Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
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Journal of Archaeological Science
journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/jas
Fire and ritual: bark hearths in South-American Tupiguarani mortuary rites
Mariana Beauclair*, Rita Scheel-Ybert, Gina Faraco Bianchini, Angela Buarque
Museu Nacional, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Quinta da Boa Vista, São Cristóvão, 20940-040 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history:
Received 19 November 2008
Received in revised form
6 February 2009
Accepted 11 February 2009
High proportions of bark pieces (up to 85% of the charcoal content) were found in several hearths from
Morro Grande archaeological site (Southeastern Brazil). This site, dated between 3220–2840 and 1820–
1390 yrs cal BP, is associated to the Tupiguarani Tradition, attributed to supposed ancestors of Tupinambá
native populations, who occupied the major part of the Brazilian coast in the XVIth century. Bark hearths,
archaeologically associated with the mortuary ritual, were found encircling a funerary urn and associated
with ceramic fragments painted with elaborated patterns in black, white, and red. Other hearths,
spatially isolated from the funerary area, were associated to fragments of utilitarian non-painted
ceramics and therefore attributed to domestic contexts. These ones presented few or no bark fragments.
It is clear that bark was intentionally selected as fuel for the funerary hearths. Although bark is related, in
historic accounts, as a specialized firewood for ceramics firing, its presence in ritual context has not been
previously recorded. In this paper, the anthracological record is discussed in the light of ethnographic
and historic accounts. A possible explanation for the presence of bark hearths in funerary context is
proposed, suggesting it might be a symbolic parallel with the quotidian: the potency and power of
transformation of bark as a fuel would be regarded in a spiritual level, achieving the transformation of
the body soul in the revered soul – an Ancestor.
Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
Anthracology
Archaeobotany
Ceramists
Funerary ritual
Brazil
1. Introduction
Cultural responses to death are so diversified that common
elements among them are almost impossible to find. The only
universal characteristic of death seems to be the impact it causes
and the meaningful and expressive reaction it generates (Huntington and Metcalf, 1979).
Mortuary rituals are aimed to deal with the impact of death and
restore a social order weakened by the loss of a member and by
fears related to death (Hertz, 1960). Their great importance is
translated in highly elaborated and ritualized practices (Ribeiro,
2002). Almost nothing in a funerary ritual is there by chance; all
elements involved have symbolisms that justify their presence and
disposition. In archaeological context, burials are the product of
each set of ritualized practices, and all associated material culture is
pervaded by symbolic signs. These signs are the product of their
structural relationship to other signs, as a collective symbolic
scheme that provides meanings for the actions (Shanks and Tilley,
1987).
* Corresponding author. Tel.: þ55 21 25626972.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M. Beauclair), scheelybert@
mn.ufrj.br (R. Scheel-Ybert).
0305-4403/$ – see front matter Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.02.003
The anthracological analysis of concentrated charcoal samples
from a Tupiguarani archaeological site in Southeastern Brazil
revealed the presence of tree bark hearths encircling a funerary urn
and its accompanying artifacts. Bark hearths would be expected in
domestic hearths, as the use of bark to fire ceramics is described in
historical accounts (Staden, 1927). However, the presence of bark
hearths in funerary context has not been previously recorded.
Interpretations of archaeological context and ethnographic and
ethnologic analogy led to the hypothesis that the role of transformation of bark hearths in a quotidian activity (clay/ceramics)
was transferred, in ritual context, to a symbolic level (spirit of the
dead/Ancestral).
2. Materials and methods
The archaeological site Morro Grande occupies an area of about
90,000 m2 in the urban area of Morro Grande, Araruama region, Rio
de Janeiro State, Southeastern Brazil (22 470 0700 S, 42 2104900 W)
(Fig. 1). At least two occupation periods were identified in this site:
an earlier period, dated between 2920 70 yr BP (3220–
2790 cal yr BP) and 2600 160 yr BP (3000–2150 cal yr BP), and
a more recent one, around 1740 90 yr BP (1820–1390 cal yr BP)
(Scheel-Ybert et al., 2008).
Archaeological excavations were made along several stages of
fieldwork since 1993. The occupation level is up to 0.60 m thick.
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M. Beauclair et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
0°
Rio de Janeiro State
23°27’
Morro Grande
− 22°45’
Araruama
Araruama
Lagoon
− 23°00’
0
10 km
42°30’
42°00’
Fig. 1. Geographic location of Morro Grande archaeological site.
Funerary urns are the only archaeological artifacts below this depth
(Fig. 2). Although partially destroyed by urbanization, the site
presents many intact archaeological features and well preserved
polychrome ceramics that allowed its association to the Tupiguarani Tradition (Buarque, 1999; Cezar et al., 2001). This Tradition is
associated to pre-colonial sites which polychrome ceramics are
very similar to those produced by historical Guarani (South Brazil,
North Argentina, Uruguai and Paraguai) and Tupinambá (Brazilian
Northeast and Central Coast) populations. The Paranapanema
valley, near to the Tropic of Capricorn, is considered as the limit
separating the southern Guarani and the northern Tupinambá
occupations (Dias, 1994/1995), but it is possible that this limit be
situated a little southerly, at the Paranaguá bay (Chmyz, 2002).
Associating material culture to an ethnic group on the basis of
archaeological data is recognizably hard. However, material evidences
suggesting a relation between the archaeologically defined Tupiguarani ceramist Tradition and the historic Tupinambá are particularly
strong in the studied region. The distribution of archaeological sites
frequently corresponds to the location of villages described by
chroniclers, while funerary structures, as well as ceramics morphology
and decoration, have clear similarities to the XVth century iconography. For these reasons, material culture found in Morro Grande site
was attributed to the historic Tupinambá ancestors (Buarque,
unpublished data).
The Tupinambá occupied a large part of the Brazilian coast in the
XVIth century. They had an intense contact with the arriving Europeans, who produced many accounts of various aspects of their
quotidian activities, ritual ceremonies, habitational and funerary
structures, and material culture. In spite of their varying credibility and
partiality, these historical accounts are the main sources of information about these populations, who were already disappearing due to
extermination and migration in the early XVIIth century (Fernandes,
1963; Métraux, 1979; Prous, 1992; Noelli, 1998).
Morro Grande site was excavated along large surface areas,
according to natural stratigraphic levels. Charcoal from hearths was
systematically collected for anthracological analysis and radiocarbon dating. However, not all identified features provided charcoal, probably because of post-depositional and preservation
issues. Dispersed (in the soil) and concentrated (in hearths or other
features) charcoals were sampled in Locus 2. All the sediment
removed from the excavation area was dry- or water-sieved and
charcoal pieces were collected with supple tongs. In loci 1 and 4
charcoal was manually collected.
In the laboratory, charcoal pieces were manually broken
exposing transverse, tangential longitudinal, and tangential radial
sections for wood anatomical identification. Sections were examined under a reflected light brightfield/darkfield microscope.
Systematic determination was achieved using Atlas Brasil software
(Scheel-Ybert et al., 2006), specialized literature (e.g. Metcalfe and
Chalke, 1950; Détienne and Jacquet, 1983), and a reference
collection).
3. Results
This work presents the results of the anthracological analysis of
concentrated charcoal from three loci of Morro Grande site. The
analysis concerned 1636 charcoal pieces recovered in 11 hearths
from Locus 2 (L2) (Fig. 3), one hearth from Locus 1 (L1), and one
from Locus 4 (L4). From these, 535 wood fragments were identified,
97 charred pieces could not be identified (knots, small branches,
poorly-preserved fragments), and 1006 fragments corresponded to
dicotyledonous bark. In sum, thirty-one taxa were recognized
(Fig. 4).
Most hearths were characterized by a very low taxonomic
diversity (Fig. 4). Prevailing taxa were frequently Leguminosae
species: Bauhinia sp. (H2L2), Copaifera sp. (H1L2, H4L2), Myroxylon
sp. (H13L2, H17L2), Poecilanthe sp. (H16L2), and Inga sp. (H1L1)
(Fig. 5). Taxa from other families predominated in H6L2 (Myrtaceae), H7L2 (Tabebuia sp.), and H10L2 (Lauraceae). In five hearths
from Locus 2, more than 70% of the charcoal pieces corresponded to
bark (H1L2, H2L2, H4L2, H5L2, and H6L2). Hearth H7L2 and
a sample of dispersed charcoal (DC) near Locus 2 funerary urn also
presented a high proportion of bark pieces (Fig. 3). Few or no bark
fragments were identified in hearths located in Loci 1 and 4 (Fig. 4).
All identified taxa are common in the Brazilian Atlantic Forest.
Analysis of dispersed charcoal from this site supports that Morro
Grande was surrounded by the Atlantic Forest during all its occupation period (Scheel-Ybert, unpublished data).
3.1. Wood and bark selection: identifying elements of the
funerary ritual
The low taxonomic diversity of most studied hearths agrees
with usual descriptions of concentrated charcoal in burning
features (Badal Garcia and Heinz, 1991; Badal Garcia, 1992; ScheelYbert, 2004). Concentrated charcoal samples commonly originate
M. Beauclair et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
1411
Surface
0,0
-0,5
-1,0
Base level
H1
H4
H2
-1,5
2,0
2,5
3,0
3,5
4,0
4,5
5,0
90°
North wall
5,5
6,0
East wall
N
2,0
2,5
3,0
3,5
4,0
4,5
Funerary structure
H4
Hearths
H1
Ceramics
5,0
Post holes
Dark grey sandy
organic soil
H2
5,5
Grayish yellow sandy
soil
Yellowish sandy soil
with stone lines
6,0
-0,5
0
0,5
1,0m
Scale 1:25
Sandy clayish layer
with quartz fragments
Compact clayish layer
Fig. 2. Schematic stratigraphic profile of north and east walls from Sector 2 and partial surface plan of the same area.
from short duration fires, reflecting only the species used in the last
(or single) burning episode. They may also be associated to
specialized or ceremonial activities.
Leguminosae species are frequently dominant in the Atlantic
Forest, either in number of species or of individuals (e.g. Lombardi
and Gonçalves, 2000; Lima and Guedes-Bruni, 1994). The prevalence of this family in the analyzed samples is likely an expression
of the past environmental conditions.
The diverse requirements related to domestic or utilitarian use
of fire may be satisfied by an appropriated fuel selection. Wood
choice is likely to be guided by burning characteristics (e.g. calorific
power, smoke, or flames production), which may depend upon the
taxonomic range, but also upon the qualities and state of the
selected wood log (stem/branch diameter; dry, green or decayed
wood etc) (Thery-Párisot, 2001). Among Amazonian Tupian Ka’apor,
for instance, dozens of species can be selected for each kind of firedemanding activity (Balée, 1994).
Choices related to ceremonial aspects rely on subjective characters which are particular to each culture and even harder to
discern. There is no evidence of specific wood selection in the
analyzed samples, but the present data do not allow discarding the
possibility of choices based on non-taxonomic parameters.
On the other hand, even if some bark is expected to be identified
in anthracological samples, as this material is not ordinarily taken
off when wood is burnt, the proportion of bark in some of the
analyzed hearths is too high. It is clear that bark itself was burnt,
and that this material has been intentionally selected as fuel.
In Locus 2, bark hearths encircle the funerary urn and associated
artifacts, which include fragments of ceramics with painted decoration (Fig. 3). Ceramic vessels, probably used for food offerings, are
associated to the urn. Several fragments from this context present
elaborated patterns (e.g. skeletal) that suggest they were especially
made for the funerary ritual (Buarque, unpublished data). Hearths
located farther from the funerary urn are associated to fragments of
utilitarian, plastic decorated ceramics. These hearths, interpreted as
domestic, do not present any distinguishing compositional
character.
Hearths from Loci 1 and 4 did not present many bark remains,
although they are associated to funerary contexts. Very few charcoal pieces were recovered in each one of these samples (ca. 10),
and therefore these results are poorly representative. If confirmed,
their low bark content might indicate either a restriction in the use
of funerary bark hearths, which might have been attached to
specific burials (elected by gender, age, status attributes, or else), or
a change in funerary ritual through time. Ages already presented
for Morro Grande are almost 1000 years apart, suggesting that this
settlement was re-occupied in different periods (Scheel-Ybert et al.,
in press). Although Loci 1 and 4 have not been dated, they might
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M. Beauclair et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
the soil (Buarque, 1995). Vestiges of hearths were associated to all
funerary assemblages, even when charcoal was not recovered. In
Locus 2, bark hearths provided the fire.
Tupi funerary rituals vary greatly. There are mentions to primary
and secondary, simple and double burials, which may be in urns,
mats, hammocks, or family members (anthropophagy). Nevertheless, some elements attached to these mortuary rituals seem
invariable in space and time, especially the use of fire in funerary
ceremonies and the facts of keeping the dead in the proximities and
of avoiding the contact of the body with the soil (Ribeiro, 2002).
Hearths frequently surrounded the graves in Tupinambá
funerary rituals. Their function was, presumably, to warm the dead
(Sousa, 1938). Thevet (1575, 1944) and Léry (1889) reported that
fire was also important to frighten evil spirits. Historic accounts
testify that Tupinambá mortuary rituals were characterized by the
mourning and panegyric of the dead (Thevet, 1575; Léry, 1889;
Cardim, 1980) and by the relatives’ grief demonstrations (Cardim,
1980). The dead body was firmly tight and well buried to avoid its
return (Thevet, 1575) and the living did all the necessary so that the
soul could reach the promised land: the Guajupiá.
The Guajupiá was conceived as a place of pleasure, beyond the
mountains, where the souls would meet their ancestors and live
eternally in joy (Thevet, 1575; Léry, 1889; D’Abbeville, 1922). Only
few individuals who personified the ideal of their culture (courageous men who had fiercely fought their enemies or who had
captured many enemies and ritually sacrificed them) could aspire
to this paradise (D’Abbeville, 1922; Marcgrave, 1942). These beliefs
certainly had important influences in Tupinambá way of life (Fernandes, 1963), as only the brave combatants would triumph over
the hard path to the Guajupiá (Thevet, 1575; Fernandes, 1963). The
men (and most women) who couldn’t achieve this ideal would be
taken by an evil spirit called Anhangá or Jurupari (Thevet, 1575;
D’Abbeville, 1922; Marcgrave, 1942).
The Tupinambá believed the Anhangá could take many different
forms. It was frequently seen, and even those who were alive could
have body and soul punished day and night. The mere remembrance of sufferings imposed by the Anhangá was enough to
torment them. The Tupinambá claimed they feared this evil spirit
more than anything else (Thevet, 1575; Léry, 1889).
The evil spirit was one of their greater concerns when preparing
the dead for the journey to Guajupiá. Food was offered either to
sustain the dead as to feed the evil spirit, which would otherwise
consume him. Fire was aimed to provide heat and protection to the
dead, maintaining the Anhangá away (Thevet, 1575; Léry, 1889;
Sousa, 1938; Cardim, 1980). The living also encouraged the dead,
recommended him to his parents and grandparents already in
Guajupiá, and advised him, above all, not to let extinguish the fire
(D’Evreux, 1874).
Fire, therefore, performed an essential role in Tupinambá
funerary rituals. It was one of the necessary elements to grant the
soul a successful journey to the Guajupiá. And in funerary context,
fire was provided by hearths.
3.3. Why bark?
Fig. 3. Disposition and composition of hearths in Locus 2.
possibly represent another period of occupation, even if there is no
indication of that in the material culture.
3.2. Tupi mortuary rituals
Funerary structures in Morro Grande site were probably near
the habitations; the body lied inside the urn, avoiding contact with
There is as yet no reference to bark hearths in funerary context,
either in the ethnographic literature or in the archaeological record.
However, it is known that bark was used by Tupinambá women to
fire ceramics. The vessels were deposited upon stones and covered
with dry bark, which was fired. Ceramics then heated until incandescence (Staden, 1927).
Modern ceramists consider bark as one of the best fuels to fire
ceramics, because of its high and instantaneous heat (Lefferts apud
Thompson, 1994). North American Yuma (Rogers apud Sheppard,
1968), Luiseños, and Diegueños (Curtis, 1926), as well as Brazilian
M. Beauclair et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
H1L1*
H1L4*
DCL2*
H1L2*
H2L2*
H4L2*
H5L2* H6L2*
H7L2*
H10L2
1413
H13L2
H16L2
F17L2
Anacardiaceae/Burseraceae
Aspidosperma sp
Araliaceae
Tabebuia sp
Chrysobalanaceae
Sebastiania sp
Euphorbiaceae
Casearia sp
Lauraceae
Bauhinia sp
Cassia spp
Copaifera sp
Zollernia sp
Machaerium sp
Myroxylon sp
Poecilanthe sp
Acacia sp
Inga sp
Leguminosae
Byrsonima sp
Myrtaceae
Sapotaceae
Qualea sp
Laguncularia racemosa
liana
Indet
Monocot
Ni 12
Nt 12
Nsp 3
9
9
6
62
110
13
83
422
11
17
118
4
35
138
5
65
475
13
20
71
4
22
30
5
71
78
6
84
107
10
35
35
2
4
4
2
0,2 0,4 0,6
Fig. 4. Results of charcoal analysis. Black bars represent the percentage of taxa identified in each hearth. The percentage of bark in hearths is represented in circles (black ¼ wood;
white ¼ bark). Ni ¼ number of identified pieces; Nt ¼ total number of analyzed pieces and Nsp ¼ number of identified taxa. The asterisks mark the funerary hearths.
Fig. 5. SEM micrographs of transversal plans of a bark piece (A) and some of the identified taxa: Tabebuia sp (B), Myrtaceae (C), and Myroxylon sp (D). Scales correspond to 100 mm.
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M. Beauclair et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1409–1415
natives (Lima, 1986), use bark to fire ceramics. Authors who
described this activity in the present frequently emphasize the
disposition of bark, covering ceramics in order to preserve the heat
and produce uniform firing (Sheppard, 1968; Lima, 1986), precisely
in the same way related for historic Tupinambá (Staden, 1927).
The use of a material in everyday activities does not prevent it of
having a ritual role (Morehart et al., 2005). Rituals can parallel
quotidian activities. Mortuary rituals are amongst the routine,
strategic engagements through which people reproduce the
conditions of their own lives (Barret, 1990). Archaeological and
ethnographic evidences indicate that in Tupian funerals, as well as
in others domains, the economic processes and cultural-symbolic
were dialectically related, feeding off each other.
It seems that the repetition of these domestic activities lend
them a power that can be transferred to rituals, in a way that is hard
to grasp by outsiders (Adams, 1971). Firing ceramics was probably
the quotidian activity that demanded the greater hearth potencies.
Wouldn’t protection of a dead relative’s soul also deserve the most
potent fire? Bark hearths were capable of reaching temperatures
that could make clay glow and become ceramics. They had the
power of transformation. And the perilous journey the dead must
overcome stand for a period of transformation. The dead’s soul, still
wandering through the places where it lived, dependent of the
living and capable of disturbing them, will eventually become an
Ancestor, a revered figure living in a place of eternal joy. Through
this journey, the soul leaves the society of the living to integrate the
society of the dead. But to accomplish this transformation journey
it must pass through much probation. In this confused transitory
state, the living are expected to supply the dead with everything
possible for a successful transition (Hertz, 1960).
It is conceivable that the power of transformation of ceramics
hearths was transferred to a symbolic level: the transformation of
the an in anguere (an is defined as the body soul, while anguere is
the soul that lives in the destined place, according to D’Evreux,
1874).
4. Conclusion
Symbolic and cosmological characters are hard to recognize in
the archaeological record. As we cannot directly apprehend the
meaning of material remains, we need to interpret them, and there
lies the greatest sources of error. Dealing with people and cultures
long away gone, we will never be sure about interpretations
(Pearson, 1997; Peregrine, 2001). Bark could have been chosen as
fuel for the funerary hearths for a multitude of reasons: smoke,
smell, burning period, fire intensity, or any immaterial motivation
far beyond our thoughts. However, most options lack evidence, and
without it we risk to enter the realm of mere abstraction.
Historical accounts can contribute in the search of a context and
a meaning for the material remains. And archaeological data can
enlighten some obscure or biased parts of history, allowing a critical analysis of these texts (Feinman, 1997). Together, these
complimentary data can help us to build an image of the Tupinambá that can be closer to reality.
However, up to now, all the information about Tupiguarani
religious practices and collective symbolic schemes relied heavily
on ethnography and historic accounts from the XVth and XVIth
centuries. It is the first time that some inference is driven from
direct vestiges of the material culture – in this case, from charred
wood and bark.
In this work, anthracological results were interpreted under the
light of historical accounts and ethnography. We hypothesized that
bark was intentionally chosen as fuel for funerary hearths, and that
its use was in some way restricted (to a period, a region, or to
selected people). It is noteworthy that Tupian groups are
characterized by very heterogeneous social morphologies, and that
ceremonial structures can markedly vary among them (Viveiros de
Castro, 1986). Further investigations on Morro Grande and other
Tupinambá archaeological sites are necessary to better specify the
context, period, and area in which bark hearths might be used.
Fire, as mentioned in historical accounts and in ethnographic
studies, is one of the cornerstones of Tupian funerary rituals, and
hearths would be inserted under its symbolism. It is proposed that
bark would be chosen as fuel through a parallel with the quotidian:
its potency and power of transformation would be regarded in
a spiritual level.
This proposal remains, of course, as a mere hypothesis, and
further analysis is still needed for a better understanding of this
issue. The presence of bark hearths in a funerary context, however,
is of great significance, as this fuel was undoubtedly selected for
these specific hearths. Conservation of organic remains being
particularly rare in Tupiguarani sites, these findings provide direct
evidence that allow us to understand the symbolic purposes that
guided this population.
Acknowledgements
Authors were supported by funds of Brazilian financement
agencies National Counsel of Technological and Scientific Development (CNPq) and Carlos Chagas Filho Foundation for Research
Support of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ).
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