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Mapping Contemporary History II
Exemplary fields of research in 25 years of Contemporary History Studies
at Graz University | Exemplarische Forschungsfelder aus 25 Jahren
Zeitgeschichte an der Universität Graz
Editors | Herausgeber
Helmut Konrad & Stefan Benedik
Böhlau Verlag Wien · Köln · Weimar
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Gedruckt mit Unterstützung durch
die Steiermärkische Landesregierung – A3 Wissenschaft und Forschung
die Universität Graz und
den Alfred Schachner Gedächtnisfonds
Umschlaggestaltung: Michael Haderer
Lektorat: Stefan Benedik, Nadine Blumer
Bibliografische Information der deutschen Bibliothek:
Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie, detallierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de
abrufbar.
ISBN 978-3-205-78518-7
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Gedruckt auf umweltfreundlichem, chlor- und säurefreiem Papier.
Druck : Impress, SI-Ivančna Gorica
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Contents | Inhalt
Helmut Konrad
Die „Grazer Zeitgeschichte“. Eine sehr persönliche Annäherung
9
Labor History | Geschichte der Arbeit
Marcel van der Linden
ArbeiterInnengeschichte unter veränderten Rahmenbedingungen
25
Wolfgang Maderthaner
Zur Positionierung von Arbeitergeschichte als Sozial- und Kulturwissenschaft
37
History beyond Europe | Außereuropäische Zeitgeschichte
Margit Franz/Andreas J. Obrecht
Looking beyond your backyard: The synthesis between
contemporary history and global studies
47
Margit Franz German-speaking medical exile to British India 1933–1945
Andreas J. Obrecht
Impacts of recent rural electrification in the kingdom of Bhutan –
A case study in international development studies 87
Borders and Regions | Grenzen und Regionen
Eduard G. Staudinger
Aspekte zum Thema „Grenzen – Grenzziehungen“ aus
regionalgeschichtlicher Perspektive
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99
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Hellwig Valentin
„Wo man mit Blut die Grenze schrieb …“ Kärnten als Teil
des Alpen-Adria-Raumes
109
Migrations | Migrationen
Leo Lucassen
Southeast Europe and the need for a comparative history
of migration and membership
123
Andrea Strutz
Focuses on migrations in contemporary history studies
at the University of Graz
145
Stefan Benedik
Define the migrant, imagine the menace:
Remarks on narratives of recent romani migrations to Graz
159
Gender History | Geschlechtergeschichte
Elizabeth Harvey
Chronicles of disconnection: gendered narratives and
the aftermath of the Second World War
179
Heidrun Zettelbauer
Anti-Semitism and strategies of homogenisation:
German-nationalist women’s associations in Styria and Graz
193
Karin M. Schmidlechner
25 Jahre zeitgeschichtliche Frauen- und Geschlechtergeschichte.
Eine Bestandsaufnahme
211
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World War One | Erster Weltkrieg
Jay Winter
Approaching the history of the Great War: A user’s guide
221
Monika Stromberger
Analysis of the Great War – World War One research in Graz
in the mirror of international Approaches
239
Jewish Studies | Jüdische Studien
Steven Beller
A field in search of a subject:
What is (or should be) Jewish about Jewish Studies?
257
Klaus Hödl
Jews and non-Jews in Jewish Studies
267
Gerald Lamprecht
Jüdische Studien in Graz und Österreich seit 1945.
Wiederentdeckung jüdischer Geschichte?
285
National Socialism | Nationalsozialismus
Frank Bajohr
Neuere Forschungen zur Geschichte des „Dritten Reiches“.
Eine Zwischenbilanz
301
Ursula Mindler
“… In spite of not making any concessions and the fact that
my pan-German views are well known among colleagues in the field …”
Notes to Karl Haiding (1906–1985)
319
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Memory and Remembrance | Gedächtnis und Erinnerung
Oto Luthar/Ljiljana Radonic
Demokratisierung oder erneute Monopolisierung? Geschichte und
Erinnerungspolitik im post-sozialistischen Slowenien und Kroatien 341
Werner Suppanz
Gedächtnis/Erinnerung. Kulturwissenschaftliches Paradigma und
empirisches Forschungsfeld der Zeitgeschichte
359
Final Remarks | Schlusswort
Heidemarie Uhl
Gibt es eine Grazer Zeitgeschichte?
379
Authors | Autorinnen und Autoren
385
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Migrations | Migrationen
„Courage, Hopes & Dreams statue, Immigration Square, LIUNA
Station, downtown Hamilton, Ontario“, Juni 2007.
Archiv: wikimedia commons.
Fotograf: Rick Cordeiro.
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Define the migrant, imagine the menace:
Remarks on narratives of recent romani migrations to Graz
Stefan Benedik1
In 2010, the provincial capital city of Graz, Austria, confronted a 14-year history in which
discussions of begging had been framed as one of the most important matters of local
politics. In this time-span, certain media repeatedly referred to the city as the “European
Capital of Begging” while local politicians frequently deliberated on new laws aimed at
banning specific forms of begging. Although the first beggars appeared amidst the sociopolitical upheavals of 1989, the issue of begging only gained significant local attention after
the summer of 1996. Following a discourse that became central within a few weeks, the city
council passed a by-law on begging later this year, which explicitly prohibited “intrusive
begging” and “begging by children”. From this moment on, the local knowledge on begging
in Graz – as produced by discourse/action2 – differed considerably from the situation in
other Central European cities. Differences included the intensity of reactions to begging
(by the public, the media and politicians), the quantitative number of beggars present as
well as certain qualitative aspects of begging (such as the enormous engagement and influence of local NGOs, the subsequent established transnational “charity” networks or the
concentration on just one Slovakian village as the assumed hometown of the majority of
beggars etc.). Nonetheless, there were certain shared features between Graz and other European regions regarding the phenomenon of begging and its representation. For example,
1
This article is partly based on results from a study conducted as part of the “Research Focus on Migration” project at the University of Graz (chaired by Sonja Pöllabauer and Heidrun Zettelbauer),
generously funded by the federal-state-foundation “Zukunftsfonds Steiermark”. I’m very grateful for
the huge effort from colleagues and friends that aided me in sharpening ideas and reworking this paper.
In particular, I thank first and foremost Nadine Blumer as well as Barbara Tiefenbacher and Wolfgang
Göderle. I especially want to thank Wolfgang Pucher, parish priest in Graz Eggenberg and Head of the
Vinzigemeinschaft Eggenberg (the most important NGO engaged in Romani issues in Graz) who generously gave me access to his archives.
2 Discourse-action refers to knowledge produced by both spheres traditionally categorised as different:
the “de facto” situation of beggars in the streets and the subsequent interaction in a social context which
some would possibly refer to as “social practices” as well as the knowledge produced in written or spoken
form which could be called “discourses” in the narrow sense of the word.
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the intensification of the “begging discussion” starting in 1996 went hand in hand with an
ethnicisation of the topic. Since then, “beggars” and “Roma”, “begging” and “the East” have
become strikingly entangled references.
In this article, I will focus on the ways in which narrative linkages (beyond “BeggarsRoma” and “Begging-East”) are used in a wide range of stories – as told in novels, documentary film, political debates and in the press – aimed at recounting Romani migration.
Therefore I will analyse narratives relevant for the local context, by looking at examples of
migrations of Roma and Romnija3 within Central Europe4. My argument also reinforces
the value of applying an historical approach to the study of recent phenomenon; in this way,
I suggest an opening up in Contemporary History Studies for research and analysis of current issues.
Historical approaches challenging blurred images
Discussions about Romani migrants in Graz are not a thing of the past. As I write this
article, journalists are reporting on the decision of the Styrian social democratic party to
demand the establishment of a “sectorial” ban on begging in the city of Graz,5 a proposal
initially brought up by extreme right parties earlier in 2010.6 Recent discussions of this
kind – in both the media and politics – are often referenced without any mention of the
long-standing conflicts which have otherwise defined this issue; thus, it is made to seem
as if begging is a current or new point of interest, rendering prior controversies invisible.
These circumstances reinforce the assumption that begging in Graz is a recent issue, conveyed by using a seemingly spontaneous repertoire of images. Many dimensions of the
case become inexplicable as a result of these ahistorical approaches. This is most evident
in the way that Roma and Romnija are usually linked up to the act of begging as if the
3 The fact that Roma refers to the collective of male Romani people only is often ignored.
4 I refer to Central Europe not as a concrete geographical or political area but rather as an incoherent and
shifting region, which is here describing the space in which the migrants move and communicate. Cf.
Peter Stachel, “… eine kleine Welt, in der die große ihre Probe hält.” Hypothetische Fragen zur zentraleuropäischen Moderne, in: Barbara Boisits and Peter Stachel, eds., Das Ende der Eindeutigkeit. Zur
Frage des Pluralismus in der Moderne und Postmoderne, Vienna 2000, 17–27.
5 Cf. Steirischer SPÖ Landtagsklub schwenkt auf sektorales Bettelverbot ein, in: Kleine Zeitung Online,
3-2-2010. http://neu.kleinezeitung.at/steiermark/2283421/steirischer-spoe-landtagsklub-schwenkt-sektorales-bettelverbot-ein.story (3-2-2010).
6Cf. Bettelverbot gefordert, in: Die Woche, 10-1-2010, 4.
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connection were a stable and thus, “natural” one. For example, in various 2010 Graz media
publications, statements made by politicians about “organised mendicancy,” exploitation of
the handicapped,” “the world’s poverty in the Herrengasse” or about “people who really do
need help” and those who evidently don’t, often assumed a connection between a beggingban and Romani migration. This is seldom said, but almost always shown: The photograph
included in the highest-selling regional newspaper to illustrate the recent “sectorial” ban on
begging shows an anonymous Romani man, pictured from above.7 Immediately we see how
the snapshot of a Rom necessarily refers to the “begging problem” thereby expressing the
“ethnic” dimension of begging through the aesthetics of hierarchical structures (superiority/inferiority). This photo thus demonstrates how images – particularly those which are
included in serial formats such as newspapers – connote and produce widespread and easyto-understand codes of interpretation.
By using an historical approach, however, we are better equipped to analyse and contextualise this and other images or narrative connections and in turn, make visible the multiple
dimensions of such representations. Furthermore it has been an academic rarity as well to
link up Romani Studies and Migration Studies until very recently.8 The main reason for
this oversight can be explained as a perceived lack of shared concepts between the two
disciplines: Migration Studies are, to this day, largely shaped by teleological and homogenising assumptions, are subject to general and broad models and thus, limited in their
explanatory and comparative power (e.g. push/pull, sending/receiving).9 Romani Studies,
by contrast, focus predominantly on a rather incoherent array of case-studies which generally tend to avoid engagement with ample theoretical and methodical considerations.
Additionally, the movement of Romani people is marginalized from “classical” as well as
more recent theories of migration because of the enduring romantic and romanticised idea
of nomadism as a kind of “place-less-ness”10 that in turn suggests – albeit falsely – that
7Kleine Zeitung Online, 3-2-2010. Quotations are from Christoph Drexler, a conservative politician. The
social democrat Walter Kröpfl, however, made statements about “organisations behind the beggars”.
8 Some major recent initiatives are changing this situation however. For instance the project Mapping
Contemporary Roma Mobilities in the EU currently being conducted at the University of Oxford.
9For critical approaches see e.g. María do Mar Castro Varela and Nikita Dhawan, Queer mobil? Heteronormativität und Migrationsforschung, in: Helma Lutz, ed, Gender Mobil? Geschlecht und Migration in transnationalen Räumen, Münster 2009, 102–121; Forschungsgruppe Transit Migration, eds., Turbulente Ränder.
Neue Perspektiven auf Migration an den Grenzen Europas, Bielefeld 2007; Andrew Gorman-Murray, Rethinking queer migration through the body, in: Social & Cultural Geography, vol. 8, no.1 (2007), 105–121.
10Cf. Claudia Breger, Ortlosigkeit des Fremden. „Zigeunerinnen“ und „Zigeuner“ in der deutschsprachigen Literatur um 1800, Cologne et al. 1998.
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Romani people simply do not “fit” into the nation-state paradigm which dominates much
of the migration literature.11
As a consequence, most of the existing academic work on the migration of Romani
people in Central Europe has been approached from within the Romani Studies framework, and can be placed in three main categories: legal and political questions such as the
treatment of asylum-seeking12; the causes for and features of movements within the push/
pull model13 and reactions on migration (by “receiving societies”) – which is as an area of
study surprisingly underrepresented in quantitative terms.14 Historical treatment of Romani migrations is rare15, and the idea of Roma and Romnija as “ethno-tourists”16 makes
them invisible in “non-ethnic” migrations as well.17 In accordance with other responses to
these longstanding and problematic gaps of research, the aim of this chapter is to bring
closer together the fields of Romani Studies and Migration Studies, while being aware
11See e.g. Thomas Acton, Theorising mobility. Migration, nomadism, and the social reconstruction of ethnicity, in: Nando Sigona, ed., Romani mobilities in Europe. Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Oxford 2010,
5–10. http://romanimobilities.files.wordpress.com/2010/01/conference-proceedings.pdf (25-1-2010).
12See e.g. Claude Cahn and Peter Vermeersch, The Group Expulsion of Slovak Roma by the Belgian
Government. A Case Study of the Treatment of Romani Refugees in Western Countries, in: Cambridge
Review of International Affairs vol. 13, no. 2 (2000), 71–82.
13 Central European Romani Migrations gained interest especially in recent months, e.g. in the conference
Romani mobilities in Europe: multidisciplinary perspectives at the University of Oxford. In the last years,
while a relatively largely number of publications has started to present case studies on Central Europe,
hardly any discuss Romani migrations between places within this region. See e.g. David M. Crowe, The
International and Historical Dimensions of Romani Migration, in: Nationalities Papers vol. 31, no. 1
(2003), 81–94; Will Guy, Roma migration in Europe. Case studies, Hamburg 2004; Jíři Homoláč, Diskurz o migraci Romů na příkladu internetových diskusí (The discourse on the Migration of Roma on
the Example of Internet Discussions), in: Sociologický časopis/Czech Sociological Review vol. 42, no. 2
(2006), 329–349; Zdeněk Uherek, Roma Migration from Slovakia in the Context of European Migration
Trends, in: Sociologický časopis/Czech Sociological Review, vol. 43, no 4 (2007), 747–774.
14As an exception see Nando Sigona, Locating “The Gypsy Problem”. The Roma in Italy, Stereotyping,
Labelling and “Nomad Camps”, in: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies vol. 31, no. 4 (2005), 741–756.
15There are however some notable exceptions. As a recent example, see Ilsen About, An Exclusion Process
of Migrants. Control of Gypsies and Border Police in Western Europe, 1907–1914. http://cnrs.academia.
edu/documents/0014/8946/About_2009_-_An_Exclusion_Process_of_Migrants.pdf (18-2-2010).
16See Imrich Vašečka and Michal Vašečka, Recent Romani Migration from Slovakia to EU Member
States. Romani Reaction to Discrimination or Romani Ethno-Tourism?, in: Nationalities Papers vol. 31,
no. 1 (2003), 29–47.
17For an example of Roma and Romnija in “non-ethnic” migrations see Dieter Halwachs, Roma and Romani in Austria, Graz 2004. http://romani.uni-graz.at/romani/download/files/ling_rom_at_e.pdf (12-42009).
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of some of the ways in which the perception of Romani migrations challenges “classical”
conceptualisations of migration.
It is typical for countries who define themselves as “receiving societies” to give undue
attention to discussions on the legitimacy of a migration and the background of migrants.18
Such debates do not only involve the public negotiation of legal questions, but also questions about the character of the migration and the migrants, such as, first and foremost,
questions about the group’s origin(s) and the living conditions in the “sending-country”,
which generally highlight an (insurmountable) degree of “cultural differences”.19 Often,
these draw on essentialist understandings which facilitate substituting terms such as “race”
and “ethnicity” with “culture” and in doing so, re-produce core elements of the assumed
“culture”, including categories of gender and sexuality.20 Specifically, “ethnicity” is always
defined according to patriarchal and heterosexist norms, as “multiple axes of difference” are
at work in processes of ethnicisation.21 This is also evident in recent discussions on Romani
migrations in Graz, Austria, the subject of this chapter: Here, “ethnic” otherness is frequently marked as a form of deviance from gender norms (E.g. cross-dressing in Romani settlements, prostitution of Romani boys in Romanian cities,22 Romani women as the
breadwinners23 and as the controlling powerful actor in domestic relationships24).
These gendered narratives of deviance and otherness have dominated various forms of
media representations of Roma and Romnija (e.g. in the press, novels, political debates
and documentary films), all of which disseminate a similar set of images and contribute
to a particularly “othered” perception of beggars in Graz. (Such representations were at an
all-time-high in films and novels during the time span 2007–2008.) Generally, these narratives reflect the perception of a movement from “poor eastern” to “rich western” countries
(Austria is assuming its membership in the latter group). As I will show throughout this
18Cf. Ruth Wodak and Theo van Leeuwen, Politische, rechtliche und bürokratische Legitimation von
Einwanderungskontrolle. Eine diskurs-historische Analyse, in: Brigitte Kossek, ed., Gegen-Rassismen,
Konstruktionen, Interaktionen, Interventionen, Hamburg and Berlin 1999, 100–129.
19Such discussions often result in controversial debates, such as the widely-discussed headscarf issue. See
Sabine Berghahn and Petra Rostock, eds., Der Stoff aus dem Konflike sind. Debatten um das Kopftuch
in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz, Bielefeld 2009.
20Cf. Angelika Magiros, Biologie und Kultur. Foucaults Beitrag zur Analyse des „Rassismus ohne Rassen“,
in: Kossek, ed., Gegen-Rassismen, 292–310.
21Cf. Anne-Marie Fortier, Queer Diaspora, in: Diane Richardson and Steven Seidman, eds., Handbook of
Lesbian and Gay Studies, London and New Delhi 2002, 183.
22See Norbert Prettenthaler, Stefan Schmid, Bare Droma (DVD), Graz 2007.
23See Ulrike Gladik, Natasha (DVD), Vienna 2008.
24See Ludwig Laher, Und nehmen was kommt, Innsbruck 2007, 13; Gladik, Natasha.
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chapter, the stories on Romani migration frame migration from the “East” as a form of escape from miserable situations and inhuman living conditions toward inevitable improvement and betterment of life chances in the “West.” The Novel Und nehmen was kommt25,
for example depicts migration as a teleological process rooted in suffering and pain but
ultimately culminating in luck, success and happiness for the Romani protagonist who has
migrated “westward”.
Solving questions of definition:
The relevance of categories in popular imagination
Popular narratives rely on the formation of categories which then facilitate our ability to
address and classify people, things and circumstances. This process also involves the introduction of names and the construction of narrative elements that are combined in the
creation of stories. To outline some aspects of the repertoire used in narratives on Romani
migrants in Austria and hence illustrate the structure of used language, in the next section I
pose some questions regarding relevant categories. In the second part of this article, I then
outline frequently applied narrative elements of stories about Roma and Romnija migrating within Central Europe.
Who is a migrant, who is a Rom?
Today, the perception of Romani migration in Graz is inseparably linked to the assumed
“beggar-problem”. Prior to the emergence of these discussions on begging (which started
in 1989 but remained marginal until 1996), Romani migrants were otherwise invisible in the
media. This was however at a time where Romani men and women had already been migrating to Austria for several decades either as part of state organised labour migrations (especially in the third quarter of the century) or migrations of refugees fleeing war (especially
in the beginning of the 1990s).26 The invisibility of Romani migration changed radically
within a short period of time in 1996, when begging in streets became a massive issue especially in Graz (following a notable increase of the number of present beggars).27 This intertwined discussion of Romani migration and the assumed “beggar-problem” led to two major
25See ibid.
26For the Austrian example see Halwachs, Roma.
27The discourses exploded within a few days following June, 18th 1996. See Steirerkrone, 18-06-1996; Neue
Zeit, 20-06-1996; Kleine Zeitung, 20-6-1996.
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assumptions (neither of which matched the actual situation taking place in the streets):
Firstly, Romani migrants have since the summer of 1996 been represented in the media as
beggars only, irrespective of their actual occupation or the motivations behind their move to
Graz. Secondly, media coverage has on the contrary claimed that all beggars must be Romani
migrants.28 The situation has however not always been like this. Prior to 1996 the Graz press
only sporadically and rather superficially covered the topic of begging. In this year, however,
increasing media attention on begging started out by first distinguishing between beggars
and other so-called “problematic” groups (e.g. dossers, punks). Once this language was established, a new and separate discussion formed that focused on migration and identified
the population of beggars in Graz across the board as “foreigners.” A few months later, in
late November 1996, a catholic priest well-known for his social engagement, wrote a series
of letters to the editors of major Austrian newspapers in which he referred to the beggars in
Graz as Roma.29 Although the priest had intended to generate sympathy for this population
by drawing on this ethnicised narrative (with which he emphasised this people’s history of
suffering, and in particular the Nazi genocide of the Roma and Romnija), the result was that
it generated a direct link between the Romani migrants and the beggars in the street. Since
then, it has been common practice in the Austrian press to depict even non-Romani beggars
in Graz (i.e. “natives” to the city included) as migrants or “Roma”.30 Thus the identification of
beggars as “foreigners” (specifically, as people from the “East”) is based on a narrative of “ethnicisation” rather than on a history of migration as such. Hence, this “othering” is not referring to movement at first place but to an “ethnic classification”. Histories of changing places
are often not told in this context – migration, I would argue, is in fact more of a description
of a state of being, and does not necessarily refer to actual movement.
Why is gender relevant?
As a result of the problematic treatment (or, oversight) of gender in Migration Studies,
“there are still mainstream studies that fail to address the role of gender [… and if they
do so] the manner in which it is analysed is often problematic.”31 Regarding the case of
28See Footnote 30.
29Cf. Wolfgang Pucher, Offener Brief an den Grazer Bürgermeister, in: Salzburger Nachrichten, 28-11-96;
Wolfgang Pucher, Wir verkraften Bettlerkinder, in: Neue Zeit, 26-11-96.
30Graz-natives who would pass as “ethnically white” in other circumstances, are labelled with the ethnicised term “organised beggars” as soon as they are part of the visible representation of mendicancy in Graz.
Cf. picture and caption in Steirerkrone, 16-12-2006.
31Betty de Hart, The Morality of Maria Toet. Gender, Citizenship and the Construction of the NationState, in: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 32, no. 1 (2006), 51.
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Romani migrants in Graz under discussion here, I will argue that the systematic neglect of
gender in mainstream Migration Studies as well as in mainstream Romani Studies32 is not
so much ignoring some isolated components of research, but in fact contributing to extensive shortcomings and misleading analyses.33
In 1996, the Romani migrant – framed as a menace – became the topic of much public and political concern in the city of Graz, and the “problem” he/she caused was finally
“solved” with a special “act on intrusive begging and begging with children”.34 The implementation of this act demonstrated which forms of begging were acceptable and which
were not. Taking the preceding discussions about the mass media into account, the result
was foreseeable: while begging performed by Roma (i.e. men) were deemed “appropriate”, that is, legal, the same activity, when performed by groups of Romnija (i.e. women)
was defined as “intrusive” by police and other local authorities and consequently, these
women were expelled from the city.35 I would argue that this distinction relies on general cultural – and necessarily gendered – subtexts, which are then assumed to be a core
component of “own” (“Austrian”/“Styrian”) identity. For example, the collective presence
of female Romani migrants was defined by local politicians as “violating the cultural
feelings”36 of the local population. On the contrary, male beggars were allowed to stay in
the streets and eventually, they even gained support from local catholic NGOs (housing,
ID-cards, campaigning, and – most important – prevention of police operations).
In order to appreciate the full significance of the role played by gender in such circumstances it is necessary to first acknowledge that gender works as a symbolical category. In
the Graz case, the male beggars who were allowed to continuing begging in the street even
once the new law had been passed were treated in a paradoxical way: On one hand they
32For particularly notable exceptions, see Paloma Gay y Blasco, Gypsies in Madrid. Sex, Gender, and the
Performance of Identity, Oxford 1999 and Shanon Woodcock, “The Ţigan is not a man”. The Ţigan other
as catalyst for Romanian ethnonational identity, PhD-thesis, Sydney 2005.
33Cf. do Mar Castro Varela and Dhawan, Queer, 102.
34Which was passed on December 4th, 1996 by the City Parliament. See e.g. Helmut Griess, Fatales Signal, in: Neue Zeit, 7-12-1996; Erwin Zankel, Maßvoll, in: Kleine Zeitung, 1-12-1996; Walter Müller,
Aufdringlichkeit kostet 3000 Schilling, in: Der Standard, 7/8-12-1996, 5.
35Wolfgang Pucher, Karic Zineta und ihre Kinder, in: Kleine Zeitung, 7-12-1996, 26; Müller, Aufdringlichkeit; Walter Müller, „Man will die Roma nicht“, in: Der Standard, 10-12-1996, 5.
36Werner Miedel, member of the Graz city council at the time, described the situation as follows: „Because
it violates the cultural feelings of the Graz population, and also because women and children are being
exploited“ (“Weil es das kulturelle Gefühl der Grazer verletzt und Frauen und Kinder ausgebeutet werden.”). Diese Bettler-Verordnung muß noch heuer kommen, in: Kleine Zeitung, 9-11-1996.
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were feminised37. That is to say that they were emasculated and thus, devaluated in the
process.38 This was most evident in the “begging posture” which was one of the effects of
the begging act’s implementation: in order to be allowed to beg (that is, without getting
thrown out of the city), individuals were effectively forced to kneel down when performing
this act. On the other hand, it is also possible to read an element of the masculine in the
beggars’ presence generally if we consider that the masculinity of beggars has publically
(e.g. in letters to the editor) been over-emphasised in fantasies about the collective male
body of Romani beggars attacking the immaculate (female) body of the city (or the nation): The opposition of active, “well-fed young men”39 against the helpless and pure city
ends up creating the perception of a serious threat in the public imagination: “Graz, the
city of beggars. The multitude of beggars, present especially in the old-town, […] is increasingly responsible for much discontent. It simply mars the streetscape. In hardly any
other city can one find so many beggars so close to each other.”40 Thus, according to press
and political debates, Romani migrants were deemed a menace in that their presence contributed to a “disgusting picture”41 or a “defacement” of an otherwise “tidy” city.42
What exactly is transnational migration?
There is no space and no need to elaborate on the concept of transnationalism, which has
been shaping research on migration in the last 20 years.43 Still, the question whether “trans­
national social spaces”44 are really going beyond the nation is definitely legitimated, or, to
modify Laurie Essigs remark: Transnational migrants perpetuate the concept of the nation
37Cf. Christina Ho, Migration as Feminisation? Chinese Women’s Experiences of Work and Family in
Australia, in: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 32, no. 3 (2006), 497–514.
38Cf. Rada Iveković, The Fiction of Gender Constructing the Fiction of Nation. On How Fictions Are
Normative, and Norms Produce Exceptions, in: Anthropological Yearbook of European Cultures vol. 14
(2005), 19–38.
39Heide Hoschek, Unerträgliche Bettelei, in: Kleine Zeitung, 13-7-2006.
40„Graz, die Stadt der Bettler. Die Vielzahl der vor allem in der Innenstadt […] sitzenden […] Bettler
sorgt zunehmend für Unmut. Es stört einfach das Straßenbild und in derart geballter Form findet man
Bettler kaum in einer anderen Stadt.“ vojo [i.e. Vojo Radkovic?]: Graz hat ein Bettelverbot, in: Grazer im
Bild, 14-4-2006. See also Karl Heinz Klammer: Bettlerunwesen, in: Steirerkrone, 22-1-2008.
41Frau Jauernig, Bettler wollen kein Essen, in: Grazer Woche, 7-4-1999.
42See e.g. Wolfgang Maget, Bettlerjagd. FP blieb mit ihrem Antrag allein, in: Neue Zeit, 17-4-98.
43Cf. Christiane Harzig and Dirk Hoerder, What is Migration History, Malden 2009, 83–86.
44Sabine Strasser, Bewegte Zugehörigkeiten. Nationale Spannungen, Transnationale Praktiken und transversale Politik, Vienna 2009, 20.
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state by transgressing it.45 When transnational migration is understood as a “term [that]
signals the ways in which migrants keep ties both to country-of-origin and of settlement”46,
the dichotomous understanding of resettlement – central in the classic literature on migration – as between two essentialised entities (from country-of-origin to country-of-reception) is not seriously challenged. Romani migrations and the ways in which they are
represented challenge “traditional” frameworks in the migration literature in a more radical
way then mainstream transnational literature can provide. It is crucial to recognize that
migrating Roma and Romnija are not trapped in between two nation states (or other “natural” entities, e.g. regions). Some recent (especially artistic) narratives on them are taking
this aspect in account. A telling example of this emergent approach is the documentary
Bare Droma produced in 2004–2007 which follows Romanian Romani migrants from Graz
back to their countries-of-origin. The film switches between scenes set in various places but
without any seeming rationale or specificity of detail (geographic place names, for example,
are never displayed). The effect of such a narrative technique is that nation/nationality is
ultimately ignored or transcended, discredited as an organising principle. The following
sentences, taken from an interview conducted by the documentary’s director (“Austrian
background”) with a girl (“Romanian Romani Background”) highlight a similar theme:
“Sí, me gusta mucho Graz. Es muy bello y quiero estar todo el tiempo en Graz. Me gusta
como es la comida, me gusta todo, me gustan los amigos, me gusta la vida en Graz, me
gusta todo. Sí. / ¿Y aquí? /Aquí en Romania no me gusta nada. Porque todo el mundo es
malo y no lo sé por qué yo no quiero estar aquí, pero no quiero porque no me gusta nada.
Yo quiero estar todo el tiempo con mi amiga...y esto. No me gusta nada aquí. / ¿Qué nada?
/ Nada me gusta...no. Yo no quiero estar aquí.”47 There is a notable shift to be discerned
from this sudden switch to Spanish in the film, especially since this dialogue is concerned
with passing judgement and contrasting two different places, with localising two places on
an individual, emotional map (i.e. “source country” and “town of migration”): here, migration does not imply a terminal move between two clear (and safe) spaces but rather, it is a
processes which transgresses the traditional conception of the nation state in ambiguous
and multiple ways.
45Cf. Laurie Essig, Queer in Russia. A Story of Sex, Self and the Other. London 1999, 122.
46Inderpal Grewal, The Transnational in Feminist Research. Concept and Approaches, in: Heike Brabandt
et al., eds., Mehrheit am Rand, Wiesbaden 2008, 189.
47I have chosen to leave the dialogue untranslated because it is noteworthy in the context of my argument
that these people are suddenly speaking a completely out-of-context-language without any explanation
in the movie. Prettenthaler and Schmid, Bare Droma. Thanks to Birgit Steinkellner for the transcription.
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Telling thrilling stories: examples of discursive roles of Romani migrants
Despite the influence of certain master-narratives (e.g. Roma and “organised mendicancy”), less dominant stories with inconsistent/varying information tend to have more
of an impact on the formation of mainstream perceptions of Romani migrants. Still, one
may find some common and repeated elements or characters even when not dealing with
master-narratives. In the following sections I present three examples typical in the media
which are based on a depiction of Roma and Romnija performing specific (i.e. expected)
roles. As in a theatre all of the characters are well known to the audience, but depending
on the context and the aim of the actual “plot”, they are not necessarily always “on stage” or
visible to the “audience.”
Contradictions
As in any narratives, those on Romani migrants in Austria are structured by incorporating
superficial elements with ambiguous or even contradictory information. Romani women,
as an example, are not only shown as individuals who are driven by irrational motivations,
they are also depicted as determined and calculating. Irrationality is a typical characteristic
used to depict Romani women in stories of love and sex (as in the 2007 novel Und nehmen
was kommt)48 or the charity-stories of families often at the centre of NGO-campaigns49.
This is because “genuine” emotions and psychological suffering are necessary for rendering narratives thrilling or touching to the audience. On the contrary, the core feature of
Romani women in “begging-problem”-stories is their extreme rationality which in turn negates any form of emotional response, and shows but a resultant cold-heartedness. In these
instances, the focus is turned to how they are capable of abusing of their own children and
how they incessantly harass pedestrians. The depiction of “begging as menace” is dependent on this particular gendered narrative. In some stories, it might even be the case that the
same person will play completely different – often contradictory – roles: A well-known
handicapped Romani woman can play the role of the honest, suffering martyr in one narrative50 and of the evil cheater in another.51
48See Laher, Nehmen.
49„For which solution should a mother with 5 children wait, when she has nothing to eat?”. Wolfgang
Pucher, intern mail to all members of Vinzi-Society, Archives Wolfgang Pucher, 20-8-2007; Bettlerinnen
steigen in die Nudelproduktion ein, Kleine Zeitung, 1-12-2007; Pucher, Zineta.
50See Gladik, Natasha.
51See the media coverage on supposedly cheating handicapped beggars. E.g. Christoph Matzl, Bettler in
Scharen nach Österreich!, in: Steirerkrone, 10-4-2000.
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Consequently it is important to recognise that all these roles are as multi-layered as their
content is shifting. The same role can be used for very different purposes, as described in
the following examples where I argue that narratively formed elements are transferable
between various forms of media. So, none of the roles discussed below are typical for a
specific form of media such as discussions in the press, political debates, novels or documentaries. Quite the contrary; they represent knowledge which is used by all of those (and
other) forms of media.
1) Committed or aggressive mothers
In the documentary Natasha by Uli Gladik, the protagonist – a handicapped Romani
woman from Bulgaria – migrates to work as a beggar in Austria. In the process, she overcomes many obstacles, does not seem phased by her single status (which she chooses despite an abundance of potential lovers) or submissive to the poverty into which she was
born. In fact, she even manages to fight against her leg disease and moves around relatively
freely in her foreign surroundings. Equipped with a wheelchair, she takes control of her life
and thus becomes a symbol for the overcoming of one’s “deficient nature”. Nevertheless
these elements are not meant to highlight an egocentric character; rather the documentary
focuses on Natasha in regards to her duty as a mother, the concern she has for her children’s
futures. I refer to this role as “the committed mother”.
Natasha is not the only recent documentary depicting women in a role that is both empowering and compassionate. The previously mentioned film, Bare Droma, also depicts this
character-type in obviously positive terms. Similar to the discussions held among Romani
women in Natasha, usually about how fed up they are with their relationships52, Bare Droma
shows Romani girls as people who do not passively accept their fate (see the Spanish quotation above). In doing so, these documentaries succeed at transmitting a positive view of
Romani women as people who do have choices.53
Such characterisations have been extensively depicted in stories on Romani migrants
in Austria, although they were certainly not intended to encourage empowering perspectives. Hence, Romnija as “the committed mothers” appear in the press with different, that
is, aggressive intentions. In contrast to the documentary film portrayals above, newspapers
often appeal to readers by redefining the act of taking control of a situation or triumphing
52See Gladik, Natasha.
53By this means the films still introduce characteristics which could be interpreted as signs for a gender
disorder. These elements could not only highlight the otherness of a “foreign culture”, but also be interpreted as aggressiveness and perversion.
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over various difficulties by featuring Romani women abusing their children or attacking/
betraying pedestrians: In the Graz press, for example, Romani women were often described
with similar characteristics but in a demonized way as it was made clear that they were the
ones sending their own children out into the street, forcing them to either beg or perform
music.54 This fantasy in which parental power/care turns (perverted) into aggression while
control/guidance is transformed into abuse was expressed frequently in press-coverage and
had a huge impact on the public’s perception of the Romani “begging problem”. It led directly to the above-mentioned official ban of “intrusive begging and begging with children”
in the city of Graz.55 According to press and politics, the list of what aggressive women are
allegedly capable of is in fact quite impressive. Especially in letters to the editor, but also in
the official discussion in city parliament, these women were described as having attacked
pedestrians and spitting on them, refusing donated food, robbing people, and acting in
generally aggressive ways towards passers-by. This stereotype of the Romani woman as an
aggressive virago is also reflected outside of the mass media, such as in novels. Here it is
common to read about men who are beaten up “mercilessly”56 by their wives and forced to
hand over power to them.57
To sum up, the intention of the majority of stories about committed/aggressive mothers proves clear that this role is predominantly used to illustrate seemingly “problematic
aspects” of “Romani culture”. In consequence it is promising to take a closer look on the
subtext implied in the agitation generated in the press in depiction of the committed/aggressive mother type. The idea of a woman – especially a migrant, who must, after all, have
backward ideas58 – being active in public, challenges what are otherwise accepted as basic
social/cultural regulations. A mother who claims power over herself and who is capable of
managing her surroundings independently is perceived as violating the gendered division
of labour in particular and the gender order in general.59 On the whole, committed women
54See e.g. Werner Miedl, Das Betteln der Kinder verbieten, in: Kleine Zeitung, 1-11-1996; Susanne Haydvogel, Rechtzeitig vor Weihnacht’ ein wirklich sauberes Graz, in: Kleine Zeitung, 5-12-1996, 31; Alfred Stingl,
Die Antwort, in: Kleine Zeitung, 3-12-1996; Peter Gnam, Die SPÖ unter Druck, in: Steirerkrone, 5-12-1996.
55With an “act against intrusive and children’s begging”, passed on December 5th 1996.
56Cf. Laher, Nehmen, 13.
57Cf. Karl Markus Gauß, Die Hundeesser von Svinia, Munich 2008, 39–40.
58Cf. Nora Gresch and Leila Hadj-Abdou, Selige Musliminnen oder marginalisierte Migrantinnen? Das
österreichische Paradox der geringen Teilhabe von Kopftuchträgerinnen bei „toleranter“ Kopftuchpolitik, in: Berghahn and Rostock, eds., Stoff, 73–100.
59See for the general model Leonore Davidoff, Gender and the “Great Divide”. Public and Private in British Gender History, in: Journal of Women’s History vol. 15, no. 1 (2003), 11–27.
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(often assumed to be mothers), in refusing to be passive and by appearing in public, are
deemed “intrusive” and pose an alleged threat to normatively gendered spheres and duties.
2) Sexy victims
In newspaper- or magazine-coverage on Romani settlements in the “East” the following
characters are most commonly depicted: passive, innocent individuals, especially women
and children, stuck (physically and metaphorically) in the dirt.60 In order to attract attention, a narration of poverty necessarily needs images of powerlessness to accompany it. A
typical example is Ludwig Laher’s novel Und nehmen was kommt (And take what comes).61 It
chronologically recounts the life of a Romani woman named Monika who grew up in an
“East-Slovakian” settlement and a Czech children’s home. While the narrator is seemingly
neutral and heterodiegetic, it is evident that the male perspective on the female character, and her body in particular, is central to the story. Even the image on the book’s cover,
a front-shot (voyeurism) of a half-naked Romni (desire) whose hands are full of scars
(mercy), represents the combination of three motivating elements underpinning the narration.62 Not surprisingly, the female character is comprised of a blend of symbols, each connoting significant meanings: the central character Monika remains “essentially natural” in
that she is irrational and acts uncontrollably. Additionally, her status as an inevitable victim
(representing the mercy from the male perspective on her) and her sex appeal (corresponding to the desire in the male perspective) form her core-attributes. In the story Monika is
only able to escape her desperate situation by turning to the help of a non-Romani male
hero: “Shortly before that we had been visiting the primitive East-Slovakian Romani settlement that I hail from for an hour. Everything must have frightened him off. Still, there
he was: Sitting just across from me, holding my hands, proposing marriage. It was simply
incredible.”63
The hero liberates Monika from almost all of her problems (miserable living conditions,
violent boyfriends, sexual exploitation, etc.) through a healing process that is both psychological and physical; the man’s impact on her life can even have a metaphysical dimension.
60See for the photographical representation among many others Kurt Kaindl, Der Rand der Mitte, Salzburg 2006, 66–95.
61See Laher, Nehmen. The displayed English translation of the title has been chosen by the publisher:
http://www.haymonverlag.at/lizenz02.html#buch18 (23-01-2010).
62The cover photograph was taken by Albert Grühbaum. Cf. Laher, Nehmen.
63„Kurz vorher waren wir für […] eine Stunde in der primitiven ostslowakischen Romasiedlung, aus der
ich ursprünglich komme, […] Das mußte ihn doch alles abschrecken. Aber nein, da saß er mir gegen­
über, hielt meine Hände und machte mir einen Heiratsantrag. Es war einfach umwerfend.“ Ibid., 192.
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In fact the hero’s power can be read on the Romani protagonist’s body; finally she is able to
experience orgasms and even her relatives living in the “Eastern” settlement suddenly have
a more prosperous future ahead of them due to his help.64
This story is clearly both teleological and presenting a simple concept of symbolical
division in that a white man is responsible for the development and the improved quality
of life and life chances of a dark-skinned woman, as he guides her, rather literally, from
darkness into light. Monika remains uninvolved and passive throughout the story, both
in regards to the misery she experiences at the beginning and in terms of her new life at
the novel’s conclusion. As a prototypical victim, Monika bears almost any pain and hardly
fights against anything. Such quiet suffering then links directly to the innocence which
this character represents. Despite the various sexual encounters which take place in the
story, she remains innocent as the author makes clear that she would never have chosen
to engage in any of this sex voluntarily (except when it comes to sleeping with the hero).
Strangely, Monika’s sex appeal is reinforced through both of these elements – innocence
and victim-status.
Laher’s novel is not the only story where voyeurism, desire and pity create this strange
combination which results in attraction. For instance, the documentary film Bare Droma
includes a brief discussion on boys in a Romanian city who prostitute themselves to “western”
men. Similar to Monika’s character in Laher’s novel, these boys act irrationally and emotionally in the context of miserable life situations (mercy), while, for example, offering sex for a
new haircut (desire). Nevertheless the narration provided by an interviewed older (apparently German) man suggests that life is lighter and simpler for these boys as they manage to
make some money and gain success even if it means selling their bodies in order to do so. To
strengthen his argument, the interviewee goes into detail with speculations about expectations that both “westerners” and Romani boys develop in these situations (voyeurism).65
These literary and cinematic examples underline the ambiguity inherent in the “sexy victim” role. Although an individual is depicted as innocent and pure, he/she is simultaneously
also calculating and perverted. Monika’s character in Und nehmen was kommt frequently
steals, while the child prostitutes in Bare Droma commonly engage in petty theft. Generally, sexualisation relies on both: purity/innocence (virginity) and deviance/misconduct (seduction): The Romani women and children depicted in these narratives are simultaneously
the subjects of exploitation as well as agents of temptation.
64 See ibid.
65 See Schmid and Prettenthaler, Bare Droma.
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3) Breadwinners for the families
Throughout this chapter I have pointed to the importance that the gendered division of
labour has in the formation of stories on Romani migrations. In fact it seems to be impossible to talk about relationships between migrating Roma and Romnija without mentioning the “natural” roles and tasks of the family unit. The role of the breadwinner, for example,
is a central figure in each of the stories discussed thus far (be they in newspapers, novels,
or films), because it allows audiences to identify reasons behind the migration generally or
explains specific activities “abroad” (begging, prostitution, “work prostitution” etc.). This is
based on the classic narrative of the traditional family, where the father is responsible for
providing all of the material necessities of life.66 In the stories often promoted by catholic
NGOs67 as well as in media coverage that is tolerant of begging, the act of begging is generally deemed a legitimate means of survival in the absence of other forms of making an
income. This, however, is an explanation limited entirely to fathers and their duty to act as
the family breadwinner.68 The lack of opportunities seemingly excuses what is otherwise
represented as an annoying and intrusive act, and proves the “genuine” poverty experienced
by the family in question. Additionally catholic organisations propagate the idealised picture of a more intact world represented by healthy nuclear (Romani) families in order to
stress the erosion of “traditional” family values in contemporary “civilised western” society.
In other contexts breadwinners must not necessarily be representatives of a hale and
robust, intact masculinity. Men who simply cannot cope with the fact that they have no
chance to fulfil the duty of providing for their families are incorporated into the basic
repertoire of the discussions on begging.69 A typical example of such stories is the writing
of the essayist Karl-Markus Gauss. In his reports on Romani settlements, he describes
only depressed, sick and broken fathers.70 Similar, albeit more complex, images appear in
the documentary Bare Droma, where we are equally exposed to a series of desperate and
broken-hearted fathers.71
66Cf. Anja Weckwert, Geschlecht und Migration im Wohlfahrtsstaat, in: Brabandt et al., eds., Mehrheit,
145.
67The most prominent of which are the Vinzenzgemeinschaft Eggenberg and Caritas Welthaus. See Privatarchiv Pucher.
68In December 1995 this narrative appeared for the first time. See Kleine Zeitung, 10-12-1995. For the
further development see Rainer Seebacher, Es ist der Hunger, der sie zu uns treibt, in: Kleine Zeitung,
16-3-1997.
69See e.g. Gerhard Fetka, Gebettelt wird ums Überleben, in: Neue Zeit, 9-3-1997.
70See Gauß, Hundeesser, 38–42.
71See Schmid and Prettenthaler, Bare Droma.
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Even Natasha, the central character in the documentary film of the same name, could
be seen as proof of the sickness of a family without a “proper” man: instead she is the female equivalent to the traditional breadwinner. Symbolically, her handicap refers to the
handicap of the family for which she is now expected to provide. Still, this narration does
not at all focus on how problematic this situation may be perceived as being: In interviews,
Natasha is given extensive space to make her own perception of this situation intelligible.
By referring frequently to her role as the family breadwinner, it becomes evident that she
has in fact gained self-esteem as a result of it. Therefore, the audience can see her not as
a typical handicapped poor Romani woman but as the person who is responsible for an
entire family. As is often the case, this representation is still replete with contradictions:
while the role of a female breadwinner reinforces the idea of a traditional nuclear family or
even the seemingly traditional Romani tribe,72 this combination also challenges traditional
role-models thereby making a strong statement against stereotypical representations of
victimhood. Although this characterisation relies on concepts such as dependence (older
and younger family members are totally dependent on the central character), the roles are
reversed since it is a woman who proves that “traditional” familial roles are indeed open to
redefinition. However, in the actual experience of Natasha’s migration to Graz such forms
of dependence are transposed onto another level. There, the effect of symbolic categories
(not only gender, but also “ethnicity”) becomes highly visible in the broader context: Sitting on the street, the active breadwinner becomes passive and dependent on pedestrians,
customers, employers – “white” people, who are, in this setting, in power.
Conclusion
In this article I have set out to provide a few examples of the narrative structure of discussions on Romani migrations to Graz in the last twenty years. I began first by arguing that
while the flexibility of migratory movements (i.e. challenging the unidirectional migration
model) is already represented in popular stories of migrations, it is rarely considered in academic debates. Second, I have made the point that it is crucial to apply an historical analysis of migrations (and how they are perceived) in order to reveal the blurriness of images
and concepts as well as the variety of contradictory meanings and connotations produced
in the process of disseminating them in the public sphere.73 The Graz example proves that
72On Shifting gender roles in seemingly „traditional“ contexts cf. Gay y Blasco, Gypsies.
73At the same time it would be wrong to claim that images with ambiguous information or content are
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terms such as Rom/Migrant/Beggar are extremely multi-layered, and for this reason, are
often used in various ways and for multiple purposes. Third, the narratives on the issues
presented here are not limited to particular media forms, but are instead frequently shared
between the press, film, literature and the spheres of politics and academia. I emphasised
fourthly the importance of taking a gender-sensitive approach when studying migrationrelated issues. Considering sexualities and gender is a useful way for decoding symbolical
orders and explaining social/cultural divisions. To take these dimensions into account contributes to a more precise and comprehensive analysis of reasons and contexts of hatred,
racism and dynamics in “public opinion”. Finally, the arguments presented in this article
seek to highlight the importance of desire/rejection in narration as well as in the scholarly
explanation and illustration of (Romani) migration. Not surprisingly, alternatives to “western” heterosexist male perspectives on migration remain overwhelmingly marginalised in
academic research. It is time to meaningfully challenge this.
mostly produced in “popular imagination” or limited to the verbal sphere. On the contrary those elements
are omnipresent in politics, law, public policy and attitudes of authorities.
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