutual obligations among members of the same descent group. As the society
is patriarchal and patrilineal, mother's father's group is not expected to be so involved
in the social circle of their daughter's husband's group. Besides, they (mother's father's
group) have their ovra patrilineal descent group to look after. Therefore, it may be
seen as one kind of division of labour. Each descent group is responsible for its own
welfare. However, married daughter of a descent group remains a member of that
group and as she is considered to be weaker than male by nature, a door is always
open for her and her children through which she may seek helps or assistance in her
father's group. Hence, ego's relation with his mother's group is not much governed by
mutual obligation. The mere fact of being the son of his mother is sufficient to invoke
his mother's group to stand up for his cause. In return, the ego is simply required to
show respect towards his mother's group members. This may also illustrate the real
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position of woman in the traditional society. She may be said to have had all the
possible protection and care.
Under the changing circumstances, relationship within descent group is more
and more influenced by economic consideration as described earlier. As group
survival is no longer based on strong mutual obligations among members of the same
descent group, the spirit of individualism in the form of personal preference is
becoming the basis of kinship relations. Therefore, it may be safe to say that kinship
relations within descent group is weakening. Relationship with mother's father's group,
on the other hand, is emerging more forcible in the form of a new network within
which more mutual obligations seem to be developing between the father-in-law and
the son-in-law.
In fact, much similar to the western pattern of kin interaction,'^ Mizo pattern of
kin interaction is becoming matricentric, that married couples interact with the wife's
family for more than with the husband's family. It is also found that married couples
usually seek assistance from the wife's father or mother if needed and the couples is
also more and more expected to lend helping hands to the wife's family if so required.
This may show again, the protective care receive by the woman in the society. Request
made by married daughter is seldom denied by her father's group. The son's relation
with his father's group, on the other hand, seems to be more and more determined by
the socio-economic position of the son.
" William J.Goode, op at, p. 125