Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
http://www.capmh.com/content/8/1/24
RESEARCH
Open Access
Adverse life events and delinquent behavior
among Kenyan adolescents: a cross-sectional study
on the protective role of parental monitoring,
religiosity, and self-esteem
Caroline W Kabiru1*, Patricia Elung’ata1, Sanyu A Mojola2 and Donatien Beguy1
Abstract
Background: Past research provides strong evidence that adverse life events heighten the risk of delinquent
behavior among adolescents. Urban informal (slum) settlements in sub-Saharan Africa are marked by extreme
adversity. However, the prevalence and consequences of adverse life events as well as protective factors that can
mitigate the effects of exposure to these events in slum settlements is largely understudied. We examine two
research questions. First, are adverse life events experienced at the individual and household level associated with
a higher likelihood of delinquent behavior among adolescents living in two slums in Nairobi, Kenya? Second, are
parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem protective against delinquency in a context of high adversity?
Methods: We used cross-sectional data from 3,064 males and females aged 12–19 years who participated in the
Transitions to Adulthood Study. We examined the extent to which a composite index of adverse life events was
associated with delinquent behavior (measured using a composite index derived from nine items). We also examined
the direct and moderating effects of three protective factors: parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem.
Results: Fifty-four percent of adolescents reported at least one adverse life event, while 18% reported three or more
adverse events. For both males and females, adversity was positively and significantly associated with delinquency in
bivariate and multivariate models. Negative associations were observed between the protective factors and
delinquency. Significant adverse events × protective factor interaction terms were observed for parental monitoring
(females and males), religiosity (males), and self-esteem (females).
Conclusions: Similar to research in high income countries, adverse life events are associated with an increased
likelihood of delinquent behavior among adolescents living in urban slums in Kenya, a low-income country. However,
parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem may moderate the effect of adversity on delinquent behavior and
pinpoint possible avenues to develop interventions to reduce delinquency in resource-poor settings in low and middle
income countries.
Keywords: Adolescents, Adverse life events, Resilience, Problem behavior theory, Kenya, Sub-Saharan Africa
* Correspondence: [email protected]
1
African Population and Health Research Center, 2nd Floor APHRC Campus,
Manga Close Off Kirawa Road, P.O. Box 10787–00100, Nairobi, Kenya
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
© 2014 Kabiru et al.; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain
Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article,
unless otherwise stated.
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
http://www.capmh.com/content/8/1/24
Background
A large body of evidence shows that adverse events in
childhood and adolescence are associated with an
increased likelihood of delinquent and risk behavior.
For example, adverse childhood experiences, such as
sexual abuse and household dysfunction, have been
shown to be associated with teenage drug and alcohol
use, violence perpetration, bullying, as well as early
sexual intercourse [1-4]. Duke and colleagues [4] also
documented a co-occurrence of adverse childhood
events based on a large scale sample of adolescents
aged 10–19 years in the United States (US) and showed
that adolescents who had experienced multiple adverse
events were more likely to report violence perpetration
towards others.
Adolescents growing up in slum settings encounter
a number of adverse life events, including extreme
poverty, poor housing, and persistent exposure to
neighborhood crime and violence, which are significantly
associated with delinquency [5-9]. Multiple pathways
through which adverse life events lead to delinquency and
behavioral problems have been suggested in the literature.
Simons and Burt [9], for example, postulate that adverse
conditions, including community disadvantage and
neighborhood crime, promote social schemas—a hostile,
distrustful view of people, the need for immediate
gratification, and a cynical view of social norms and
codes of conduct—that support delinquent or criminal
behavior. Gerson and Rappaport [10] also suggest that
exposure to violence can lead to reactive aggression.
Although the bulk of existing studies examining
associations between adversity and risk and delinquent
behavior have been conducted in high-income settings in
the global north, a few studies conducted in sub-Saharan
Africa have documented a higher likelihood of problem
behaviors among young people reporting adverse life
events. One study conducted in the urban slums of
Nairobi, Kenya, for example, found a strong association
between self-reported coerced sexual activity and alcohol
use among young people aged 12–24 years [11]. Similarly,
researchers in a multi-country study conducted in Burkina
Faso, Ghana, Malawi and Uganda found that adolescents
reporting adverse childhood events, including physical
abuse and living in a household that suffered because of a
household member’s heavy drinking, were more likely to
report substance use [12]. In the latter study, researchers
further observed a graded association between the
number of adverse events reported and the likelihood
of self-reported substance use.
Empirical research on adverse childhood events has
tended to focus on the risk factors for, outcomes of and
potential pathways through which adverse or traumatic
events in childhood may lead to various outcomes.
However, living in adversity does not inevitably lead to
Page 2 of 11
delinquency. Many young people growing up in contexts
marked by community disadvantage and high levels of
violence and dysfunction are resilient and often able to
overcome “the negative effects of risk exposure, cop[e]
successfully with traumatic experiences and avoid the
negative trajectories associated with risks.” (p. 399) [13].
Indeed, factors that are protective for youth in several
settings, such as religiosity [14], may arguably take on
more salience among youth at particular risk of engaging
in delinquent behavior, in buffering them from their
circumstances, and helping them find alternative ways
of coping with adversity.
In this study, we examine the extent to which exposure
to adverse life events was associated with delinquent
behavior among 3,064 adolescents aged 12–19 years
living in two slum settlements in Nairobi, Kenya’s
capital city. Further, in order to suggest how alternative
positive pathways for youth living in extreme poverty may
be attained, we examine whether parental monitoring,
religiosity, and self-esteem are protective in situations
of adversity by assessing whether these variables moderate
the association between adverse life events and delinquent
behavior.
Slums or urban informal settlements, which are
ubiquitous in most African cities [15], are a unique
environment to examine the behavioral ramifications
of exposure to adverse life events. Slum settlements
are characterized by insecurity, extreme deprivation,
lack of basic infrastructure, limited socio-economic and
educational opportunities, and high levels of violence [15].
As noted by Ompad [16], “slum dwellers are often a
particularly vulnerable group for a variety of reasons
including precarious or nonexistent land tenure, lack of
urban resource infrastructure, and tenuous relationships
with governments and law enforcement” (p. i43).
To guide our examination of the behavioral consequences
of adverse childhood events as well as potential moderators
of the association between these adverse experiences and
delinquency, we draw on constructs from Jessor’s Problem
Behavior Theory [14,17,18]. The framework posits that
behavior is influenced by protective factors and risk factors
at individual or contextual levels [18]. For example, at the
contextual level, protective factors, such as parental
monitoring, religiosity, or perceived self-worth, promote
positive (pro-social or health enhancing) behavior. Risk
factors, on the other hand, increase the likelihood of risk or
problem behavior. Protective factors may not only inhibit
delinquency, but may also in the event of adverse events,
moderate the impact of exposure to risk. We also draw on
the literature on resilience, which highlights successful
adaptations in the presence of risk or adversity and underscores the importance of protective factors [13,19,20].
We postulate that adolescents reporting adverse life
events would report higher levels of delinquent behavior
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
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and that there would be a graded association between
the reported number of adverse life events and the level
of engagement in delinquent behavior. However, we also
hypothesize that in line with both the Problem Behavior
Theory and the concept of resilience, young people
who report adverse life events, but who also report
high levels of the protective factors (religiosity, parental
monitoring, and self-esteem) would be less likely to
engage in delinquent behavior compared with peers
reporting low levels of these protective factors. Finally, we
also examine whether there are gender differences in these
associations.
Methods
Page 3 of 11
12–22 years were interviewed. This number reflects a 77%
response rate among age-eligible young people. Overall,
refusals were low (<5%) among youth whom fieldworkers
were able to reach. Most of those who did not participate
could not be located given the high mobility of residents in
the area [25]. Participants were more likely to be from
Korogocho (79% in Korogocho versus 74% in Viwandani,
p < .05) and to be younger (16.5 years versus 16.7 years,
p < .10) than eligible non-participants. Participants did
not differ from eligible non-participants by sex. To
capture participants within the adolescent age-bracket
as defined by the World Health Organization [26], we
restricted the analytical sample to 3,064 participants
(1,566 males and 1,498 females) aged 12–19 years.
Setting
Our data come from two slums in Nairobi (Korogocho
and Viwandani). Korogocho is one of the oldest and
most congested slum settlements in the city. Many of
the residents in Korogocho have lived there for years.
Viwandani, on the other hand, is situated in the city’s
industrial area and is home to a youthful, relatively
well-educated migrant population seeking employment
in nearby industries. Both slums have limited formal
health, education, and other social services [21,22] in
large part because the “informal” or “squatter” nature
of these settlements has long meant that these areas
have been considered illegal and therefore have been
marginalized by the local and national governments.
As in other slums in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa
[23], these slums are characterized by extreme poverty,
insecurity, and crime.
Data
We used data collected during the baseline survey of the
Transitions to Adulthood Study. The study was nested
in the Nairobi Urban Health and Demographic Surveillance
System (NUHDSS), which has followed approximately
75,000 individuals living in more than 23,000 households in
Korogocho and Viwandani since 2002. The NUHDSS
collects vital health and demographic information
including births, deaths and migrations occurring among
residents in households within the surveillance area.
These data are collected three times a year. Individuals
qualify to become Health and Demographic Surveillance
System (HDSS) residents through baseline enumeration,
in-migration or birth [24].
Participants were randomly selected within the
households in the study area using records of residents in
the NUHDSS for the year 2007. Allowing for an annual
attrition rate of 16% for Korogocho and 24% for Viwandani,
and given the planned 3-year follow-up, a total of 5,281
young people aged 12–22 years were identified within
households in the NUHDSS and targeted for recruitment.
During the baseline survey 4,058 youth (50% males) aged
Procedures
The baseline survey was conducted between October
2007 and June 2008. The survey collected information on,
among other details, socio-demographic and behavioral
characteristics, perceived parental monitoring, self-esteem,
and religiosity. The questionnaire incorporated questions
and measurement scales drawn from existing instruments
that have been used and validated in studies conducted in
various settings internationally including the Cape Area
Panel Study (CAPS) [27], the National Study of Youth and
Religion [28], and the Adolescent Health and Development
Questionnaire [29]. The final version of the questionnaire
was reviewed by an international panel of adolescent
research experts. The questionnaire was also pilot-tested
among adolescents living in the two slums but outside the
study catchment area. The questionnaire was translated
from English to Swahili, the language that was used
for interviews. The original and translated versions were
then reviewed by bilingual researchers and interviewers to
ensure comparability.
The interviews were conducted in Kiswahili by male and
female interviewers, many of whom had previous experience
working in Korogocho and Viwandani. Prior to fieldwork,
interviewers participated in a 5-day training workshop that
included sessions on the objectives of the Transitions to
Adulthood study, the study tools, the roles of interviewers,
and ethical practices in research. The training also included
mock interviews and pilot interviews with a group of youth
living in the two slum settlements but outside the study
area. Interviews were conducted in the participants’ homes
or other private settings and lasted about 1 hour, on average.
Due to the sensitive nature of questions about adverse
experiences, these questions were only asked if there was
no one over three years of age within listening distance.
Approval to conduct the study was obtained from
the Kenya Medical Research Institute’s Ethical Review
Committee. All participants provided written or oral consent. For participants aged 12–17, parental consent was
obtained prior to seeking assent from the adolescent.
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
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Measures
Outcome variable
Similar to other studies that have assessed delinquency
[30,31], the primary outcome variable, delinquent behavior,
was assessed using a composite index derived from standardized values of seven items that measured the frequency
(0 = never; 1 = once; 2 = more than once) with which youth
engaged in the following behaviors in the 4 months preceding the survey: staying away from home for at least one
night without parental permission; starting a fight with
peers; taking or trying to take something belonging to someone else without their knowledge; carrying a knife, gun, or
other weapon; hitting or threatening to hit a peer or adult;
delivering or selling drugs; and delivering or selling alcohol.
In line with previous literature that considers early sex and
multiple sexual partnerships as problem behaviors [32], well
as literature showing a strong association between sexual
behavior and delinquency [30], we also included two items
assessing whether the participant had engaged in sexual
intercourse by age 15 and whether the participant had ever
had multiple sexual partners. Internal consistency of scores
on the delinquency scale was assessed using Cronbach’s
alpha [33]. The Cronbach’s alpha value for item scores on
the delinquency scale was 0.73. A higher score on the scale
indicates more frequent involvement in delinquent behavior.
Explanatory variables
The primary explanatory variable, exposure to adverse
life events, was defined as participants’ self-reported
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experience of potentially stressful and undesirable events
experienced personally or at family/household level [34].
This variable was assessed using 10 items (Table 1) that
assessed adverse events experienced personally (four items,
e.g., Sometimes people do things to us we do not want.
Has anyone ever touched you in an unwanted sexual way,
such as kissing, grabbing or fondling?), and at family or
household level (six items, e.g., in the last month, has your
family/household ever not had enough food to feed
everyone?). We computed a composite adverse events
score using standardized values of the 10 items. In
addition, we created a categorical variable with four
levels (no adverse life events reported, one event, two
events, and three or more) showing the total number
of adverse events reported by each participant.
Three types of protective factors were assessed: parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem. Parental
monitoring—perceptions of parents’ knowledge and
supervision of participants’ friends, whereabouts and
activities [35]—was measured using nine items (e.g., How
much would you say your parents/guardians really know
about where you spend time in the evenings on weekdays?
Response options: they never know, sometimes know,
always know) (Cronbach’s α = .97). Religiosity—the
role of religion in participants’ lives [36]—was a composite
measure created using five items that assessed the
frequency of participation in religious services (i.e.,
how many times have you gone to religious services
during the past one month? Response options: never,
Table 1 Proportion of participants reporting adverse life events and t-test statistics for differences in delinquency
between those who have experienced an adverse event and those who have not, by sex
Male
n = 1,566
Female
n = 1,498
Total
n = 3,064
%
t (df)
%
t (df)
%
29.4
−7.9 (1530)
27.4
−8.1 (1456)
28.5
37.7
−9.7 (1487)
38.1
−9.9 (1394)
37.9
11.8
−10.3 (1506)
12.2
−9.4 (1434)
12.0
11.9
−10.1 (1529)
9.6
−9.1 (1453)
10.8
11.2
−5.9 (1466)
12.5
−4.8 (1399)
11.8
10.9
−2.9 (1530)
12.4
−0.2 (1455)
11.7
4.5
−11.0 (1513)
3.2
−7.3 (1442)
3.9
Ever had a parent or adult living in same home inflict injury
10.5
−7.1 (1501)
9.8
−9.4 (1439)
10.1
Ever been touched in unwanted sexual waya, b, c
1.3
−2.2 (1531)
5.6
−10.2 (1456)
3.4
0.5
−3.1 (1530)
2.7
−11.5 (1453)
1.6
None
45.8
-
45.4
-
45.6
One
17.2
-
17.3
-
17.2
Two
18.1
-
18.5
-
18.3
Three or more
18.9
-
18.8
-
18.9
In the last month, family did not have enough fooda,
b
In the last three months, family suffered because parent(s) were out of a joba,
a, b
Ever lived with a problem drinker or alcoholic
Parents ever divorced or separated
a, b, c
Ever lost your home because of a disaster?a
Ever witnessed mother/mother figure being beatena,
b
a, b
Ever kicked out of the home by a parent/guardian?
a, b
Ever been physically forced to have sexual intercourse
a, b, c
b
Number of adverse experiences (χ 2 (3, N=3,064) = 0.12)
a, b
p < .05 for differences in delinquency between males (a) and females (b) who have experienced the adverse event and those who have not based on t-tests.
p < .05 for differences between males and females based on chi-square tests.
c
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
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1 time, 2–3 times, 4 times, more than 4 times) and the
importance of relying on religious teachings and beliefs,
believing in God, and prayer in one’s life (e.g., how important is it to you to be able to rely on religious teachings
when you have a problem? Response options: not important, somewhat important, important, very important)
(Cronbach’s α = .93). Self-esteem—defined as participants’
overall sense of self-worth and adequacy [37]—was measured using five items assessing the adolescent’s ability to
get along with others, living up to expectations, ability to
do well in school, self-rated attractiveness, and selfsatisfaction (e.g., On the whole, how satisfied are you with
yourself? Response options: very satisfied, pretty satisfied,
not too satisfied, not satisfied at all) (Cronbach’s α = .61).
Analyses
Descriptive statistics of the participants’ social and demographic characteristics, engagement in delinquent behavior,
as well as experience of adverse life events were computed
(Table 1). Bivariate analyses (chi-squares, Pearson’s correlations, ANOVA, and t-tests) were conducted to examine
Page 5 of 11
gender differences in the study variables (Tables 1 and 2)
and to examine pairwise correlations between the primary
explanatory variables and delinquency (Table 3). We then
run multivariate linear regression models to examine the
association between the explanatory variables and the
delinquency measure controlling for socio-demographic
variables (age, study site, and schooling status) (Table 4).
We ran two models. The first included the primary
explanatory variables and socio-demographic controls. The
second model added interaction terms between the protective factors and the number of adverse events. Since some
households had more than one adolescent, the models were
adjusted for cluster effects. To check that the assumptions
for linear regression analyses were not violated, we tested
the normality of the regression residuals as suggested by Li
and colleagues [38]. All analyses were conducted separately
for males and females, using Stata 12.0 [39]. For bivariate
and multivariate analyses, a p-value of less than 0.05 was
considered statistically significant. Fewer than 5% of participants had missing information on variables included in the
multivariate models thus no imputation was performed.
Table 2 Descriptive statistics of adolescents by sex
Male
n = 1,566
Female
n = 1,498
Total
N = 3,064
%
%
%
Yes
74.3
67.9
71.2
No
25.7
32.1
28.8
Korogocho
50.3
51.3
50.8
Viwandani
49.7
48.7
49.2
Catholic
27.7
27.5
27.6
Protestant
21.4
22.1
21.7
Pentecostal
19.2
26.1
22.6
2
Currently attending school (χ (1, N=3,063) = 15.39)*
Residence (χ 2 (1, N=3,060) = 0.32)
2
Religious affiliation (χ (6, N=3,061) = 53.38)*
Other Christian
2.9
2.9
2.9
Muslim
13.4
11.9
12.6
No religion
10.7
4.7
7.7
Other
4.7
4.8
4.8
Mean delinquency (SD) (t = 9.34; df = 3,062)*
0.10 (0.66)
−0.09 (0.43)
0.00 (0.57)
Raw delinquency (t = 10.25; df = 3,062)*
0.25 (0.32)
0.15 (0.23)
0.20 (0.28)
Mean parental monitoring (SD) (t = −5.68; df = 3,014)* a
−0.09 (0.87)
0.09 (0.89)
0.00 (0.88)
Raw parental monitoring (t = −5.69; df = 3,014)*
2.15 (0.83)
2.33 (0.84)
2.24 (0.84)
Mean religiosity (SD) (t = −7.53; df = 3,056)*,
, a
−0.12 (1.01)
0.12 (0.73)
0.00 (0.89)
Raw religiosity (t = −7.58; df = 3,056)*
3.08 (1.17)
3.36 (0.85)
3.21 (1.03)
Mean esteem (SD) (t = −0.52; df = 3,061)a
−0.01 (0.64)
0.01 (0.61)
0.00 (0.63)
Raw esteem (t = −0.56; df = 3,061)
−1.55 (0.44)
−1.54 (0.41)
−1.55 (0.42)
a
*p < 0.05 for sex differences based on chi-square tests (categorical variables) and t-tests (continuous variables).
a
Indices generated from standardized (mean equal to zero and standard deviation equal to one) values of individual items all scored in the positive direction.
Number of items in scales: delinquency (9 items); religiosity (5 items); parental monitoring (9 items); self-esteem (5 items).
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Table 3 Pearson’s correlation coefficients between delinquency and the primary explanatory variables, by sex
Delinquency
Adverse life events
Parental monitoring
Religiosity
Self-esteem
Males
Delinquency
1
Adverse life events
0.37*
1
Parental monitoring
−0.28*
−0.14*
1
Religiosity
−0.22*
−0.14*
0.23*
1
Self-esteem
−0.24*
−0.28*
0.23*
0.24*
1
Females
Delinquency
1
Adverse life events
0.41*
1
Parental monitoring
−0.25*
−0.11*
1
Religiosity
−0.16*
−0.15*
0.17*
1
Self-esteem
−0.22*
−0.20*
0.13*
0.14*
1
*p < 0.05.
Results
Descriptive analysis
Table 2 summarizes the socio-demographic characteristics
of the 3,064 participants in the analytic sample. Overall,
71% of participants were attending school at the time of
the survey. A significantly higher proportion of males
(74%) than females (68%) were currently in school. The
number of participants was equally split across the
study sites. About three quarters of the participants
were Christians. Males were significantly more likely than
females to report delinquent behavior. Females reported
higher levels of religiosity and parental monitoring. There
were no significant sex differences on the self-esteem
scale. For both males and females, delinquency was negatively correlated with religiosity, parental monitoring, and
self-esteem (Table 3). All correlations were significant at
the .05 level.
Overall, 54% of participants reported that they had
experienced at least one adverse life event (Table 1).
The most frequently reported adverse events were that
the family had suffered in the three months preceding the
survey because a parent or both parents were out of a job
(38%), and that the household suffered food insecurity in
the month preceding the survey (29%). Less than 5% of
adolescents reported that they had ever been kicked out of
home by a parent or guardian (4%), been touched in an
unwanted sexual way (3%), or been physically forced into
having sexual intercourse (2%). However, females were
more likely than males to report unwanted sexual
touching and coerced sexual intercourse. Males, on
Table 4 Linear regression of delinquency on number of adverse events, socio-demographics, and protective factors by sex
Male
Adverse events (AE)
Female
Model 1 β (SE)
Model 2 β (SE)
Model 3 β (SE)
Model 4 β (SE)
0.40(0.04)***
0.30(0.04)***
0.27(0.03)***
0.22(0.02)***
Parental monitoring
−0.11(0.02)***
−0.11(0.02)***
−0.05(0.01)***
−0.05(0.01)***
Religiosity
−0.07(0.02)***
−0.06(0.02)***
−0.04(0.02)*
−0.04(0.01)**
Self-esteem
−0.09(0.03)***
−0.08(0.03)**
−0.08(0.02)***
−0.07(0.02)***
−0.04 (0.03)
−0.01 (0.03)
0.00 (0.02)
0.00 (0.02)
15-19 years (ref. 12–14 years)
Out of school (ref. in school)
0.16(0.05)***
0.15(0.05)**
0.11(0.03)***
0.11(0.03)***
Viwandani (ref. Korogocho)
−0.18(0.03)***
−0.17(0.03)***
−0.11(0.02)***
−0.11(0.02)***
AE × parental monitoring
AE × religiosity
−0.11(0.05)*
−0.08(0.03)**
−0.15(0.04)***
0.00 (0.03)
−0.05 (0.06)
AE × self-esteem
−0.13(0.05)*
0.16(0.03)***
0.12(0.03)***
−0.06(0.02)***
−0.08(0.02)***
Observations (N)
1498
1498
1436
1436
Adjusted R-squared (R2)
0.23
0.26
0.25
0.27
Constant
Ref = reference category.
*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
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the other hand, were more likely to report that their
parents had divorced or separated.
Individual adverse events were significantly associated
with delinquency at bivariate level (with the exception of
ever losing home because of a disaster among females). In
each case, adolescents who had experienced an adverse
event had higher scores on the delinquency scale than
those who had not experienced the event (Table 1). The
cumulative number of adverse events experienced was
also significantly associated with delinquent behavior at
the bivariate level (males F (3, 1562) = 51.0, p < 0.05;
females F (3, 1494) = 59.8, p < 0.05). Pairwise comparisons
showed that for both males and females, participants
reporting at least one adverse life event had higher
delinquency scores than those reporting no adverse event
and that there was a positive association between the
number of events reported and delinquency.
Multivariate analyses
In the multivariate analysis (Table 4), the adverse events
variable was positively and significantly associated with
delinquent behavior after controlling for protective
factors and socio-demographic variables for both males
(model 1) and females (model 3). The coefficients
remained significant– albeit attenuated–after including
interaction terms between the adverse events variable
and the protective factors (models 2 and 4). All three
protective factors were negatively and significantly associated with delinquency in the multivariate regression
models for males (model 1) and females (model 3).
The regression coefficients remained significant when
interactions between the protective factors and the number
of adverse life events experienced were included in the
model (models 2 and 4). Among the control variables,
schooling status, and area of residence were significantly
associated with delinquent behavior. Specifically, being out
of school and living in Korogocho were associated with
higher delinquency scores (models 1 and 3).
For both males and females, inclusion of the interaction
effects resulted in a small increase in the proportion of
variance explained (3% and 2%, respectively). Among males,
the interactions between the adverse events and religiosity
variables as well as between the adverse events and parental
monitoring variables were significant (model 2). For
females, the interactions between the adverse events
variable and the parental monitoring and self-esteem
variables were statistically significant (model 4). To illustrate
these interaction effects, we created categorical variables
showing high and low levels of protective factors (the group
labeled as ‘high’ comprises the approximately 50% of
participants who had the highest scores on the respective
index, and vice versa) for each category of number of
adverse life events and plotted the mean delinquency by
adverse events for each new category. Figure 1 shows that
Page 7 of 11
for males, the strength of the association between adverse
life events and delinquency was attenuated by high levels
of religiosity and parental monitoring. Among females,
the strength of the association between adverse life events
and delinquency was attenuated by high levels of parental
monitoring and self-esteem.
Discussion
An extensive body of research exists on the links
between adverse or traumatic events in childhood and
behavioral and psychosocial outcomes later in life.
However, much of this research is based on studies
conducted in the global north. Further, existing literature
tends to lay emphasis on the risks associated with exposure
to adversity with less attention focused on protective factors
that may buffer individuals from the negative outcomes
stemming from adverse life experiences. In this study, we
advance the literature in two ways. First, we examine
the extent to which experience of adverse life events was
associated with delinquent behavior among adolescents
aged 12–19 years who live in two slum settlements in
Nairobi, Kenya. Second, we examine whether three protective factors, which are indicators of different domains of
young people’s lives; individual level (self-esteem, religiosity)
and household level (parental monitoring), moderated
the association between adverse life events and delinquent
behavior.
Adversity and delinquency
We found that more than half of the adolescents lived
in households characterized by either food insecurity or
recent parental unemployment, and almost a fifth had dealt
with multiple adverse events. Consistent with previous
studies [4,34], we observed a strong association between
the number of adverse life events and delinquency.
However, the findings from our study also demonstrate
the role that protective factors may play in moderating the
association between adverse life events and delinquent
behavior, and highlight important gender differences.
Parental monitoring
For both males and females, we observed a significant
interaction between parental monitoring and the number
of adverse life events, with adolescents with high levels of
parental monitoring also reporting lower levels of delinquency even at high levels of adversity. Parental closeness
is an important support and buffer for children living in
contexts characterized by high levels of adversity because
the close ties between the parent and child allow for
greater self-expression and enables parents to provide
better care for their children [40]. In addition, close
parental monitoring may help young people adjust
positively when exposed to external stressors [40]. Our
study adds international breadth to the large literature on
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
http://www.capmh.com/content/8/1/24
Page 8 of 11
Figure 1 Illustration of the moderator effects of protective factors on the relationship between delinquency and number of adverse
events among males and females 12–19 years.
the association between parental involvement and
delinquency, especially among youth in resource-poor
contexts [5-8] where literature from youth living in
extreme poverty in low and middle income countries is
limited. The positive influence of parents found here
suggests their useful focus in youth interventions conducted
in resource-poor settings. Indeed existing studies suggest
that targeting parents may be an important approach to
reduce both the incidence of and outcomes of adverse life
experiences. One study conducted in the US [41], for
example, provides evidence that a population-based parenting intervention can reduce child maltreatment rates.
Further investigations of whether similar programs can be
implemented in resource-poor settings in low and middle
countries and achieve similar results would be useful in
informing policies and programs to enhance positive youth
development in contexts marked by pervasive adversity.
Religiosity
Similar to other studies in the global north [36,42,43],
we found that young people reporting high religiosity
had lower delinquency scores even in situations of high
adversity. Overall, it is likely that religious teachings enable
young people to cope with possibly traumatic events in
‘positive’ ways by proscribing delinquent behavior,
enhancing self-control, and shaping pro-social attitudes
and beliefs while at the same time providing support to
those who have experienced adverse events [44]. In Kenya,
over 85% of people say religion is very important to their
lives [45]. Previous research in Kenya [46-49] has
highlighted the importance of religion in enabling youth
to cope with difficult life situations and adversity. Our
findings further bridge the gap between the declared
importance of religion in the lives of Kenyans and its
significance in shaping youth outcomes in adverse situations and contexts. Religion may influence youth not only
through activities such as regular church attendance, but
also through attending youth groups, and engaging in
religious coping activities such as personal prayer. As
poor youth transition to adulthood and are persistently
exposed to adverse and sometimes criminogenic settings
[9,50], religiosity may therefore not only shape their
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
http://www.capmh.com/content/8/1/24
self-perceptions, but also the kinds of moral rules and
regulations they take on from their environment.
Self-esteem
There has been a debate in the literature in the global
north as to whether self-esteem has an effect on youth
delinquency, with studies finding no effect, mixed effects
or positive effects [37]. In this study, we observed a
direct association between self-esteem and delinquency
for males and females with higher levels of selfesteem associated with a lower likelihood of reporting
delinquent behavior. A study conducted in Rwanda by
Betancourt et al. [40] among children affected by
HIV/AIDS, their caregivers, and other key informants also
identified self-esteem as a key protective factor in situations
of adversity. In the Rwandan study, children with high
self-esteem were viewed as being more courageous,
better able to overcome difficulty, and able to believe in a
better future despite hardships experienced in the present.
These findings suggest that interventions that enhance
positive self-perceptions among adolescents who are prone
to adversity may improve behavioral outcomes.
Page 9 of 11
difficult to observe the moderating effect of self-esteem.
Although we were unable to assess whether high selfesteem precedes the adverse events, we posit that young
females with high levels of self-esteem have more positive
self-perceptions and are able to constructively cope with
stress in contexts of adversity.
Overall, our findings on gender differences in the
buffering effects of religiosity for males and self-esteem for
females, suggest potentially gendered pathways and mechanisms through which youth cope with adverse situations
and are protected or buffered from delinquency. One reason might be linked to the gendered types of delinquency
in which adolescents engage, with male delinquency linked
to deviant peer groups, thus suggesting why alternative
positive groups and institutions may be protective; while
female delinquency or problem behavior (particularly
with respect to early sexual behavior) may be linked
to low self-esteem and self-image, suggesting why
higher self-esteem is protective. More research is needed to
examine whether these findings and potential mechanisms
hold in other settings.
Limitations
Gender differences
While parental monitoring was significant for both males
and females, we found significant gender differences in
religiosity and self-esteem in ameliorating delinquency
among youth. The gender differences in the role of religiosity in this study are noteworthy. While a recent study in the
US found a gender invariant protective effect of religion on
delinquency [51], in this study, the buffering effect of religiosity in this setting was only significant for males. It is
plausible that because females reported higher levels of
religiosity, lower levels of variability in religiosity among
them may mask the potentially protective role that religiosity plays. Further, the protective features of religion for boys
may include the ability to engage in social institutions, such
as church and religious youth groups, that provide
sanctions for deviant behavior, models for conventional
behavior and positive youth development [13,14], and
provide concrete alternatives to gangs and other groups
that are commonly associated with male delinquency.
We also found important gender differences in the
role of self-esteem in buffering the association between
adverse life events and delinquency. Self-esteem was
only significantly protective for females. Our findings are
in line with previous research in the US which found
significant associations between low self-esteem, early
sex, and risky sexual partnerships among adolescent
females [52]. Previous research shows that males score
slightly higher on measures of global self-esteem scales
with the largest effect of age observed in late adolescence
[53]. It is therefore plausible that males in this study may
have a lower level of variability in self-esteem making it
Our study should be interpreted in light of several
limitations. First, this study examines a limited range
of measures on delinquency and possible factors that
may affect delinquency. Previous studies conducted in
other settings [4] have shown that adverse childhood
events are associated with both interpersonal violence
perpetration and self-directed violence. Given the dearth of
literature on delinquency among youth populations living
in resource-poor settings in low and middle income
countries, further studies that examine the prevalence
and a wider range of precursors of delinquency in these
settings are warranted. Second, our data preclude causal
interpretations. Future research should examine whether
these associations persist over time and are predictive
of future delinquency. Third, this study is based on selfreported data on sensitive behaviors as well as experiences,
and may be subject to self-report bias despite our efforts to
assure participants that all data would be confidential.
These limitations notwithstanding, the study confirms
findings from other studies, largely in the global north,
that demonstrate a strong link between adversity and
delinquency. The study also illuminates key protective
factors that may attenuate the risk for delinquency among
adolescents living in challenging urban contexts in
sub-Saharan Africa.
Conclusions
Adolescents in urban slums in sub-Saharan Africa live
in contexts marked by significant adversity. Similar to
previous research, our results show that adverse life
events are associated with an increased likelihood of risk
Kabiru et al. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014, 8:24
http://www.capmh.com/content/8/1/24
behavior among adolescents. However, we find that
parental monitoring, high religiosity, and high self-esteem
may moderate the effect of adversity on risk behavior. Our
findings highlight the potential benefits that interventions
that nurture supportive parent–child relationships and
that enhance the emotional health of adolescents may
have in enabling adolescents successfully cope with
adversity. In addition, our findings underscore the role that
religious organizations may play in enhancing positive
youth development among adolescents living in resourcepoor contexts.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Author contributions
CWK conceptualized the manuscript idea, reviewed literature, and prepared
the first draft of the manuscript. PE made substantive contributions to the
conceptualization of the manuscript, supported the literature review, and
performed the statistical analysis. SM made substantive contributions to the
conceptualization of the study and manuscript preparation. DB made
substantive contributions to the conceptualization of the manuscript and
supported the statistical analysis. All authors critically reviewed the
manuscript. All authors are aware that the manuscript is being submitted to
the journal. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Acknowledgements
The Transitions to Adulthood study was part of a larger project, Urbanization,
Poverty, and Health Dynamics in sub-Saharan Africa (UPHD), that was funded
by the Wellcome Trust (Grant Number GR 07830 M). Analysis and writing
time was supported through funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation (Global Health Grant Number: OPP1021893); UKaid (from the
Department for International Development) for the Strengthening Evidence
for Programming on Unintended Pregnancy (STEP UP) Research Programme
Consortium (Grant Number SR1109D-6); and through general support grants
to the African Population and Health Research Center from the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Agency (Grant Number 2011–001578)
and the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation (Grant Number 2012–7612). An
earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2013 Population Association
of America Annual Meeting in New Orleans, Louisiana.
Page 10 of 11
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
Author details
1
African Population and Health Research Center, 2nd Floor APHRC Campus,
Manga Close Off Kirawa Road, P.O. Box 10787–00100, Nairobi, Kenya.
2
Department of Sociology and Institute of Behavioral Science, University of
Colorado-Boulder, 219 Ketchum Hall, 327 UCB, Boulder, CO 80309, USA.
22.
Received: 2 May 2014 Accepted: 18 August 2014
Published: 27 August 2014
24.
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Cite this article as: Kabiru et al.: Adverse life events and delinquent
behavior among Kenyan adolescents: a cross-sectional study on the
protective role of parental monitoring, religiosity, and self-esteem. Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health 2014 8:24.
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