Expansion of an
American Revolutionary Ideal:
Woman SUffrage in Kansas
By Patrick G. O'Brien
he BH:ef\l~f1ni'J\ fllfcel"lJlh ctlflllrrned tb'at lhe COrllirluQu;.,
lransmi'isi<ln ;lnd expan~ioll of ;\rncrican Re.olulIOnar}
T
philosophy is the colic,1! theme ill American bistory.
ba.~~d upon the Consent of Ine gOVl"Tnl"Q ....·a~
Governmell
:w in~iolale premise of the Declaration of Independence.
but the authors v.ho protested against Brillsh despoti\m
lhe:l1selvi:S allllll-ed on I) one-h<ll!' ollhe ~UCiel) [0 vule An unabashi:d
Abigail Adam.. ~hided male~ for the innllsislency between their pw­
res.,ed beliefs and practice [)f...,exual inju~lice. Because "ull Mw wUlIld
be
l~rant~
if they could:' ,he proposed [() curh their "unlimited
power" ..... ith the Ihfeill lhal American women would evade "1 ;lW<,
in whidl we have no \oice ,'r Representation" and '"foment a Re­
be!i:JIl.'"
The hi~t(lrica! struggle of Abigail Adam"s phiiosophical heir~ in
heh~lf of woman "ufffage (',H1c!ltde-d WIth the 191h :\mendmenl ~o
the U.S. Constitution. It fullilled an American Revolutionary ideal
with the !e-rse injunCtion that "the right.
to VOle shall nol be
on accounl of sex." The womun suffrage crusade had
denie;;l
inrir:ite and comr1cx curn::nts throughout all dimensions and levels
of pOlilics and government. The slates which adopted woman suffrage
prior to ratification of the l>}lh Amendment 119~O) provided suf­
fragisls with enclaves of influence which sustained their faith during
the extended conllict. Kansas was a suffrage center which connitJUted
to Ihe success uf the woman's rights movement: its suffrage struggle
is a pivotal ohase of both Kansas and Ameri.can history.
The IH48 Seneca Falls Convention in New York. identifIed a,
the genesis of (he woman suffrage movement, corresponded with the
exudtls 10 Ihe Kansas Territory. Historian EIe<lnl)r Flexner concluded
that "It wa, no ac.::idenl thai [he flnl rour:d of the polilical struggle
to win women the Vote should ha\'e taken place in
Kansas.
During the vio1cn~e. . of il, territOrial period in the 1850's, many
wotTlen had come
to make K;lnsa~ 'free soil: bringing. with
them the ideas sown h)
Lucy Stone. In the decade following
36
•
~.
ion of an
olutionary Ideal:
'age in Kansas
: G. O'Brien
fully confirmed thaI the contjnUI)U~
lansion of American Re\lolution<lr~
'ilical theme in American hislUf}
)()n the consenl of the gOlerned \.lid~
Jf the Declaration of Independence,
protested agaimt British deSp~l(l~m
ofthesociel} to vole. An unabashed
the inconsislenc.v belween their pro­
~J injustice. 8e":<Iuse "all Men would
proposed 10 curb their "unlimited
erican women would evade "Laws
epre5enlalion" and "fomenl a Re­
igail Adam's philosophical heirs in
ded Wilh (he 19th Amendment (0
an American Revolutionary ideal
to Vote shall nOl be
The woman suffrage crusade had
oughout all dimensions and levels
tles which adopted woman suffrage
Amendment (1920) provided suf­
which sustained their faith during
I suffrage center which Contributed
ILs movement; its suffrage struggle
d American history.
:nlion in New York, idenlil"ied as
movement, corresponded wilh the
storian Eleanor Fle.\ner concluded
irst round of the political struggle
ave taken place in
Kansas.
'itorial period in the r850'5, many
Kansas 'free soil: bringing with
y Stone. In the decade following
Ie right
;
the Civil \\/ar
it was still dose to the westward-moving fron­
tier": K:Jnsas h:Js often been described as a reform crucible where
migrants. with a revulsion for slavery :Jnd ingrained with feminist
principles. had their philosophy reinforced by the raw frontier.
Although it has been dispuled that the frontier spirit was conducive
to woman suffrage. the states dosest to primitivism were the most
receptive to the vote for women. and K:Jns:Js suffragisls were often
infused with the frontier spirit.'
Still, the simple existence of egalit:Jrian ideological and fronlier
forces in K:Jnsas failed to ensure the adoption of woman suffrage
without an intense :Jnd protracted struggle. Powerful currents in the
st:Jte militated against wom:Jn suffrage. Reform tenacity, suffragist
:Jctivism, and l"ierce political wnflicts were required to obtain the
fmnchise. A lifetime passed before the limited ~uITr:Jge provision
written into the first Kansas constitution expanded into equ:J1 suffrage.
Woman suffrage originated and dt:veloped in :J volitile ~ocial and
politic:J1 context. Edip~ed by potent forces. meshed and confused
with other causes, and considered in unpropitious circumstances.
success eluded the equal suffrage forces until the twentieth century.
Had woman suffrage not clashed with the objective of statehood.
Kansas may have been thc first state 10 make women full political
citizens. When Kansas was in its disruptive territorial stage, the
1859 \\-'vandolle convention wrote the state constitution to be sub­
milled 10 the U.S. Congress upon application to the Union. The
Kansas constitutiunal convention devoted appreciable :Jllention to
woman sufrrage. Kans:Js feminists had spread the suffr:Jge message
throughout the territory before the Wy:Jndotte convention and
selected Cbrin:J I. H. Nichols to present the woman's rights cause
to the delegates. Nichols was an established newspaperwoman :Jnd
activ'c feminist in Vermont when she was lured to Kan~:J~ in 1854
because "it was a thousand times more difficult to procure the repeal
of unjust laws in an old Stale than the adoption of just laws In the
organiwtion of a new State:" The Wyandotte deleg:Jtes Invited
Nichols to attend convention sessions in an unofl"ici:J1 capacity and
defend woman suffrage and legal equality between the sC.\es. Im­
pressed with the feminist's co~ent presentatiom, the delegates in­
cluded advanced woman's ri~hts prov'isions in the Kans:Js constitu­
tion which assi~ned property rights and equal guardianship of
children to married women.
Most dele~ates recoiled from e4ual woman suffrage on the sup­
position that the U.S. Congress would use It to refuse statehood lo
Kansas. Yel, the convention :Jpprm'ed the vote for women in district
school elections over the duhlOus protest lhat it would both debase
and encourage political chicanery in public education. Although the
suffragists were :Jculcly disappointed when the delegates C.\cluded
37
equal suffrage from the stale constitution, the public school fran­
chise war. 110t a perfunctory concession. Kansas was the firsl slate
to approve limited woman suffrage since Kenlucky permined widows
to vole in school elections in 1838. The WyandoUe convention pro­
vided lhe background for the struggle which required two generations
to extend lhe 1861 limited school vote to equal woman suffrage.
An outburst of suffrage activity followed the lull in the woman's
rights crusade: during the: Civil War. The attention of America
focused upon Kansas in 1867, when a mercuriallegislatGr with dubious
ethic~, Samuel Newiu Wood, proposed an equal woman suffrage
amendment to the Slate constitution which passed the legislature and
WilS submilled to the male electorate in a referendum.' The amend­
ment was embroiled in partianship, political expediency, and personal
antipathics, and it could rlGt be detached emotiol1aUy and politically
from another connitutional amendment on the ballot to enfranchi.se
black males. Massive public confusion ell:isted from the murky
political currents and there was conflict between woman and free­
man suffragists ovel which constitutional amendment should have
precedence Official RepUblican subscriptioll to the freedman's cause
and neglect of woman's rights delracted markedly from the prospects
of the equal suffrage amendment. Allhough well defined lines often
e.isted between the factions, the referendum contest was also a
conundrum in which Kansas disregarded logic and principle wilh
genuine woman :>uffragish who acquiesced to the freedman's cause,
critics of woman's rights who united with the feminists agail1~t freed­
man suffrage, and RCflublicans and Democratswho followed personal
beliefs in disregard of party.
Kansas suffragists worked assiduously for the equal su ffrage
amendment, but most of [he referendum publicity focused upon the
out"idc suffmgisls who engulfed Ihe ,tale, illcluding Olympia Brown,
Henry Blackwell, Lucy Stone, Elizabelh Cdy S\anton. George:
Frallcis Train, and Susan B. Anthony_ When the woman'~ rigMs
movement fragmented at the national level and the U.S. COllgress
pfLIved recalcitrant on woman suffrage, innuential feminists con­
cluded lhey musl concentrale upon the Kansas referendum to advance
(he ","ffrage cause. They committed themselves to the political
maelstrom with fatth that Kansas would nol disappoint them.' The
ZCJlous feminists overcame jnsufficent finances. primitive trans­
portation. pUblic resentment, and indigestahle food 10 lecture Kan­
saliS that the American democralic ideal would be unfulfiJled until
women pos"essed Ihe \Jote.
Kansas impressed Susan B. Anlhon~ in \865 when she vi"ited
her brother. the Leavenworth ma~'or and ~ewspaper publi.shcr. Critics
described Anthony as a cranky feminisl. and she received more
public abuse than any other feminist when she returned to campaign
in the 11\67 Slale referendum. Anthony vislted the Emporia suffrage
38
COnJlitution, the public school fran­
mCCSlion. Kansas was the first state
age since Kcntucky permitted widows
US. The Wyandotte convention pro­
uggle which required two generations
Yote to equal woman surrrage.
ivity followed the lull in the woman's
il War. The aUention of America
en a mercurial legislator with du bious
proposed an equal woman suffrage
lion which passed the legislature and
orate in a referendum.' The amend­
;p, political expediency, and personal
detached emotionally and politically
udmcnt on the ballot to enfranchise
::onfusion existed from the murky
I f;()Dnict between woman and free­
lltitutional amendment should have
nbscription to the freedman's cause
tracted markedly from the prospects
1. Althous]l well defined lines onen
~e referendum contest was also a
sregarded logic and principle with
acquiesced to the freedman's cause,
;ted with the feminists against freed­
Id Democrats who followed personal
assiduously for the equal suffrage
:rendum publicity focused upon the
he siale, including Olympia Brown,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, George
~thony. When the woman's rights
:ional level and the U.S. Congress
iuffrage, inOuential feminists conI the Kansas referendum to adv<lnce
lilted themselves to the political
would not disappoint them.' The
Ifficent finances, primitive trans­
indigestable food to lecture Kan­
lic ideal would be unfulfilled until
I\nlhony in 1865 when she visited
)r and newspaper publisher- Critics
feminist. and she received more
ist when she returned fo campaign
hony visited the Emporia surrrage
B
.
,
headquarters to be driven by horse and buggy to speak in the smaller
Lyon County communities, which provided her with less than a civil
reception. After she was rOllen-egged alone meeting, she continued
to speak with authority and awed the detractors into respectful
silence.' Anthony graduall~ impressed Kansans with her spirit and
integrity, if not her beliefs.
At the inception of the referendum campaign, the suffragists
surmised that the male electors would decisively ratify woman
suffrage. If an electoral majority once supported the amendment,
(a conclusion incapable of verification in the absence of reliable
public opinion data), its support dissipated in the campaign. Only
one-third of the electorate finally voted for equal woman suffrage.
Uncertainties in the referendum campaign prevent the VOle from being
described as an unimpeachable gauge of Kansas altitudes toward
woman suffrage. 1l was virtually impossible to exclude parlisanship,
factionalism, and personal vendettas from the campaign to elicit
public response solely on the merits of equal franchise for women.
Although the belief that even defeat contributed to the woman's rights
cause compensated for the feminists' disappointmenl in the Kansas
referendum, Flexner's realistic speculation is lhat "The campaigners
were not as cast down as they mighl have been had they realized that
the struggle they had just undergone was to be only the first in fifty­
six such state referendum campaigns which would take place between
1867 and 1918,'-'
The 1867 seismic defeat paralyzed the Kansas suffrage forces
until the organization of the State Equal Suffrage Association in
1884. Acutely conscious of the political perils in a public referendum,
the suffragists proposed a limited expansion of the franchise to be
enacted by the state legislature. A municipal woman suffrage bill was
introduced in lhe 1886 legislative session, but it was defeated on a
procedural VOle from political expediency. The bill was virtually a
Republican measure, and the party members voted to remove it from
the legislative calendar when they concluded ils passage could be a
political liability in the next slate election. 9
The State Woman's Christian Temperance Union united with the
Equal Suffrage Association to pass municipal suffrage in the next
legislature. They staged municipal convemions throughout Kansas
to arouse the suffrage forces and impress the legislators. With Lucy
Stone, Henry Blackwell, Anna Howard Shaw, and Julia Ward Howe
present, the massive and inOuential American Woman Suffrage
Association had its 1887 annual conference in Topeka to provide the
Kansas suffragists with a well-publicized and effeclive municpal
suffrage forum. The Equal Suffrage Association poslponed its 1886
convention until 1887 when il convened in Topeka to enable the
organization to influence the state legislalure when it was in session.
Laura M. Johns, a capable organizer, impressive speaker, and able
39
writer, was elected president of the Equ<'l\ Suffrage A~socialion to
lead the municipal suffrage struggle.
Judge R. W. Blue introduced the municipal suffrage bill in the
Kansas Senate and General T. T. Taylor mana~ed it in the House.
The bill pa..,seJ bULh houses decisively with Hrident but inconsequential
opposition. Kansas became the first stale to make women legal
voters in municipal elections when the bill was signed into law on
FebruJ.r) \:". (887. The adoption oC municipal suffrage renecred the
political acumen of the female activists. The Equal Suffrage Asso­
ciation and WCTU were politically astute to eltpand the suffrage
through the legislative process, which obviated an expensive state
campaign filled with impllnderable political forces, and the:y dem­
onslrated acu;e comprenensiun of legislative procedure and practical
politics to guide the bill through the legislature. It should have been
an instructive episode to Ihe crilics of woman suffrage ""ho thou~tll
that women lacked pulitical aptitude, ",
With the acquisition of the municipal franchise, the Stale Equal
Suffrage Association concentrated upon the final objective of un­
limited sufrragt:. When RepUblican and Populi§( stale legislators
responded 10 the suffragisls to appruve and submit an equal suffrage
amendment to the electors in 1894, the deceptive impression wa.sthat
the Kansas ~uffrage cause was dose to fulfillment Woman suffrage,
however, was (Q be mired in the fierce dispule between Republicans
lind Populi~\~ for politic.al hegemony of Kansas. Suffragi"l cohe,ion
was ruplured when lhe officers of the expansive and powerful Na­
tional American Woman Suffrage Association criticized the Kansas
women liS excessively partisan. Laura M Johns, president of both the
State Equal Suffrage Association and the Republican Woman's
Association. ""as chastized when she acquiesced 10 the Republican
heirarchy's opposition to an equal suffrage amendment endorsement
in the party platform. NA WSA insisted lhal an unequivocal com­
mitment LO woman surfrage be incorporated into both the Republican
and Populhl platfurms. Kansas suffragists submitted LO NAWSA
when it threatened to withdraw aid to the state organizalion."
Republican and Populist subscriplion to woman suffrage would
hllve been tantamount Lo adoption, bUI neither party was willing lO
base election hopes upon a publicly Slated docLrine that civilization
was dependent upon .....oman suffra~e. Although receptive 10 woman
suffrage in the pa~L, the Republicans eschewed reference to the equal
~urrrage amendment In the platform wnicn enllbLed polilicians \0
practice expedience or com pI)! with conscience in the campaign. The
Popu~ist5 were bitterh divided on lhe amendment and Ihe impa~se
.....as ended with the in~lusion of woman suffrage in the platform with
an evasive provi.so th~t commitment to it was not a te~t uf party
loyalty. Kansans increa~ingly responded to the amendment 0:1 pa rtisa n
40
•
the Equal Suffrage Association to
:Ie.
:d the municipal suffrage bill in the
r. Taylor managed it in Ihe Hou~e.
vely with stridenl but inconsequential
first staLe to make women legal
len the bill was signed into law on
I of municipal suffrage renecled the
letivists. The Equal Suffrage Asso­
:ally astute to e;l;pand the suffrage
which obviaLed an expensi\'e state
ble polilical forees, and they dem­
f legislative procedure and practical
lhe legislature. J{ should have been
ics of woman suffrage who thought
de.'o
1unieipal franchise, the State Equal
::d upon the final objective of un.
ean and Populist state legislators
'prove and submit an equal suffrage
to, the deeeptive impression was that
)!lC 10 fulfillment. ,,"'oman suffrage,
fierce dispute between RepUblicans
ony of Kansas. Suffragist cohesion
)f tbe e;l;pansive and powerful Na­
t Association criticized the Kansas
ura M. Johns, president of both the
In and the Republican Woman's
she acquiesced Lo the Republican
I suffrage amendment endorsement
insiSled that an unequivocal com­
orporated into both the Republican
auffragists submiued 10 NA WSA
to the stale organization."
~ription to woman suffrage would
~, but neither pany was willing to
:Iy stated doctrine thal civilization
Iige. Although receptive to woman
ns eschewed reference lo the equal
orm which enabled politicians to
h conscience in the campaign. The
, the amendment ilnd the impasse
1m an suffrage in the platform with
ent to it was not a {est of party
~dcd LO the amendmenl on partisan
)
lines. Although some Republicans defended woman suffrage and
party WOmen formed an amendment organization. the equal suffrage
amendment was not readily identified with the RepublIcan party. The
Populists were not irrevocably allached to the amendment. but
Kansas voters equaled woman SUffrage with Populism, an impression
encouraged by Republicans and seemingly confirmed by the Populists
when they defrayed Susan B. Anthony's e;l;penses to campaign for Ihe
amendment throughoul the stale.
Kansas women and even suffragisls were not immune to partisan­
ship in violation of NAWSA's non-partisan philosophy. Even the
Republican women's <lmendmenl organization seemed less commilled
10 woman suffrage Ihan to the party. The harsh conclusion of Elean(lf
Fle;l;ner is Ihal "the Kansas women stuck to {heir party ralher than to
lhe measure aimed at enfranchising them, and lhereby sealed il5
doom."" Yet. it is moot whether the non-partisan policy ofNAWSA
was applicable LO Kansas in the 1894 referendum, and the perceived
aninily belween NA WSA and the Populist party may have been a
decisive liability to the woman suffrage amendmenL. Although the
suffrage cause seemed virtually futile as the campaign profressively
degenerated, the Kansas Equal Suffrage A5sociation attempted to run
an active, non-partisan, and independent campaign,
Lyon County was <I microcosm of the state in the 1894 referen­
dum. County women organized the Amendment Club, and its mem­
bers ·'went ouL likc disciples of old, without purse or script" to
preach equal suffrage." Mrs. H. L Keyes and Miss Edith Conard,
wilh a "splendid horse and comfortable buggy-both furnished by
friends of the cause," distributed literature. gave suffrage speeches,
and arranged suffrage meetings while they lived and traveled for lWo
weeks in Lyon County's outer perimeters," Rural schOOl houses were
filled at 30 suffrage meelings where Emporia ministers defended
woman suffrage with Ihe axiom "Ihat the true theory of this Republic
i.s that ta;l;ation and represenlalion are inseparable."';
State Equal Suffrage Association officers visited the counly lo
encourage the local suffrage forces and attract followers to the cause.
Laura M. Johns raised the spirits of the Lyon County suffragists with
the prediction that "The amendment will carry with a good major­
ily."'" An audience in the counly court house, "which was packed
from top to bOllom," lislened two hours while the "gifted woman
poured out fa(;L and argumenL in choice diclion and el[)4Uent utlerance
which charmed and held them to the end." It was opined that the
speech "for strong arg.ument pUl in winsome, per.~uasive form
would be hard to beaL.""
Although ve;l;cd with the Kansans. NA \VSA was highly visible in
the <lmendmenL eampaign. Anthony was among the few original fem­
41
il'Jists still active, and her speeches throughout the state demonstrated
that age had impaired neither her mental powers l'Jor zeal for the cause
of female equality. A new generation of NAWSA suffragists par­
ticipated in the )%94 Kansas struggle, including Anna Howard Shaw,
an ordained minister and physician, and Carrie Chapman Catl, a
former newspaperwoman and teacher. Shaw's impressive oratorical
ability was made available to tocal suffragists while Call contributed
organizational acumen.'1 Both women would subsequently preside
over NAWSA, and "Big Boss' Catl would adeptly guide the 19th
Amendment through murky political currents to fruition.
Democrats, German-Americans. Roman Catholics, blue-collar
workers. al1d anti-prohibitionists were usually identified in the forces
opposed to woman suffrage, whereas its defenders most often in­
cluded prohibitionists, Protestants, middle-class professionals,
especially educators and ministers, and Republicans and PopUlists."
Although these classifications are generally valid, amendment
opponents and defenders evade simple classification by sex, party,
religion, class, ethnic membership. or attitudes toward the use of
alcohol. With the variegation of the forces. neither side had fully
consistent and uniform rationales on woman suffrage. Kansans with
antithetical backgrounds often united on woman suffrage for widely
divergent reasons whereas Kansans with identical backgrounds often
adopted diametrically opposed positions.
Kansans' response to the equal suffrage amendment stemmed
both from impressions of women's mental. moral, and emotional
chemistry and the practical political effects of woman sUITrage. The
intellectual and philosophical postulates on woman suITrage had
crystallized in the generation prior to the [894 referendum, and
cursory examination of newspaper editorials confirms that they were
only embellished and adapted to the Kansas milieu. Original partisan
commentary was generated, however, during the referendum on the
influence of woman suffrage on state politics. The editorial content
of two Kansas newspapers is surveyed herein to idelHify the supposi­
tions and rhetoric used \0 influence the electors in the campaign.
The Emporia Daily Gazette diligently defended woman suffrage,
refuted misrepresentations of the equal suffrage amendment. and
disabused readers of misconceptions about women. When amendment
opponents asserted that women's intellectural and emotional liabilities
would make them incompetent voters. and made ominous political
predictions should the weaker sex with its frailities be allowed 10
vote, if evoked a rejoinder from the Emporia Daily Gazette. A re­
prinLed editorial states, ill defense of women and derision of Popu!i§m.
that "If any set of women ever went off on a crate so wild, or made
such inferllal fools of themselves. as a majority of the men of Kansas
did two years ago, we would like to be informed of it."'"
42
;throughout the slate demonstrated
DC1Ital powers nor zeal for the cause
adon of NAWSA surrragists par­
Ifc, including Anna Howard Shaw,
ian, and Carrie Chapman Calt, a
chcr. Shaw's impressive oratorical
J lurrragists while Call comributed
romen would subsequemly preside
:all would adeptly guide the 19th
:aJ. currents to fruition.
1.115, Roman Catholics, blue-collar
were usually identified in the forces
:reM its defenders most often in­
mts, middle-class professionals,
~ and Republicans and Populists. 1t
llI'e senerally valid. amendment
imple c1assiJicalion by se,., party,
~, or alliLudes toward the use of
the forces, neither side had fully
on woman surrrage. Kansans with
ted on woman suffrage for widely
I with identical backgrounds often
lions.
,al suffrage amendmem sLemmed
1'5 mental, moral, and emotional
81 efTects of woman suffrage. The
nulatcs on woman suffrage had
or to the 1894 referendum, and
editorials confirms that they were
It J(ansa5 milieu. Original partisan
I'CI", during the referendum on the
ate politics. The editorial content
yed herein LO identify the supposi.
:heelectofs in the campaign.
lisently ddended woman suffrage,
equal suffrage amendment, and
I about women. When amendment
teUcctural and emotional liabilities
(CfS, and made ominous political
: with its frailities be allowed to
he Emporia Daily Gazelle. A re­
r"omen and derision of Populism,
~I off on a craze so wild. or made
I I majority of the men of Kansas
Ie informed of it,"'"
That woman suffrage would purify politics and raise the moral
standards of society was the most salient Emporia Daily Gazetle
theme. It protested that "Beer. boodle. and bummers seem to be con­
trolling things" with politics largely confined to men. The electors
were colloquially encouraged to "Give woman a chance and she don't
sort of clean things up it will be the first thing she has ever mixed in
which she didn't make smell sweeter and look cleaner.'·ll To con­
dude that women would reform politics and raise the level of virtue
in the society originated in the premise that the sexes had divergent
moral precepts. The suffragisls believed that women had nearly an
instinct and compulsion to be virtuous. Without excessive humility.
they professed that "The great body of American women know what
is right and and range themselves on the right side. They will be found
opposing whatever has a debasing tendency, whatever is antagonistic
to the peace and welfare of the home and ofsociety.""
The distinctive moral aptitude of women would enable a com­
plementary division of political responsibility. An Emporia Daily
Gazefle editorial stated that men were less attentive and proJicient
than women in "those matters of humanity and good morals with
which governments everywhere have to deal." Women would make
"governmenL strong on the humane and moral side where it is now
weak. The women would have no dead letters in our statute books
against gambling. rum-selling, and prostitution. They will stop the
importation of rum among the savages in Africa and
. make
government do right and act vigorously in carrying out all humane and
moral measures."" The pacifistic impulses of women would con­
tribule to global peace. Men still possessed predatory instincts that
caosed them LO '''imitate the
tiger" when a "war doud comes
in sighl," bUl "women are especially iJdverse to war" and would
··indine the naLions LO peace.''''
Allan Grimes has asserted that woman suffrage "was not so much
to broaden the base of political power as to change its locus. This may
be seen by noting the close relationship in the West of woman suffrage,
prohibition. and immigration restriction."H Although the assertion
is not fully applicable to Kansas, woman suffrage was defended as a
policy to increase the volume of virtuous voters and thereby relatively
decrea~ the proportion of unsavory electors. The Emporia Daily
Gazette thought woman suffrage "would double Ihe vote from the
homes while the noating vote would remain the same. It is the floating
vote which does the mosl to vitiate politics. . Woman suffrage
.. can double the conservative and sober franchise that has the
home behind it," and thereby the "noating Vale will be made com­
paratively harmless."l' The principle, according to the Emporia Daily
Gazelle, applied to prohibition. "Every ex-saloon keeper, every
43
jointist, every man who thinks more of his whiskey than he does of his
family is against the amendment," but woman suITrage would "mean
the enforcement of prohibition in Kansas."" Allhough puritan values
were pronounced in the suITrage rhetoric, puritan should not be
narrowly defined in the woman suITrage context as only an obsession
to regulate personal morality. The purilan attitude among the suf­
fragists was secondary to the spirit 10 encourage public morality from
a more humane vision toward society.
Virtually every defense of the equal suffrage amendment was
disputed in the Emporia Daily ReplJblican, which was owned and
edited by former Kansas governor C. V. Eskridge. It could nol accept
the premise that woman suffrage would purify Kansas politics when
the Populist suffragists and "filthy reformers" had "turned nearly
all the state institutions into Chinese slinkpots." Only a deluded
public could believe women could reform politics when "the suf­
fragists are depending for success upon this rascally Populist outfil
which is the most unprincipled polilcal party ever organiz:ed on the
face of the earth."." Although the newspaper pronounced Susan B.
Anthony a "great and good
high minded woman" to whom
affiliation with the Populist "diueputable gang" must be "extremely
unpleasant," it was "what WOffi:ln suffrage leads lO and Miss
Anthony is simply the victim of her own folly.""
The Emporia DailY Republican invoked partisanship against the
equal suffrage amendment on the dubilJus premise that its adoptiQn
would increase the PopuliSI constituency at Republican expense. An
editorial rebuked those '·Republicans who can'l understand that lhey
are working in the interests of the Populists when they support the
fad.""'" The editorial omitted references to past Republican con­
tributions to woman suffrage and the large number of Kansas women
loyal to the party. The Emporia Dail.r Gazelle, as fiercely Republican
as the Emporia Daily Republican, believed woman suffrage would
expand the Republican polilical base and increase the protectinn
against Populisl radicalism and demagoguery. A perennially bitler
critic of woman suffrage. C. V. Eskridge was simply manipulating
parti.;an ,pirits ag,lm,l a measure which wa~ personal anathem;l.
A chronic SUffragist complaint was that women themselves were
polilically apathetic and tepid toward suffrage. The anli-suffragists
adopted the complaint and used it againsl the equal suffrage amend­
ment with the wntenLion that it was il10gkal to enfranchise members
of wciety who had not actively soliciled the VOle and would he
negligent in the responsibilities of citizenship. Female disinterest in
equal suffrage was explicable to the Emporia Daih' Republican as
women could inlluence society "as effectively without the ballot as
their power is even greater withoul the ballot
wilh it. In fact.
than it would be with it."\1
44
c of his whiskey than he does of his
but woman suffrage would "mean
:.an9aS,"l' Although puritan values
rhetoric. puritan should not be
Trage context as only an obsession
e puritan aUitude among the suf­
10 em:ourage public morality from
y.
c equal suffrage amendment was
tp~blican, which was owned and
C, V, Eskridge. It could not accepl
Itould purify Kansas politics when
y reformers" had "turned nearly
:nese Slinkpots." Only a deluded
i reform politic~ when "the suf­
upon this rascally Populist outfit
liteal party ever organized on the
~ newspaper pronounced Susan B.
high minded woman" to whom
;Mable gang" must be "extremely
an suffrage leads 1O and Miss
\Jwn folty."~'
n invoked partisanship against the
dubious premise that its adoption
ueney at Republican expense. An
ns who can't understand that they
: Populists when they support the
'erences to past Republican con­
te large number of Kansas women
i/y Gauue, as fiercely Republican
, believed woman suffrage would
'ase and increase the protection
:magoguery. A perennially bitter
skridge was simply manipulatin~
lich was personal <In<lthema.
was that women themselves were
ard suffrage. The anti-suffragi.5(s
against the equal suffrLlge amend­
s illogical (Q enfrnnchise members
solieited the vote and would he
citizenship, Female disinterest in
le Emporia Daily Republican as
effectively withoUI the ballot as
5 even greater without the ballot
The Emporia Daily Republican usually based ils truculent
opposition to the equal suffrage amendment on solicitude of woman­
hood. Politics were unsavory and would make women as coarse as
men. When Mary Ellen Lease, the Populist orator who advised Kan­
sas farmers to "raise less corn and more hell," stated that women in
politics would demonstrate the same strident style as men, the Em­
poria Daily Republican rhetorically inquired: "Do the men of Kansas
want to rob their mothers, wives and sisters of all the genuine attri·
butes of femininity and the homes of the glLld snnlight of their Iives?"32
An Emporia Dail}' Republican editorial transposed the usual
premise when it stated that the anti-suffragists wanted to protect
women while the "suffragists "are proposing to oppress the
women. They are proposing to confer upon them
. a great and
burdensome duty which
they should not be called upon lO bear.
Their duties are already as great or greater than the men and it is the
business of the anti-suffragists to save them from the weaklings
and who wanl
among the men who are self-confessed failures
to divide the responsibility with them."" Impre5sed with its cogency
and version of truth, the newspaper predicted that the amendment
"will be buried so deep there will be no resurrection for it and Kansas
will no longer be regarded as <In experimental stale for every fad that
may have a few new followers.""
The Emporia Daily Republican prediction that the amendment
would be "buried" was confirmed when it received approval from
only two-fifths of the Kansas electorate. Yet the 1894 defeat cannot
be interpreted <l'i the definitive expression of the elector~ LOwLlrd
woman suffrage. The political dash between the Republicans and
Populi~ts prevented an uncomplicated mandate \)JJ the equal suffrage
amendment, and the women themselves contrIbuted to its defeat
when they neglected woman suffrage to concentrate upon partisan
objectives, Although the prediction that the equal suffrage amend­
ment would not be "resurrected" proved incorrect, the calachsmic
renuIT crushed the suffrLlgists unlillhe twentieth centur~.
.
Forces with divcrgcnt origins often unite in histon' to fulfill
complementary ends. The suffrage cause meshed with pro"gressivism,
the reform impulse which enveloped society in the earh twentieth
century. Political pra..::titioners of progressivism included Theodore
Roosevelt LInd ""'oodrow Wilson. Progressives were com mined to
increased public participation in the political system, regulatiQn of
concentrated economic power. and expanded government a~sistance
and protection of citizens. """omun suffra~e was consistent with the
progressive belief in an expanded political b<lse and broad citizen
participation in politics, and the progressives also accepted the suffr<l­
gist premise that women posse~~~d an expansive social conscience
consistent with the progressive vision to reform society_ Whereas
45
women hfJd made the home morill enclaves, the progressives professed
thill woman suffr~ge would enable them to make ;:,ocieLy moral.
Progressivism was a powerful force in Kansas. and it conlribuled to
the suffrage crusade."
The State Equal Suffrage Association paLiently eschewed another
public referendum untt! success was virtually certain. An equal
suffrage amendment received massive majorities in both houses of
the Sl,lle legislature and i\ was included on the ballol in the 1912
elecLion, Mrs. William A. Jonnston, presidenL of the State Equal
Suffrage ASSOClfJllOn, organized the machiner~ ilnd defined the
suffrage policy to be used in the referendum." State Equal Suffrage
Associa\ion committees and departmenL~ were delegaled expliciL
campaign responsibilities: the press department was LO innundate
newspapers throughout Kansas witn suffrage materials; the education
department was Lo dislribute litera lure, solicit amendmenL endorse­
ments from educational organizations, and conduct essay contests
and debates in Lhe schools; and the membership committee was to
institute an aggressive campaign to attract new members.
Kansas was to be fully organized in a vertical and conesive suf­
frage structure. The State Equal Suffrage Associalion divided the
sLate into disLricts with presidents, who were on the sLale board, to
organize each county in their districts, and an officer in each counly
\0 unite the suffrage forces down to the precinct level. District presi­
dent Matie E. Kimball, president of the Kansas Women'~ Press Club
and wife of C. A. Kimball. editor of Lhe Manhattan Mercu,y, or­
ganized Lhe first counLy (Riley) in the campaign and subsequenlly all
len counties in the 5th Dislrict.·" One-third of Lhe st<lle was organized
when the wffr<lgists beg:.!n toc<lmp<lign llclivel) in Januar) 1912.
Insuflicienl budgeL had impaired Ihe previous suffrage campaigns,
and suffragists gave apprel'iable attention Lo the practical activity of
fund raising in 1912." The Stale Equal Suffrage Association re­
ceived substantial financial assistance from iLs own officers and from
the contributions of both individual suffragists and organizations from
other Stales. Local Kansas :>uffrage organizalions raised funds from
ice cream festiv<lls, ~uffrage Leas. and performances of the play Ho .....
,he VOle Was Wun Upper-class women did their own house work to
contribute the .~a~'ed ~ervants' wages to the cause, and less affluenl
women donated eggs, butter, and crab apples. Finance was a chronic
campaign problem; the Slate Equal Suffrage Association ""as solvent
enollgh to conduct an expansive campaign only because women
worked without compen~ation and often paid their own e:\penscs.
The Stale Eqnal SUffrage AssociaLion's objective was Lhat "Every
town and Cil} will hear of the advantages of equal suffrage."" 1n­
creased mohility from the u~e or ,he car to campaign made it a
realistic commitmelll and the Kansas :>uffragisLs were highly original
46
when they adapted the car to the referendum campaign. The stale
to make auto trips to every
organization instructed "Workers.
pan of their county
to take speakers, music, literature and
surrrage banners, and to speak in the open air or wherever there was
an opportunity."'" An unprecedented car tour with state officers and
Laura Clay, the Kentucky suffragist. spoke in ten counties and 40
towns to inform 10,000 people that "Equal suffrage is democracy
lTue to itself."41
Woman suffrage was dependent upon the conversion of Kansas
males to the cause, and committed men worked more actively in 1912
than in previous referendum campaigns to int1uence male electors.
Forceful defenders of woman suffrage inclUded Governor William
R. Stubbs. Kansas Chief Juslice W. A. Johnston, Dr. Charles
Sheldon, and Judge Frank Doster. Int1uential Kansans were organized
to speak in behalf of the equal suffrage amendment under the aegis
of the Kansas Men's Equal Suffrage Association League. which re­
ported that "responses from the appeal for funds
have been
generous, and the league has enough money
to send out a large
num ber of speakers. ""
Prominent Kansans defended woman suffrage during a Topeka
suffrage forum. "It was the restriction of the righls and privileges to
men which inspired the Boston Tea Party," John MacDonald pro­
fessed and that "The suffrage movelllent on foot today is only another
such lea party, expressed in a differenl way." Judge Frank Doster, a
perennial and voluble defender of woman suffrage, stated that
adoption of the equal ~uffrage amendment "means nothing more
than an addition to the sum of liberties to the race. The hislOry of the
world shows that every enlargement of the sphere of human liberty is
an addition lo the sum of human rights and adds to the betlerment
of the human race." And George Hughes prolested that "only half of
the people in our country are yet allowed to come directly in touch
with the social business of that counlry. There is a wall which divides
the people and cuts off half of them from serving to bring about a
betterment of the social chaos in which we live. This is the wall we
seek to destroy."') Kansas men increasingly adopted and expounded
the polilical and social precepls used by early feminists in lheir futile
struggles to be enfranchised.
The state suffragists. as in past referendum slruggles, relied upon
women of nalional and international repute lO assist in the 1912
campaign. Jane Addams, an articulate reformer and originator of
Hull House, impressed Kansam on her slale visiL She attracted
massive and responsive crowds where she spoke on the equal suffrage
amendment. The repelitive theme of her speeches was that "Women
need the ballot lo fight political graft in its encroachment on hu­
manilarian work.""
nclaves, the progressives professed
Ie them 10 make society moral.
, in Kansas. and it contributed to
cialion patiently eschewed another
was vinually certain. An equal
,ive majorities in both houses of
eluded on the ballot in the 1912
>n, president of the State Equal
the machinery and defined lhe
rerendum." State Equal Suffrage
lrtments were delegated explicit
IS depanmenl was to innundate
I surrrage materials; the education
,ture, solicit amendment endorse­
ions, and conduci essay contests
e membership committee was to
illrBC( n~ members.
:cd in a venical and cohesive suf­
Surrrage Association divided the
who were on the state board, lo
t:u, and an officer in each county
I the precinct level. District presi­
r the Kansas Women's Press Club
of the Manha1/an Mercury, or­
he campaign and subsequentl)' all
Ie-third of lhe state was organized
,gn actively in Janu<lry 1912.
d the previous suffrage call1paigns,
ention to the practical activity of
Equal Suffrage Association re­
::e from its own officers and from
;urrragists and organizations from
: organizations raised funds from
~d performances of the play How
lmen did their own house work to
:& to the cause, and less affluent
'ab apples. Finance was a chronic
Surrrage Association was solvent
campaign only because women
Ften paid their own expenses.
:ialion's objective was thaI "Every
mtages of equal suffrage:'" In­
the car to campaign made il a
as surrragists were highly original
47
1
Dr, Anna Howard Shaw, president of the National American
"ioman Suffrage Association, proselytizied throughout Kansas for
woman suffrage, and received an effusive reception in Emporia,
Grady's Women'~ B:oInd allracted the public 10 the intersection of
5th and Commercial Streets. where Shaw spoke from an open car.
The crowd followed her to Whitley Opera House where "every seat
in the parquet. the boxes and the balcony and every bit of standing
room
was filled to hear.
Shaw's talk." In "A Great
Suffrage Talk," pronounced to be the "besl address given on any
subject in Emporia this year," Shaw spoke for two hours, "setting
The :oIddress
scintil­
forth an array of fact and argument
laled with rare Wil :.Ind lelling good natured sarcasm." The Whitley
Opera House crowd roared its approval when Shaw concluded lhat
"We never have been a republic, we are nol now a republic. and we
will never be until women are given equal rights with men.""
The daughter of the anti-slavery leaders Cassius Cl:oly and the
president of the Kentucky Equal Rights Association, Laura Clay,
worked six weeks in the Kansas campaign. She made a suffrage ad­
dress in Emporia to a filled public hall. After Mrs. Charles Harris
sang the suffrage songs Kansas Must NOI Fail and Just As Well As He
to introduce the program, Clay "gave many reasons why women
should have the ballot," and "not one could be objected to by any
reasonable person. She didn't rant and scold, and she wasn't
hysterical. She presenled her argumenls, and marshalled her facts,
interspering lhem with telling hits lhat brought frequent applause"
from an "appreciative" crowd."
Addams, Shaw. and Clay made valuable contributions in lhe 1912
referendum, but the bulk of work and responsibility was borne by the
Kansas women and their male assislants. Success was dependent upon
the ability and zeal of suffragisls in the community, precincts, and
county to apply the policy defined in the high suffrage circles. The
woman suffrage cause would have been futile without the commitment
and resourcefulness of the largely obscure women :011 the core of the
movement.
Lyon County was identified as a thoroughly organized and strong
suffrage enclave which was expected to generate a decisive majority
for the C(jual suffrage amendment." An examination of Lyon County
proVides a guide La the nature of suffrage activities and bases of
support throughout Kansas. Suffrage forces received assislance from
the Emporia Gaulle, which gave its full encouragement to the equal
suffrage amendment with editorials in defen!>e of woman suffrage,
publiciLy on suffrage activities, and information on the status of
women and their contribuLions to the society. The Emporia Gazette
concentraled its defense of woman suffrage upon women's ability and
the obligation to end sexual inequality which crushed women and
debiliated the social system.
48
Dr. Anna Ho.. . . ard Shaw, president of the National American
Woman Suffrage Association, proselytizied throughout Kansas for
woman suffrage, and received an effusive reception in Emporia.
Gr;Jdy'5 Women's Band ;Jllr;Jcted the publil 10 the inter~ection of
5!h and Commercial Streets, where Sh;JW spoke from an open car.
The crowd folluwed her to Whitley Opera House where "every sea!
in the parquet, the boxes and the balcony and every bit of st<lnding
Shaw's talk." Tn "A Great
room
was filled [0 hear
Suffr<lge Talk." pronounced to be the "hest Jddres., given on any
subject in Emporia this year," Shaw spoke for (wo hours, "setting
forth an array of fact and argument
The ;Jddress
scintil­
lated with rare wit and telling good natured sarcasm." The Whitle\
Opera House crowd roared its approval when Shaw concluded thai
"We never have been a republic, we are not now a republic, and \olie
will never be until women are given equal rights with men ...·­
The daughter of (he anti-slavery leaders Cassius Clay and the
president of the Kentucky Equal Rights Association, laura Clay,
worked six weeks in the Kansas campaign. She made a suffrage ad­
dress in Emporia to a filled public hall. After Mrs. Charles Harris
sang the suffrage songs Kansas Musl NOI Fail and Just As Well As He
to introduce the program. Clay "gave many reasons why women
should have the ballot," <lnd "not one could be objected to by any
reasonable person. She didn't rant and scold, and she wasn',
hyslericlil. She presented her arguments, and marshalled her facts,
interspering them with telling hits that brought frequent applliuse"
from an "apprecilitive" crowd .."
Addams, Shaw, and Clay made valuable contributions in the 1912
referendum, but the bulk of work and responsibility was borne by the
Kansas women and their male assistants. Success was dependent upon
the ability and zeal of suffragists in the community, precincts. and
county to apply the policy defined in the high suffrage circles. The
woman suffrage cause would have been futile without the commitment
lind resourcefulness of the largely obscure women at the core of the
muvement.
lyon County was identified as a thoroughly organized and strong
suffrage enclave which was expected to generate a decisive majority
for the equal suffrage amendment." An examination of Lyon County
provides a guide to the nature of suffrage activities and bases of
support throughout Kansas. Suffrage forces received assistance from
the Emporia GaUlle, which gave its full eneouragement to the equal
suffrage amendment with editorials in defense of woman suffrage,
publicity on suffrage activities, and information on the status of
women and their contributions to the society. The Emporia Gazttlt
concentrated its defense of woman suffrage upon women's ability and
the obligation to end sexual inequality which crushed women and
debiliated the social s)'stem.
48
sidenl of the National American
osclylizied throughout Kansas for
I effusive reception in Emporia.
the public to the imersC:Clion of
'C Shaw spoke from an open car.
, Opera House where "every seat
balcony and every bit of standing
.. Shaw's talk." In "A Great
~ the "besl address given On any
BW spoke for two hours, ··setting
:nl ... The address.. scintil­
d natured sarcasm"· The Whitley
)roval when Shaw concluded that
,e are not now a republic, and we
;qual rights wilh men.""
ery leaders Cassius Clay and the
Rights Association, Laura Clay,
lmpaign. She made a suffrage ad­
c hall. Arter Mrs. Charles Harris
II Nor FaU and Jusl As Well As He
"gave many reasons why women
one could be objected to by any
ani and scold, and she wasn't
lmenls, and marshalled her facts.
lhal brought frequenl applause"
An Emporia Gazelle edilOrial slated that suffrage would make
women "a part of the world movement for human betterment. They
will see that it is. . justice that the world needs. and lhat the . . .
eternal pasting up of the lorn fabric of society with makeshifts will
not do. We must make it strong and whole and of a new pallern. So,
in our progress we need the intuitions of women, the hearts of women,
love of women .. gentility of women. All these we need and need
sadly in our progress. BUI more
we men need
the partner­
ship and association of women who feel these big world movements.
We need partners and friends
and nOl just housekeepers or
mistresses or wranglers. And so long as the world is moving and we
men are in it, we must take our women with us or the race will suffer
.. We need VOles for women more for what the votes will do for the
women than for what women wiJIdo with the votes.""
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union was a consistent
proponent of woman suffrage and it united with the Equal Suffrage
Association in 1912 at every organizational level in the state. The
Emporia Chapter of the W.C.T.U. worked diligently for the equal
suffrage amendment with Mrs. Persis Felter as presidem and Mrs.
Marianna Hill the franchise department superintendent. Suffrage
papers, Bible readings. and songs were standard activities at W.C.T. U.
meetings. and the 4th Congressional District W,C.T.U. Conference
at Emporia resolved that "the W.c.T.U. should do all in its power
to win Kansas for woman suffrage.""
Suffragism was especially pronounced within Kansas education
wllh college and universit), faculty members and administrators in
the core of the suffrage movement. Large suffrage associations
e:tisted at the College of Emporia, a private Presb),terian affiliated
institulion, and the Kansas Slate Normal SchooL With two-thirds
of its students women and a substantial number of female instructors,
the Normal was close to unanimity on the merit of the equal suffrage
amendment. '!, The Normal staff and their spouses often joined and
worked with community suffrage forces. The Lyon COUnt)' colleges
had suffrage programs and provided forums 10 suffrage speakers, and
Ihe "big body of sludents was enthusiastic" at the Siale Normal
chapel hour when W. Y. Morgan announced that "it is up to the voters
to pUt Kansas in the lead of the procession of suffrage stales.""
The Emporia Gazette published the opinions of community
ministers. business and professional men, and Normal School faculty
during the week prior to Ihe election. The men inlerviewed were nearly
all for the equal suffrage amendment. A representative opinion of the
Emporia ministers was expressed by Dr. W. C. Templeton. pa.slor of
the First PresbYlerian Church, who staled, "I believe in it, will vote
for it, and will preach for it." Almost all the business and professional
men agreed with the judgment of Ralph Bailey that "I fhink they ought
naluable contributions in the 1912
nd responsibilily was borne by the
lants. Success was dependent upon
in the community, precincts, and
I in lhe high suffrage circles. The
ICCn futile without the commitment
obscure women at the core of the
B thoroughly organized and strong
lid to generate a decisive majority
I An examination of Lyon Counly
f suffrage activities and bases of
Ie forces received assistance from
ls full encouragemenl lo the equal
Is in defense of woman suffrage,
nd information on the status of
the society. The Emporia Gazette
suffrage upon women's ability and
Jality which crushed women and
l
m
49
I
to vote. Sure. The average woman in Emporia is as intelligent as the
man, I'll tell you tnal." The Emporia Gaulle survey demOl\s\rat~
that attitude toward the equal sulTrage amendment was oflen not
based on sex when J. R. PaLterSon said 'Tm for it, bUI my wife
isn'l.·"J The survey provided grapnic evidel1ce tnat WQmall suffrage
was a middle-class reform ill a preponderalltly middle-class state.
The Lyon County Suffrage Association worked assiduously and
resourcefully fOf the equal suffrage amendment. Although Mfr.. L E.
Perley was chosen county president because of her active participation
ill the 1867 and 1894 referendum contests, the primary responsibility
LO organize the county feU \0 Mrs. John H. Wiggam. She arranged
dozens of suffrage programs at homes. churches, schools, reunions,
and fairs in Lyon County. From one 1o r.il( members of the county
association would join her on programs to sing suffrage songs, give
readings, or make shorl talks on the virtue of ......oman su ffrage.;'
The closer lhe electiun came, the more active were the suffragists,
In the week prior to the election, a huge banner with the words "Vote
for the Woman Suffrage Amendment" was hung across Commercial
Street in the 500 block. Window cards soliciting VOles for the amend­
meM were displayed profusely in business establishments in the
community. Cards with the same message were posted at every cross­
road in Lyon County and dislributed to all the towns near Emporia.'"
The campaign continued through election day when ~uffragists
surrounded the polls to make their final appeal to male voters for
lhe amendment." "There have been suffrage campaigns in Kansas
before," the Emporia Gazettt' concluded, "but the one thal will close
this week has eclipsed them aiL""
The diligence. faith, patience, and work of the suffragists was
finally compensated when Lyon County and Kansas approved the
equal suffrage amendment in the I'H 2 (eferemium a00 womel1 bel:.ame
equal political citizens in lhe state. An ideal of the American Revolu­
tion had come to fruition in Kansas. Woman suffrage had come
gradually again!'>\ lellacious Opposilion. but ill. acceptance was a
demonstration of the power of the polilical ideals lfansmiued from
the Declaration of Independence which have governed the American
sociely to tne Bicentennial.
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