^ ■ l l o f us are in
som e way
^ W i n t e r e s t e d in h is t o r y . W e
^ P f la p p r o a c h present strug g le s in the
lig h t o f o u r know le d g e o f how events
happened in the past. We look for
in sp ira tio n from past struggles, and
w ant to avoid past defeats.
So, o u r und e rsta n d in g o f h isto ry
underlies o u r present p o litics . Perhaps
the clearest exam ple I can give is the
present A b o rig in a l dem and fo r land
rights. T h is dem and is gro u n d e d in
histo ry, in the fa c t th a t A b o rig in a l
p e o p le w e re d is p o s s e s s e d fro m
effective use o f th e ir lands (b u t not
from th e ir ow n fee ling o f be lo n g in g to
th a t land) in a long and b lo o d y stru g g le
in the past. A n y co m in g to term s by
n o n -A b o rig in a l A u stra lia n s w ith that
dem and m ust involve an u n d e rst­
anding o f th a t history, o f the h isto rica l
basis o f th e present stru g g le over land
rights.
given. In the case o f the second, som e
see the e xp e rie n ce s o f the W hitlam
g o ve rn m en t as a lesson th a t L a b o r
g o vernm ents can in fa c t achieve very
little , oth e rs as a lesson th a t th e y can
do a great deal, in fa c t to o m uch. B ut
my p o in t here is s im p ly that o u r
u n d e rsta n d in g o f the past affects o u r
present p o litic a l a ctions.
T he w o rks o f Karl M arx have been
very in flu e n tia l in m odern u n d e rsta n d ­
ings o f h is to ry . P a rtic u la rly in flu e n tia l
has been
M a r x 's m a t e r i a l i s t
c o n c e p tio n o f h isto ry, his n o tio n th a t
m a jo r social and p o litic a l changes are
g ro u n d e d in som e w ay in changes in
the mode, the forces, and the relations
o f p ro d u c tio n . O ne o f M arx's m ost
im p o r ta n t c o n tr ib u t io n s w as h is
e xp la na tio n o f the rise o f ca p ita lism ,
and the w ays its rise led to (and in tu rn
fu rth e rd e p e n d e d on) m a jo rc h a n g e s in
p o litic a l
s tru ctu re s, the
relations
M A R X IS T HISTORY
A N D A U S T R A L IA N
P O LITIC A L
M O V EM EN TS
Ann Curthoys
A n o th e r exam ple m ig h t be one's
u n d erstandin g o f the A LP and o f Labor
governm ents. W hat changes one
judges to be possible th ro u g h the ALP,
o r th ro u g h th is present Federal Labor
g overnm ent, w ill be a ffe cted by one's
kn ow ledge o f the co m p le x forces
p ro d u cin g the A LP and the L a bor
g overnm ent, o f th e p o litic a l and
id e o lo g ica l tra d itio n s w hich com pose
it. T hat is, w h ile w e ca n n o t s im p ly
translate the p ra ctice s o f the past o n to
the present, we are b e tte r eq u ipped to
deal w ith th is g o ve rn m en t if we know
som ething o f the ALP and Labor
g o v e r n m e n t h is t o r y , o f th e
c o n tra d ic to ry fo rce s such g o ve rn ­
m ents ty p ic a lly e n co u n te r and help to
produce. O f course d iffe re n t people,
and d iffe re n t g ro u p s o f people, draw
d iffe re n t co n c lu s io n s fro m past events.
This is tru e of both the exam ples I've
A u s t r a l i a n l e f t h e v i e w 84
betw een class and cu ltu re , and social
re la tio n sh ip s. O ne o f the m ost d iffic u lt
aspects o f M arx's th e o ry o f h is to ry is
the problem c o n c e rn in g his ro c k bo tto m e xp la n a tio n o f ju s t w h y change
o ccu rs. One can argue, fo r exam ple,
w h e th e r his view rests u ltim a te ly on
som e
k in d
o f te c h n o lo g ic a l
d e te rm in ism , som e in e xo ra b le change
in the forces o f p ro d u c tio n w hich
th ro w up, a fte r a stru g g le , new
re la tio n s of p ro d u c tio n , and hence new
social, p o litic a l, legal, and id e o lo g ica l
form s. In c o n s id e rin g these questions,
his th e o re tica l w ritin g s , such as
C apital, the G erm an Ideology, and the
Preface to the C ritiq u e o f P o litic a l
E conom y, are very im p o rta n t, and
m any m any w o rd s have been spoken
and w ritte n on these and sim ila r
w ritin g s and the a rg u m e nts con ta in e d
in them .
B
ut there is a n o th e r way o f lo o k in g
at w h a t M arx had to say about
h is to ric a l change. T his is to lo o k at
how he h im se lf w ro te h isto ry. I'm
th in k in g here not o f those w o rk s where
he trie d to w rite a b o u t-th e w h o le of
hum an h isto ry, d e fin in g m a jo r epochs
and how one developed o u t o f another.
Such a p ro je c t is o f n ecessity very
abstra ct, very general. I'm th in k in g
ra th e r o f th o se occa sio ns w here M arx
set a b o u t a n a lysin g b rie f and p a rtic u la r
e v e n ts , th a t h a d o n ly re c e n tly
occu rre d . These w ere m ainly ab o u t
French p o litic a l upheavals — the
re v o lu tio n o f 1848, the re sto ra tio n of
a u to c ra tic p o w e r in 1851, the Paris
C o m m u n e o f 1871.
In these w orks, M arx attem pted to
p u t his general co n c e p tio n o f h is to ry to
p a rtic u la r use, to explain w h y th in g s
happened as th e y did in those very
sto rm y years. In them we see his
general th e o rie s co m in g to g ro u n d as it
were; we can see how M arx h im se lf
th o u g h t sp e c ific h istories co u ld be
w ritte n . T h e y are som ew hat d iffic u lt to
read to d a y, fo r th e y involve a w ealth of
detail a b o u t events ab o u t w h ich m ost
o f us kn o w very little . N evertheless
th e y are s till im p o rta n t w o rks fo r us to
take in to a c co u n t, fo r th e y provide a
kin d o f m odel o f M arxist h isto rica l
analysis in practice.
So, ho w did M arx w rite h isto ry?
W hat, if a n yth in g , can we s till learn
fro m these h istories, a ce n tu ry a fter
M a rx's death?
I'd like to begin w ith fo u r very well
k now n q u o ta tio n s fro m Marx.
First, on h isto ry:
P eople m ake th e ir ow n histo ry, b u t
th e y d o n o t make it ju s t as th e y please;
they do n ot make it u n d e r
c ircu m sta n ce s chosen b y them selves,
b u t u n d e r circu m sta n ce s d ire c tly
found, given, and tra n s m itte d from the
past.
The t r a d i t i o n o f a l l t he d e a d
g e n e ra tio n s w eighs like a n ig h tm a re
on the b ra in o f the living.
Then, on S ocial D em ocracy:
The p e c u lia r ch a ra c te r o f S o cia l
D e m o cra cy is e p ito m is e d in the fa ct
th a t d e m o c ra tic re p u b lic a n in s titu tio n s
are dem a n d e d n o t as a means o f d o in g
aw ay w ith b o th the extrem es, c a p ita l
and wage labour, b u t o f w eakening
th e ir a ntagonism , and tra n s fo rm in g it
in to harm ony.
F inally, on class:
In so fa r as m illio n s o f fa m ilie s live
u n d e r e c o n o m ic c o n d i t i o n s o f
existence th a t d ivid e th e ir m ode o f life
and th e ir c u ltu re fro m those o f o th e r
classes, th e y fo rm a class. In so fa r as
there is m e re ly a lo c a l in te rc o n n e c tio n
am ong them, and the id e n tity o f th e ir
in te re sts begets n o u nity, no p o litic a l
o rg a n isa tio n , they do n o t fo rm a class.
A ll fo u r o f these q u o ta tio n s com e
23
fro m o n e te x t, The E ig h te e n th
B rum aire o f N apoleon Bonaparte,
w ritte n by M arx in 1852 a b o u t events in
France th a t o c c u rre d betw een 1848
and 1851.
I c o n sid e r th is to be a very s ig n ific a n t
piece o f h isto rica l w ritin g , one th a t still
repays close a tte n tio n . I d o n o t mean
th is in the sense th a t it is a p e rfe ct text,
unable to be q u estioned, m o d ified, o r
opposed, but in the sense th a t it
dem onstrates a w ay o f u n d e rsta nd ing
h is to ry that is s till useful to us today.
W hat I w ant to do no w is to say w hy I
fin d th is p a rtic u la r piece o f w o rk by
M arx to be in s p irin g , and then to say
so m e th in g a b o u t its relevance to
c u rre n t p o litic a l issues in A u stra lia
today, and to attem pts to understand
A u stra lia n histo ry. T o do th is I'll firs t
need to give the bare bones o f th e story
M arx tells. I'll be as b rie f as possible, as
m y p o in t is less a b o u t the c o n te n t o f his
analysis and m ore a b o u t its m ethod.
B ut I w ill need to g o back to m id
nineteenth ce n tu ry France fo r a
m om ent.
T H E E IG H T E E N T H B R U M A IR E
S eptem ber 1931. The Nazis have won pow er in the Thuringian Government and
H itle r celebrates. Their suprem acy in Germ any is eighteen months ahead. In
the 18th Brumaire M arx’s approach is useful for understanding the development
o f fascism is the 20th century.
24
in F e b ru a ry 1848, th e r u lin g
m o n a rch
in France, K ing Louis
P hillips, was o v e rth ro w n. The rig id ity
o f his p o litic a l regim e, w h ic h had been
designed to fend o ff all change even of
a liberal d e m o cra tic kind, le ft even the
m ost m oderate o f the o p p o s itio n no
c h o ic e o th e r than re vo lu tio n . The
depression of the 1840s seemed to
p ro vid e fu rth e r p ro o f o f th e in c a p a city
o f the old order. The people m ounted
the barricades, the p o lic e and the
a rm y offered no serious resistance,
and the m onarch ran away.
A new p a rlia m e n ta ry regim e was
established instead, and less than
three m onths a fte r the d e p a rtu re o f the
King, the new ly elected pa rlia m e n t, the
N a t io n a l A s s e m b ly , m e t. T h is
inau gu ra te d the new re p u b lic. As Marx
p u t it, whereas before 1848 a lim ited
section of the b o u rg e o isie ruled in the
name o f the K ing, a fte r M ay 1848 the
w h o le o f the bo u rg e o isie so u g h t to rule
in the name of the people.
Then in June, the Paris w o rke rs
rebelled, realising th a t the re vo lu tio n
w h ich th e y had helped to achieve was
in fa c t p ro d u c in g o n ly a new fo rm of
b o u r g e o is r u le . T h e ir s tr e e t
de m o n stra tio n s w ere q u e lle d in a
b lo o d y battle and the w o rke rs were
s o u n d ly defeated. For th e y had
arrayed against them all o th e r classes
— th e fin a n c ia l a n d in d u s tr ia l
b o u rg e o isie , the pe tty b o u rg e o is ie and
the m id d le class, the arm y, the
in te lle c tu a ls and the cle rg y, and the
peasants. A fte r th is m ore than 3,000 of
the in su rg e n ts w ere killed, and an o th e r
15,000 tra n sp o rte d w ith o u t tria l All
o th e r classes united a g a inst the
w o rk in g class u n d e r the b a n n e r of
ALR W inter 83
"P ro p e rty, l-am ily, R eligion, O rd e r".
From th a t p o in t onw ards, the d o m in a n t
c o n flic t o ccu rre d w ith in all the forces
w hich had unite d to defeat the June
in su rrection.
A new c o n s titu tio n was drafted,
guaranteeing universal male suffrage,
and various liberal d e m o cra tic rig h ts
— freedom o f th e press, o f speech, o f
association, o f assem bly, o f ed u ca tio n ,
a n d r e lig io n . U n d e r t h is n e w
C o n stitu tio n , the P resident was to be
elected d ire c tly by the people. In the
subsequent e le ctions, on 10 D ecem ber
1848, Louis N apoleon B onaparte was
elected P resident, and the Royalists,
know n as the P arty o f O rder, w on a
m a jo rity of seats in the A ssem bly. The
Party o f O rder was in fa ct d ivid e d in to
tw o fa ctio n s — those w ho were the
spokesm en of large landed property,
and those w ho represented fin a n cial
and in d u stria l ca p ita l. The paradox
was th a t a pa rlia m e n ta ry re p u b lic
s u it e d th e s e R o y a lis t s , th e s e
su p p orters o f a m onarchy, because
w hereas un d e r the old regim e these
tw o fa ctio n s had opposed each other,
now in the new p arliam ent th e y co u ld
unite.
A gain st the R oyalist m a jo rity were
the O p p o sitio n in parliam ent, the
la rg e s t g ro u p b e in g th e S o c ia l
Dem ocrats, w hich also represented a
class alliance, th is tim e betw een the
petty b o u rg e o isie and the w o rk in g
class. In this a lliance, the ideals o f the
petty bo u rg e o isie were d om in a n t. The
R oyalist m a jo rity now w anted to crush
the p e tty b o urgeoisie as it had crushed
the w o rke rs in June. T here were
several stages to this, b u t the decisive
one o ccu rre d ju s t a fte r the Social
D em ocrats had done extrem e ly well in
the b y -e le ctio n s o f M arch 1850. In
anger,
the
R oyalists used th e ir
p a rliam enta ry m a jo rity to am end the
ele cto ral law to m ake three years
residence in an e le cto ra te a c o n d itio n
fo r voting, th e re b y rem oving the vote
from three m illio n o f the 10 m illio n
voters, m a in ly w o rk in g class and petty
bourgeoisie.
F u rth er when the P resident acted
u n c o n s titu tio n a lly in a u th o ris in g a
m ilita ry attack on Rome w ith o u t
Assem bly consent, the R oyalists
endorsed his a ctio n , th us revealing
little respect fo r the c o n s titu tio n and
the rig h ts o f parliam ent.
B ut the R oyalist v ic to ry over the
Social D em ocrats was to prove a
P yrrhic one. T h e ir ow n days were
num bered. T hey had underm ined the
c re d ib ility o f pa rlia m e n t and m uch of
its s u p p o r t , f lo u t e d t h e ir o w n
c o n s titu tio n , and th e re b y enhanced
the personal role o f the President,
N apoleon B onaparte, and also the role
o f the arm y as a guarantee o f order.
B onaparte was n o t slow to seize on the
A u s t r a l i a n l e f t R e v i e w 84
benefits fo r him o f th is situ a tio n . One
o f his strategies was to build up a kind
o f private personal arm y, com posed of
people draw n from w hat M arx ca lls the
lu m p e n p ro le ta ria t. A n o th e r ta c tic was
to change the m in istry fre q u e n tly, so
th a t it consisted of ever m ore
in s ig n ific a n t in d ivid u a ls, the b e tte r so
as to e xe rt his personal co n tro l over
them . To c o u n te r B onaparte's d a ily
g ro w in g pow er, the Party of O rder,
says M arx, needed to have united w ith
the Social D em ocrats to strengthen
p a r lia m e n t it s e lf , a n d to h a v e
m aintained p a rlia m e n ta ry c o n tro l of
the arm y. Both o f these th e y refused to
do. T hey fa ile d to realise th a t a
p a rlia m e n ta ry m a jo rity is not always
the same th in g as e ffective power; they
lost, says M arx, "a ll u n d e rstanding of
the rude e xternal w o rld ".
The years 1850 and 1851 were
dom inated by in n u m e ra b le squabbles
and petty in trig u e s, as the Party of
action. It had flo u te d the c o n s titu tio n ,
rejected p e tty bou rg e o is and w o rkin g
class p a rtic ip a tio n in parliam ent, and
failed to c o n tro l the arm y. In the end
the role o f p a rlia m e n t as a p o w e r base
fo r the b o u rg e o isie had been so
weakened, th a t in D ecem ber 1851, the
Party o f O rder had no a lte rn a tive but to
acquiesce in the e le ctio n o f B onaparte
as th e suprem e source of pow er, and
acquiesce
in the d is s o lu tio n o f
P arliam ent itself. B onaparte then tried
to m a intain his central a u th o rita ria n
p o w e r by appearing, as M arx says, the
"p a tria rc h a l b e n e fa cto r o f all classes".
But, says M arx in co n c lu s io n , he
c a n n o t give to one class w ith o u t ta kin g
aw ay fro m another. A t th is p o in t the
s to ryy ends.
oiwi
fe ll, how do we assess th is w ork?
'F irs t, it gives the lie to the claim
t h a t M a r x is t h i s t o r y
is
necessarily a bstract, unable to deal
w ith in d iv id u a ls in all th e ir co m p le x ity.
w
How do we assess this work? First, it gives the lie to the claim that
marxist history is necessarily abstract, unable to deal with individuals
in all their complexity. The personalities of the chief actors in this
drama are all dealt with, but in the context of wider social forces.
O rder and B onaparte com peted fo r the
p o litic a l c o n tro l o f France. •
In th is situ a tio n , the R oyalist
m a jo rity began to d is in te gra te w ith in
itself. The tw o d iffe re n t R oyalist
fa c tio n s sp lit, and each side fu rth e r
subdivided. As a result the Royalists,
the p o litic a l representatives o f the
various se ctions o f capital, lost the
su p p o rt o f th e ir ow n class. B oth
fin a n c ia l and in d u s tria l capital were
distu rb e d by the Party of O rder's
squabbles and incom petence, fearing
th a t p o litic a l in s ta b ility w ould dam age
the econom y. They blam ed the m in o r
recession o f 1851 on th is p o litic a l
in s ta b ility . As an alternative they
looked to B onaparte as the sole source
o f p o litic a l u n ity and sta b ility . As Marx
p u t it, " D e s p o tis m o r a n a rc h y .
N aturally, it (the b o u rg e o isie ) voted fo r
d e sp o tism ".
B ut B onaparte had o th e r sources of
s u p p o rt as w ell, in p a rtic u la r the
peasants, s till the mass o f the people.
The peasants were not a se lfc o n s c io u s class, and did not have th e ir
ow n p o litic a l representatives. They
looked, rather, fo r p ro te c tio n from
o th e r classes and sw itched th e ir
a lle g ia n ce fro m the R oyalists to
Bonaparte.
The m istake o f the Party o f O rder
had been to u n d e rm in e p arliam ent
itself, its o n ly real base fo r united
The p e rso n a litie s o f the c h ie f actors in
th is dram a are all dealt w ith , but in the
c o n te x t o f w id e r social forces. As M arx
h im se lf later w rote, "I dem onstrate
how the class stru g g le in France
created circu m sta n ce s and re la tio n ­
ships th a t made it p ossible fo r a
g rotesque m e d io c rity to p lay a hero's
p a rt". He is in fa c t a tte m p tin g to
e xplain how in d ivid u a ls can develop
great personal pow er, and m any have
s e e n h is a p p r o a c h u s e fu l f o r
u n d e rsta n d in g the d e velopm ent o f
fascism , centred around p o w erful
fig u re s such as H itle r and M u sso lin i, in
the tw e n tie th c e n tu ry. B ut this great
p e r s o n a l p o w e r is s h o w n as
understa n d a b le o n ly if we see how , in
sp e c ific circu m sta n ce s, the m a ch in e ry
o f b o u rg e o is d e m o cra cy breaks dow n,
how it can be that the b o u rg e o isie
c a n n o t gets its act to g e th e r p o litic a lly
and can lose that a cquiescence o f
o th e r classes w h ic h it relies on fo r a
p a rlia m e n ta ry form o f rule.
T h is leads me on to a second point,
th a t M arx dealt w ith the re la tio n s h ip
betw een p o litic a n s and the class o r
classes th e y aim ed to re present w ith
great co m p le x ity . P o litica l fig u re s like
the Party o f O rd e r are seen as no
sim ple p uppets fo r the b o u rg e o is
classes. First, th e y becom e engrossed
in a ce rta in p a rlia m e n ta ry logic, w hat
M a rx c a lle d h e re p a rlia m e n ta ry
25
Aboriginal boys at BBQ in Todd River, A lice Springs. White racism in country
towns has been used to argue that all whites are equally involved in Aboriginal
dispossession.
26
cre tin ism ,
w hich
leads them
in
d ire c tio n s th e ir s u p p o rte rs m ay not
wish to fo llo w . T h e y m ay also fail to
realise th a t th e ir rule by p a rlia m enta ry
means depends on th e ir c a p a c ity to
co n ta in th e ir opp o n e n ts, to m aintain
appearances o f le g itim a cy. If they
exclu d e certain classes fro m p o litica l
representation, as the Party o f O rder
s o u g h t to e x c lu d e th e S o c ia l
D em ocrats and th e re b y the petty
b o u rg e o isie and the w o rk in g class, the
la tte r classes m ay jo in w ith oth e r
fo rc e s to d e fe a t th e b o u rg e o is
p a rlia m e n ta ry leaders. The Social
D em ocrats, in th e ir tu rn , have a
c o m p le x relations w ith th e ir class base
o f su p p o rt. If they reject th e ir w o rkin g
class su p p o rt, as the S ocial D em ocrats
did in France w hen the Paris w orkers
rebelled against the new fo rm s of
p a rlia m e n ta ry rule in Ju n e 1848, then
th e y w ill them selves be w eakened in
any fu rth e r c o n fro n ta tio n w ith the
p o l it ic a l r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s o f th e
bourgeoisie.
T h ird , in th is analysis M arx puts
fo rw a rd a very detailed c o n c e p tio n of
class. Here we d o n 't have s im p ly tw o
classes, the b o u rg e o isie and the
p ro le ta ria t, but a m u ltip lic ity o f classes
and sub-classes. The b o u rg e o isie itself
is d ivided betw een la n d ow n e rs and
fin a n ce and in d u stria l ca p ita l. There
are also the pe tty b o u rg e o isie, the
w o rk in g class, the peasants. F u rthe r
som e g ro u p s — the c le rg y, the
in te lle ctua ls, the arm y — appear as
in d e p e n d e n t fo r c e s a b le to be
m a n ip u la te d by p a rtic u la r classes.
V arious class alliances m ay be form ed,
and
subse q u e n tly
broken. Some
classes w ill achieve d ire c t p o litica l
se lf-co n scio u sn e ss and o rg a n isa tio n ;
others, like the peasants, w ill n o t at th is
stage. Indeed, M arx's te rm in o lo g y can
becom e co n fu sin g , fo r at tim es he
refers to the m iddle class, and its not
alw ays cle a r w ho he means by this.
T h is p roblem of the m id d le class, and
its relation to the b o u rg e o isie and the
old pe tty bourgeoisie, rem ains w ith us.
F ourth, I th in k th is te x t suggests that
M arx ca n n o t be read, here at least, as a
s im ple e co n o m ic d e te rm in ist. W hile he
is ca re fu l to describe the e c o n o m ic
c o n d itio n o f France at the tim e —
n o tin g th a t the e co n o m y was b u o ya n t
in 1850 but passing th ro u g h a m in o r
recession in 1851, he does not see the
p o litic a l events as a sim ple re fle c tio n of
th is e co n o m ic situ a tio n . He w ants to
stress th a t at the level o f p o litic s , and at
the level o f class co n scio usn e ss and
class alliances m ore g e n e ra lly, one
needs to take a lo n g e r view. H ow each
class responds to a recession w ill
d epend on the p o litic a l o p tio n s at that
m om ent open to it. The in d u stria l
b o u rg e o isie w ill desert its p o litic a l
leaders and su p p o rt a ce n tra l leader
such as B onaparte because it fears the
ALR W inter 83
results o f p o litic a l co n fu s io n and
anarchy both in boom and recession.
The rise to pow er o f a p ow erfu l ru le r is
not d ire c tly a result o f recession, but of
the in a b ility o f the various fa c tio n s of
the c a p ita list class to secure th e ir own
r u le t h r o u g h a p a r lia m e n t a r y
dem ocray. And th is in a b ility flo w s from
th e c o m p le x s tr u c tu r e o f c la s s
relationships, itself a p ro d u c t both of
e co n om ic developm ents and e a rlie r
p o litica l developm ents. The analysis of
p o litica l c o n flic ts , class alliances and
e co n om ic c o n d itio n s is interw oven.
Fifth, in th is te x t M arx attem pts to
com e to term s w ith the problem o f the
state, the im p lic a tio n s fo r class
stru gg le o f the c o n tin u a l g ro w th in the
size, ce n tra lisa tio n and c o m p le x ity of
the state m achinery, the bu re a u cra cy
of governm ent. I th in k he gets h im se lf
into so m ething o f a kn o t in th is area.
He w a n ts to s tr e s s b o th th e
p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r th e s t a t e 's
independence from any sp e c ific alss,
and also its role as an agency o f class
rule, and its not q u ite clea r w here he
ends up. He refers to it as "th is
appalling p ara sitic b o d y ” . A t firs t he
says th a t und e r B onaparte, the "state
seems to have m ade itself c o m p le te ly
in d e p e n d e n t " .
B u t th e n
he
im m e dia tely says, "and yet the state
pow er is n o t suspended in m id air.
B onaparte represents a class, and the
m ost nu m erous class of French so cie ty
at that, the s m a ll-h o ld in g peasants."
A lth o u g h I d o n 't th in k the que stio n of
the state is fu lly resolved here, w hat
Marx does at least in dica te is the
g ro w ing c o m p le x ity o f p o litic a l rule
under c o n d itio n s w here the state
m achinery itself is vast, centralised
and in te rn a lly com ple x.
To sum m arise then, the sig n ific a n c e
of this w o rk now lies in its a b ility to
place ind ivid u a ls w ith in th e ir social
con text, its discu ssio n o f the relations
between p o litic ia n s and the class o r
classes th e y aim to represent, its
detailed c o n ce p tio n o f class, its denial
of a sim ple e c o n o m ic dete rm in ism ,
and its discu ssio n o f the state.
RELEVANCE TODAY
W
pa rlia m e n ta ry go ve rn m en t in tru e
p e rs p e c tiv e . A s E d m u n d W ils o n
com m ented:
N ever a fte r we have read The
E ig h te e n th B ru m a ire , c a n th e
la n g u a g e , th e c o n v e n tio n s , th e
co m b in a tio n s, the p re te n sio n s o f
p a rlia m e n ta ry bodies, i f we have had
an y illu s io n s a b o u t them, seem the
same to us again.
F o llo w in g on fro m this, there is the
t r e n c h a n t a n a l y s is o f S o c ia l
D e m o c ra c y , w ith its d e s ire fo r
h arm ony betw een C apital and L a bor
w eakening its a b ility to tru ly c o n fro n t
its c a p ita lis t o p p o n e n ts. W hen these
opponents, represented in this case by
the R oyalists, the Party o f O rder, acted
u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y , th e S o c ia l
D e m o c ra ts w e re h e lp le s s . T h e
Fortunes o f the ALP and the L a bor
gove rn m en t in the e a rly 70s, and now
in the early 1980s, can perhaps be
illu m in a te d by th is kind o f analysis. I
A b o r ig in a l p o lit ic a l m o v e m e n ts
depend on an u n d e rsta n d in g o f the
fo rce s w h ic h u n d e rto o k and c o n tin u e
In terms of political struggle, we have not seen a sufficient challenge to
the ideological hegemony of the forces defending capitalism. Our own
social democrats, the ALP, are ever less inclined to talk about or work
for socialism and the Far Left is fragmented and weak. Our class
structure and relationships have been radically transformed by post­
war economic, social and cultural changes, but we don't have a ready
understanding of what these class relationships now are.
am not s u g g e stin g h e re .a sim ple
tra n s p o s itio n fro m France in 1850 to
A u stra lia in 1975 o r 1983 — o n ly th a t in
so fa r as the tw o cases have som ething
in com m on, we can fin d M arx's
rem arks a b o u t Social D em ocracy
u n n e rvin g ly perceptive.
B ut I th in k the real im p o rta n ce o f th is
te x t fo r us now lies elsewhere. It lies in
suggesting the c e n tra lity o f class in
u n d e r s t a n d in g th e r e la t io n s h ip
b e tw e e n p o l it ic a l s t r u g g le a n d
e co n o m ic s tru c tu re s and c o n d itio n s. It
s u g g e s ts th is c e n tr a lity w ith o u t
resorting to e ith e r a sim ple view of
c la s s o r a s im p le e c o n o m ic
de te rm in ism . A nd th is is ju s t w hat I
th in k w e n e e d to d a y , b o th in
d e veloping p o litic a l strategies and in
d e ve lop in g u n d e rsta n d in g of o u r ow n
history, o u r ow n past.
hat relevance is all in is to us
today? I'd like to talk a b o u t this
at tw o le v e ls -fir s t at the level
cu rre n t p o litic a l issues, and second at
the level o f h isto rica l m ethod.
n term s o f p o litic a l stru g g le , we have
Many argu m ents in th is text, the
n o t seen a s u ffic ie n t ch a lle n g e to the
E ig h te e n th B r u m a i r e , ha ve th e ir
id e o lo g ica l heg e m o n y o f the forces
echoes in the present o r the recent
d e fe n d in g ca p ita lism . O u r ow n S ocial.
past. T here is its analysis o f the
D em ocrats, the ALP, are ever less
re la tio n sh ip betw een p a rlia m e n t and
in clin e d to ta lk a b o u t o r w o rk fo r
o th e r fo rm s o f pow er. In the m odern
s o c ia lis m , a n d th e F ar L e ft is
World we also need to understand the
fra g m e n te d and weak. O u r class
c o n d itio n s under w h ich p arliam ent
s tru c tu re and re la tio n sh ip s have been
can act as a form o f rule, and the
ra d ic a lly tra n sfo rm e d by p o st-w a r
co n d itio n s un der w h ic h it cannot. The
e c o n o m ic , s o c ia l a n d c u lt u r a l
E ighteenth B rum a ire helps us to see
changes, but we d o n 't have a ready
A ustralian Left keview 84
u n d e rsta n d in g o f w h a t these class
re la tio n sh ip s no w are. In m odern
A ustralia, talk a b o u t class s tru g g le ,
re vo lu tio n and so cia lism has com e to
seem even to m any on the Left as
q u a int, old fashioned, irre le va n t and
u n re a listic. In its stead we have a
m u ltip lic ity of sp e c ific m ovem ents —
trade u n io n, fem inist, A b o rig in a l, gay,
e th n ic, e n viro n m e n ta l, peace. This
d iv e rs ity is im p o rta n t, and inevitable,
b u t it sh o u ld not be left there. E xcept
fo r the trade u nions these m ovem ents
are all in d iffe re n t ways seen by m ost
people as having little to do w ith class
s t r u g g le
as s u c h , as in d e e d
in d e pe n d e n t o f and d e n ying the
im p o rta n ce o f th a t struggle. B ut they
all have a great deal to do w ith it. The
case is cle a r enough fo r th e trade
unions, but w hat a b o u t the others?
POLITICAL STRUGGLE
I
to oversee A b o rig in a l dispossession
and d is c rim in a tio n . These forces are
the fo rce s of ca p ita lism , w ith its
co m p le x set o f class relationships.
A b o rig in e s are not o utside these
re la tio n sh ip s. W hite racism , e specially
in c o u n try tow ns, has been used to
argue th a t all w hites are the same, all
e q u a lly in v o lv e d in A b o r ig in a l
dispossession and poverty. B u t its a
m atter o f u n d e rsta n d in g the reasons
fo r th is racism and o f reaching an
un d e rsta n d in g o f how o u r s p e c ific kind
o f ca p ita lism , o u r sp e c ific fo rm o f class
society, has been b u ilt on a c o lo n ia l
and b lo o d y past, the effects o f w hich
s till a ffe c t the re la tio n s h ip betw een
A b o rig in e s and w hites today.
I c a n 't go th ro u g h all the others,
except to say a w o rd abo u t fem inism .
Here again, the q u e stio n o f sexism is
often taken to und e rm in e o r cu t across
the sig n ific a n c e o f class re la tio n sh ip s
in th is society. Som e argue th a t
M arxism has proved unable to deal
w ith this im p o rta n t p o litic a l m ovem ent,
o r th a t in d o in g so it loses s ig h t o f the
ce n tra l q u estion of sexist id e o lo g y and
practices.
his fe e lin g th a t M arxism is n o ta b le
to deal th e o re tic a lly w ith sexual
d ivisio n , th a t it is se x-b lin d , is
c u rre n tly very strong. O f the recent
A LR -discussions o f the legacy of Marx,
T
27
T a ft id e n tifies th is as a problem in
M arx's w ork, T o n i Stephens sees
fem inism as having no necessary class
basis and as a mass de m o cra tic
struggle, J u liu s Roe sees M arxism as
u n concerne d w ith sexism , and the
stru g g le fo r socia lism so fa r as having
d one little to liberate w om en. Further,
the m ost recent p u b lic a tio n fro m the
In tervention gro u p , In te rve n tio n s a fte r
‘M a r x , c o n s is t e n t ly a rg u e s th a t
M arxism is o f little o r no value to
fem inists.
M arx had in fa ct little to say about
sexual d ivisio n , th o u g h he is very
scathing o f the conservative uses of
the c ry "D e fe n d the F a m ily" both in the
C o m m u n ist M a nifesto and b rie fly in
the E ig h te e n th B rum aire. Yet I w ould
challe n g e the view th a t we can learn
little fro m M arx of relevance to the
stru g g le ag ainst sexist id e o lo g y and
practice today. And th a t is because
those id eo logies and p ra ctice s occur,
fo r us, w ith in a class so ciety. D iffe re n t
s o c ia l c la s s e s p r a c tis e s e x is m
d iffe re n tly , fo r d iffe re n t reasons, and
w ith d iffe re n t effects. The fa c t th a t
there are ce rta in com m on elem ents
betw een classes does not negate th is
p o in t. As long as we have a co m p le x
class so cie ty, any m ovem ent aro u n d
fe m in is t issues is bound to be s p lit by
c o n flic tin g class perspectives and
dem ands, o r else represent th e ;
interests o f one class only. H ow can it
p o s s ib ly be otherw ise? G oing back to
the E ig h te e n th B rum aire w ith its
co n ce rn w ith class fo rm a tio n and class
a llia n ce s in d a ily p o litic a l stru g g le , its
im p lic a tio n s fo r an u n d e rsta n d in g of
m odern fe m in ism are: here we have a
m ovem ent w h ich makes possible to a
lim ite d degree a class a llia n ce around
s p e c ific issues but w h ich is also
alw ays s u b je ct to the p o s s ib ility e ith e r
o f fra c tu rin g , o r o f the hegem ony of
one class over another. N one o f th is is
to de n y the sig n ific a n c e o f the issues
w ith w h ich Fem inism deals, b u t to
reassert the relevance o f the M arxist
t r a d it io n , b o th
p o lit ic a lly and
th e o re tic a lly , to those issues. B ut I
c a n 't g o in to th is fu rth e r here.
w o u ld like to co n c lu d e by re tu rn in g
to the im p lic a tio n s of M arx's ow n
h is to ric a l w ritin g s fo rd e v e lo p in g ou r
ow n h isto rica l in te rp re ta tio n s today.
I've suggested th a t the main p ositive
in s p ira tio n we can get fro m the
E ighteenth B rum aire is th a t it in d ica tes
the c e n tra lity of th e n o tio n o f class
re la tio n sh ip s fo r u n d e rsta n d in g the
r e la t io n s h ip s b e tw e e n p o l it ic a l
stru g g le , social and c u ltu ra l patterns,
a n d e c o n o m ic s t r u c t u r e s a n d
c o n d itio n s . We need to a p p ly th is kind
o f approach, in very general term s, to
o u r ow n past — from the processes of
d e s tru c tio n o f A b o rig in a l life and
d ispossession, to the em ergence o f a
p a rlia m e n ta ry d em ocracy, to the vast
effects o f the massive im p o rta tio n of
b o t h c a p i t a l a n d l a b o u r v ia
I
T H E A U S T R A L IA N
LAB O R M O V EM EN T
AND M ARX
Roger Coates
I
than others.
goes back to these orig in s.
B eing part o f g re a te r B rita in , in the
Because
m ainstream
A u stra lia n
A u s tra lia n co lo n ie s th in g s developed
so c ie ty was a transplanted so c ie ty o f a
firs t as an extension o f th in g s B ritish.
fa irly unusual sort, it e x h ib ited ce rta in
B rita in in sp ire d and shaped th e social
s p e c ia l c h a r a c te r is tic s : a s m a ll
classes, the p o litic a l m odels and the
p o p u la tio n t h in ly s p re a d m a in ly
social and cu ltu ra l patterns. But
a ro u n d the coastal frin g e o f a very
in e v ita b ly differences o c c u rre d and led
la rg e land mass; an e co n o m y th a t
to a g ro w in g c o n flic t o f interests. As
developed, apart from the chance
na tio n a l and a n ti-im p e ria l s e n tim en t
e xiste n ce o f large, accessible g old
d e p o sits p rin c ip a lly as a su p p lie r of ' grew , the econom y, p o p u la tio n and
e vo lvin g social and c u ltu ra l patterns
raw m aterials fo r the m e tro p o lita n
began to p roduce m ore cle a rly d efined
in d u s trie s and m arkets; a tru n ca te d ,
classes on a national basis. A fa irly
in c o m p le te so ciety, very m uch a
d is tin c tiv e labor m ovem ent to o k shape
d is to rte d re fle ctio n o f som e aspects o f
in the c o n te x t o f the em ergence o f a
B ritis h so cie ty; a new so cie ty in w h ich
n a tio n a l A u stra lia n sentim ent, a labor
v irtu a lly e veryth in g had to be started
m ovem ent th a t was both p ro d u c t and
fro m scra tch , in w hich there was a
p ro d u c e r o f th is n a tio n a l ethos. A
p re m iu m o n im p ro v is a tio n ; a n d
p o litic a l cu ltu re th a t valued h ig h ly
because o f the circu m sta n ce s, a
com m on
s e n s e , p r a g m a tis m ,
s o c ie ty in w h ich certain bits o f the
a d a p ta b ility and the h ip -p o c k e t nerve
B ritis h m odel to o k ro o t m ore s tro n g ly
28
ALR W inter 83
n A u stra lia black and w h ite societies
have existed side by side, and
toge ther, in te rm in g le d , fo r nearly
200 years. T he d o m in a n t so c ie ty has
been b a sica lly and ch a ra c te ris tic a lly
ca p ita list, established in the firs t place
by acts o f state p o lic y o f the w o rld 's
o lde st and m ost te c h n ic a lly developed
c a p ita lis t c o u n try ju s t as it was
be g inn in g to go in to its h e ro ic period
o f d e velopm en t and in d u stria lisa tio n .
The fo rg in g o f th e A ustra lia n co lo n ie s
o f G reat B rita in ran parallel to the
in d u stria l re vo lu tio n , and the co lo n ie s
prom o ted the g ro w th o f im perial
B rita in . A u stra lia n so cie ty and the
em erging and evolving A ustralian
nation can o n ly be unde rsto o d as a
part o f g re ater B ritain, o r B ritain
overseas. The a m b ig uou s re la tio n sh ip
o f dependence and inde pe n d e n ce that
s till shapes so m uch in A u stra lia n life
im m ig ra tio n , to the fo rtu n e s o f Labor
governm ents, the h is to ry o f the trade
union m ovem ent, and the p o litic a l
stru gg les su rro u n d in g the changes in
the o rd e rin g o f sexual d iffe re n c e and
division.
There is already a body o f w ork
a tte m p tin g th is approa ch in A u stralian
history. For exam ple, C onnell and
Irvin g's Class S tru ctu re in A u stra lia n
H is to ry is a notable a tte m p t to in te rp re t
the relevance of class fo rm a tio n and
re la tio n sh ip s fo r general d e ve lop ­
ments w ith in A ustra lia n histo ry. They
are p a rtic u la rly co n ce rn e d to develop
an u n d erstan ding o f class re la tio n ­
ships w h ich in clu d e s the w o rkp la ce
c o n fro n ta tio n betw een capital and
la b o ur b u t also goes w ell beyond that,
in to the p o litic a l, socia l and c u ltu ra l
levels. A nd I co u ld m ention others,
e s p e c ia lly th e w o rk u n d e rta k e n
th ro u g h th e jo u rn a l L a b o u r H istory.
N evertheless, those a tte m p tin g th is
kind o f analysis are in a sm all m in o rity
evolved. A tta ch m e n t to the p o litic a l
p ra ctice o f pa rlia m e n ta ry governm ent
was the m ain o rg a n isin g p rin c ip le of
this B ritish c o lo n ia l m ilieu.
This la b o r m ovem ent to o k ab o u t half
a ce n tu ry from , say, 1890 to 1945 to
evolve and fo r its m ain c h a ra c te ris tic s
to em erge fu lly . O f course its e v o lu tio n
has c o n tin u e d to th is day. As so cie ty
has changed the la b o r m ovem ent has
reflected th e changes.
O ne o r tw o h istoria ns, lo o kin g fo r a
useful co n ce p t to analyse som e o f the
patterns o f A ustra lia n histo ry, have
seized on a p henom enon th a t was firs t
recognised in th e USA o f the 1890s —
th e p h e n o m e n o n o f p o p u lis m .
G ro w ing o u t o f the fa rm in g d is c o n te n t
and the la b o r unrest o f the late 1880s
and early 1890s, A m e rican populism
p ro duced th e P eople's P arty w h ich ran
p residential ca ndidates in the 1892
A u s t r a l i a n L e f t R e v i e w 84
in A u stra lia n h isto rica l w ork. And I'm
n o t ta lkin g here ju s t a b o u t academ ic
h isto rie s, b u t also p o p u la r h isto rica l
w orks, in p rin t, and on film and
television. T here has been an upsurge
in recent years o f interest in A u stralian
histo ry, and the audience c o n tin u e s to
g ro w fo r these p o p u la r h isto rica l
re p r e s e n ta tio n s , in b o o k s , film ,
television, and o th e r fo rm s such as
h is t o r ic r e c o n s t r u c t e d v illa g e s ,
m useum s, h is to ric hom es and the like.
T h is can be in te rp re te d p a rtly as an
elem ent in a renew ed nationalism , an
a tte m p t to d e fin e A u stra lia n so cie ty as
unique, as special. B ut it is also
so m e th in g , I th in k , m uch h e a lth ie r
than that, an a tte m p t to com e to g rip s
w ith ju s t w hat kind o f so cie ty we live in,
w here w e've co m e from , and w here
w e 're g o in g. B u t m ost o f these
h is to ric a l w o rks and representations
avoid the in sig h ts M arx suggested a
hu n d re d and th irty years ago. This is
n o t su rp ris in g , fo r M arx's h isto ry had
elections. In 1896 and 1900 the
c h a r is m a t ic
b u t u n s u c c e s s fu l
D e m o c r a tic c a n d id a t e , W illia m
Jennings Bryan, ran fo r US presidency
on w hat was esse n tia lly a p o p u lis t
program . Perhaps the d ifferences are
m ore im p o rta n t than the sim ila ritie s,
b u t th e p a r a lle ls b e tw e e n th e
em ergence o f US p o p u lism and
A u stralian la b o r are very s trikin g ,
in c lu d in g tim e, e co n o m ic factors,
social d e velopm ent and ideas. A m ong
th e o b v io u s d iffe r e n c e s is th e
p ro p o rtio n a l w e ig h t o f the farm sector
and the la b o r sector. In w hat was a
m uch less g e o g ra p h ic a lly favored
c o u n try and a m uch less developed
social and e c o n o m ic m ilieu — very
m uch s till part o f g reater B rita in — the
d e veloping A u s tra lia n trade union
m ovem ent had m uch m ore s ig n ific a n ­
ce than its A m e rica n co u n te rp a rt.
v e r y c le a r p o l i t i c a l p u r p o s e s ,
u n a cce p ta b le to the m a jo rity of the
p ro d u c e rs and audiences of A u stra lia n
h isto ric a l rep re se nta tio n s today.
The p ro d u c tio n o f in te rp re ta tio n s
and re p re se nta tio n s o f the past is very
m uch a p o litic a l b a ckg ro u n d , like any
o ther. A ll p o litic a l forces, one w ay o r
a nother, p ro d u ce and rely on th e iro w n
versions o f h isto ry. In th is process,
those
w ho
rem ain
u n re p e n te n tly
c ritic a l o f ca p ita lism , and seek the
a c h ie v e m e n t o f s o m e k in d o f
so cia lism , ca n n o t ignore the in sig h ts
o f M arx. We m ay not fin d them
s u ffic ie n t fo r o u r present purposes, but
we m ost c e rta in ly m ust fin d them
necessary.
A n n C u rth o y s tea c h e s a t th e N S W
__________ In s titu te o f T e c h n o lo g y .
The Australian labour m ovem ent took
shape in the context of the emergence
o f a nationalist and a n tiim p e ria list
sentim ent and within a British colonial
m ilieu. Far left: The first display o f
Eight hour banner, Melbourne, 16 April
1856.
L e ft:
S e a m a n ’s
s trik e ,
Melbourne, 1918, demanding a 50%
increase in wages.
A ll th is needs to be approached
r a t h e r c a u t io u s ly b u t p e rh a p s
la b o urism can be u se fu lly co n sid ere d
as a fo rm o f populism . This m ay be a
fru itfu l a p proach h e lp in g to fo cu s on
c e r t a in
f ix e d p o in t s a n d th e
in te rre la tio n s h ip o f p o p u lis t and class
p ro p o s itio n s , people and class.
he co n c e p t o f p o p u lism has been
adopted and a p plied by a n u m b e r o f
p o litic a l and social th e o ris ts to
analyse va rio u s th ird w o rld social and
p o litic a l phenom ena, esp e cially in
Latin A m e rica and A frica . In som e
d iscu ssio n s the three m ost general
p o p u lis t p r o p o s itio n s a re s o c ia l
ju stice , d e m o cra cy and na tio n a lism . I
w ould, in som e cases, c e rta in ly in
A u stra lia , add liberalism , freedom ,
ju stice , etc. O bvio u sly the o rd e r of
im p o rta n ce and the balance of these
T
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