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Critical Policy Studies Vol. 6, No. 1, April 2012, 40–65 EU agri-innovation policy: two contending visions of the bio-economy Les Levidowa* , Kean Birchb and Theo Papaioannoua Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 a Development Policy and Practice, Open University, Milton Keynes, UK; b Department of Social Science, York University, Toronto, Canada The knowledge-based bio-economy has gained prominence as a research and innovation policy of the European Union. As a policy framework the knowledge-based bio-economy has attracted two contending visions, which can be analyzed as imaginaries – strategic discourses prefiguring a possible, desirable future. In the dominant vision, life sciences will enhance productivity for European competitive advantage in global value chains. A rival vision links agroecology and shorter food supply chains, as a means for farmers to gain more from the value that they add. Each vision favors a different diagnosis of unsustainable agriculture and eco-efficient remedies. Each extends a different paradigm of agri-innovation, foreseeing an economic community that can gain from future markets. These two contending visions give different meanings to the same key terms – knowledge, biological resources and economy. In the EU’s research program for a knowledge-based bio-economy, a life sciences vision dominates the priorities, though agroecology has also gained a significant place in response to proposals from stakeholder networks. Through these efforts, research policy priorities have been opened up to more plural agri-innovation pathways. Keywords: imaginaries; agri-innovation policy; cultural political economy; critical discourse analysis; sustainable agriculture; eco-efficiency; life sciences; agroecology; knowledge-based bio-economy (KBBE); European Technology Platforms (ETPs); Framework Programme 7 1. Introduction The European Union (EU) has long promoted technoscientific advance as essential for societal progress. Within this discourse, key narratives have included the knowledge society, the knowledge-based economy (KBE) and its biotechnological extension, the knowledge-based bio-economy (KBBE). The latter has informed the European Commission’s research priorities since at least 2007. These narratives have more than a discursive role; they orient policymaking in particular ways and thereby direct resources to particular forms of technoscience – also examined in this article. Focusing on EU-level research priorities in light of the KBBE narrative, this article discusses several questions: What societal challenges are meant to be addressed by the EU’s narrative of a KBBE? How does this narrative represent societal problems and propose technoscientific solutions? What competing accounts have arisen? How do these different accounts mobilize institutional resources and commitments for specific research priorities? *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] ISSN 1946-0171 print/ISSN 1946-018X online © 2012 Institute of Local Government Studies, University of Birmingham http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2012.659881 http://www.tandfonline.com Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Critical Policy Studies 41 In brief, our analysis illustrates how rival stakeholder networks promote contending visions of a future Europe in the name of the KBBE. In the dominant vision, the life sciences will enhance productivity through global value chains that promote European competitiveness. A rival vision links agroecology with shorter food supply chains as a means for farmers to gain more from the value that they add. Each vision favors a different diagnosis of currently unsustainable agriculture and offers future eco-efficient solutions. Each vision elaborates economic and socio-technical imaginaries – that is, feasible, desirable futures which can mobilize support networks and resources for their realization, thereby changing institutional practices. In those ways, the KBBE narrative encompasses divergent imaginaries. To develop this argument, we adopt an analytical approach combining insights from three areas: science and technology studies, cultural political economy and critical discourse analysis. This combination helps us to analyze how the KBBE narrative influences the broader framework of research policy. Each vision draws upon socio-technical and economic ‘imaginaries’, which project future models of the world onto current priorities. And each vision draws on different paradigms of agro-food innovation (see Table 1 and the next section). Through policy frameworks which discursively naturalize technoscientific solutions and designate external expertise for them, specific future visions are materialized in institutional practices, especially in priorities for research funds. In terms of analytical method, the focus is stakeholders’ agendas as rival imaginaries. In order to identify convergent and divergent meanings of key terms relevant to the KBBE narrative (as summarized in Table 2), initial analysis drew on documents from several bodies: European Commission, European Technology Platforms (e.g. Plants, Biofuels, Sustainable Chemistry, etc.), their precursors, (e.g. Biofrac, BioMat Net, EPSO, EPOBIO), their umbrella consortium (Becoteps), farmers’ organizations (COPA, IFOAM), the Standing Committee on Agriculture Research (SCAR) and its expert foresight reports. In analyzing documents from these bodies, we focused on key terms (e.g. eco-efficiency, sustainability, resources) to identify their role in contending visions of a future Europe. For this reason, no specific discourse technique was used. The document analysis provided a sharper basis for interview questions. For example, ‘How does the bio-economy change the meaning of agriculture?’, and ‘How does your technoscientific agenda depend upon wider societal changes?’ These interviews were carried out with approximately 20 individuals from the same bodies which originated the documents. Along with those sources, interviewees’ comments inform the analysis and Table 2, though only a few quotes are explicitly cited (for lack of space). More specifically regarding the method, actors’ statements with similar key words were juxtaposed in a Word file in order to identify similar or different meanings. These discursive comparisons provided a basis to draft Table 2, which became progressively longer throughout the study. The draft table was shown to some interviewees, whose comments stimulated extra searches in documents or interview transcripts. A preliminary analysis was presented at several events – partners’ meetings of the Cooperative Research on Environmental Problems in Europe (CREPE) project, at its Brussels workshop (CREPE 2010) and in the SCAR working group on agricultural knowledge and information systems. Also the lead author was invited to join TP Organics’ strategy discussions for influencing research agendas. In all those venues, participants clarified divergent agendas for agricultural innovation and so indirectly contributed to our analysis. This article is structured as follows. Section 2 explains our hybrid theoretical framework, namely: as a master narrative, the KBBE encompasses rival visions. Each elaborates 42 L. Levidow et al. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 different economic and socio-technical imaginaries; each draws on different paradigms of agro-food innovation (see Table 1). Section 3 shows how the KBBE was originally a narrative for relaunching the life sciences, whose future vision and research agenda gained support from the European Commission. Section 4 analyzes how the life sciences vision links a socio-technical imaginary of converging technologies with an economic imaginary of global value chains, as a basis for materializing its vision in dominant priorities for European Commission (EC) research funding. Section 5 examines how the rival of agroecology vision links a socio-technical imaginary of eco-functional intensification with an economic imaginary of agro-food-energy relocalization, as a basis for materializing this vision in the margins of EC research priorities. Section 6 summarizes the overall argument, while also suggesting how the hybrid theoretical framework may have broader relevance. 2. Analytical perspectives: narratives, imaginaries and technoscientific paradigms To analyze the KBBE narrative, we combine insights from critical perspectives across several academic literatures. These include cultural discourse analysis, and science and technology studies. Their relevant concepts will be elaborated and linked here as a new theoretical framework, summarized in Table 1, for analyzing EU agri-innovation policy. To start, technoscientific policy can be (and has been) analyzed as a narrative. Such analyses illustrate how narratives conflate general societal progress with particular science and technology (S&T). Master-narratives are the cultural vehicles through which ideas of progress are linked to S&T in particular ways. These are not ‘merely’ stories or fictions. They are an important part of the cultural and institutional fabric, of taken-for-granted aspects of social order. (Felt et al. 2007, p. 9) Such narratives promote technoscientific solutions for resolving a range of societal problems. If S&T generate problems, these are cast solely as mistaken technological choices, rather than issues of problem-definition or societal aims (Felt et al. 2007, p. 80). Thus the putative technoscientific solutions pre-define the problems to be solved. Beyond simply discourse, i.e. language used strategically, different narratives contain future visions that can be analyzed as imaginaries – ‘representations of how things might or could or should be’. These imaginaries may be institutionalized and routinized as networks of practices (Fairclough 2010, p. 266). Hence an imaginary pre-figures a possible and intended reality, which includes an objective and a strategy to achieve it. As Fairclough (2010, p. 480) further argues, ‘Imaginaries produced in discourse are an integral part of strategies; and if strategies are successful and become implemented, then associated imaginaries can become operationalized, transformed into practice, made real’. Through imaginaries, semiotic-cultural meanings are integral to constructing the world. Each actor regards some aspects as significant, depending on specific meaning systems. As construals of the future, imaginaries also contribute to constituting the socio-technical and socio-economic world, insofar as they guide a critical mass of self-confirming actions premised on their validity (Jessop 2009, p. 338). A critical analysis needs ‘to explain why and how some construals are selected, get embodied in individual agents or routinized in organizational operations’ (Jessop 2009, p. 339), thus helping to institutionalize particular practices. To illuminate this process, here we combine socio-technical and economic imaginaries as complementary aspects of a vision elaborating narratives such as the KBBE. Critical Policy Studies 43 2.1. Economic imaginaries Economic imaginaries are discursively constituted visions which abstract from and thus simplify complex economic activities. Imaginaries anticipate and potentially facilitate specific economic futures from a range of possibilities. According to Jessop (2005, p. 147): Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 on the one hand, the economic imaginary presupposes a substratum of substantive economic relations as its elements; on the other, where that imaginary is successfully operationalized and institutionalized, it transforms and naturalizes these elements into the moments of a specific economy. For economic imaginaries identify, privilege, and seek to stabilize some economic activities from the totality of economic relations and transform them into objects of observation, calculation, and governance. In particular, an ‘imagined economic community’ may become grounded both in an ‘imagined economic space’ and an ‘imagined community of economic interest’ among diverse social forces (Jessop 2005, p. 162). Current economic imaginaries often frame territorial jurisdictions as competitive units in an economic fight with foreign rivals. One example is the construction of ‘Europe’ as a single political–economic ‘space of competitiveness’ facing a common external threat, especially through a race for technological innovation. This imaginary plays a strategic role: The idea of ‘competitive threat’ (especially from East Asia and the USA) was central to developing a rationale for market liberalisation across the European Community and helped to fuel the case for both completing the single market and developing adjunct programmes such as technology policy. (Rosamond 2002, p. 168) These economic imaginaries have been increasingly driven by neoliberal economic assumptions about the benefits of free markets and competitive market relations. Hence neoliberal policies have extended deregulation, privatization, public–private partnerships, intellectual property rights, etc., thus forcibly creating new market relations. In a European context, the political process was conceived as an opportunity to open up further the European region to the globalizing economy, especially to accelerate the deregulation and privatization of the European economies, thus liberating market forces from the fetters of government intervention (van Apeldoorn 2000, p. 166). Citing similar imperatives, expert advisors urge greater efficiency as essential to avoid a productivity gap and economic decline in a global race (e.g. O’Mahony and van Ark 2003, cf. Aho Report 2006, p. vii; see Figure 1 as a satirical comment). Exemplifying this neoliberal agenda has been the ‘knowledge-based economy’ (e.g. CEC, 1993). Competitiveness has been a key rationale for research policy: the Lisbon agenda has sought greater research and development (R&D) investment to make Europe ‘the globally most competitive knowledge-based economy by 2010’ (EU Council 2000). As a master narrative, the ‘knowledge-based economy’ can encompass many futures, though the neoliberal variant has been dominant (Jessop 2005, p. 156). In this neoliberal economic imaginary, global value chains assume greater importance as both opportunities and imperatives for globally competitive strategies: With regard to this knowledging technology, actors are encouraged to treat regional spaces as (potential) clusters in which firms, suppliers, service providers, and associated institutions interact to form export-led production- and/or service-oriented nodes . . . that are opened Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 44 L. Levidow et al. Figure 1. Catching (up with) the future – through the Lisbon targets? Source: Philippe Geluck via the European Commission to foreign direct investment and multinational-dominated global value chains. It also selfresponsibilizes public and private agencies to become competitive, entrepreneurial and worldmarket oriented in their journey towards ‘catch-up competitiveness’. (Sum 2009, p. 197) These processes select particular economic imaginaries from among diverse networks of actors with unequal access to power and resources (Sum 2009, p. 184). Yet these inequalities can be hidden within an imagined political–economic community competing against foreign rivals. Next we consider the types of socio-technical imaginaries which are linked to the economic ones we have just discussed. 2.2. Socio-technical imaginaries As a theoretical concept, socio-technical imaginaries’ are ‘collectively imagined forms of social life and social order reflected in the design and fulfilment of nation-specific scientific and/or technological projects’ (Jasanoff and Kim 2009, p. 120). These imaginaries either describe attainable futures or prescribe futures that states believe ought to be attained. The concept can help to analyze how ‘national S&T projects encode and reinforce particular conceptions of what a nation stands for’ (Jasanoff and Kim 2009, p. 120). A socio-technical imaginary includes several aspects: the purposes of S&T, the public good to be served, participation in steering, by what means, and means to resolve controversies about the pace or direction of R&D. In this way, socio-technical imaginaries underlie and drive policies: Critical Policy Studies 45 Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 National policies for the innovation and regulation of science-based technologies are useful sites for examining imaginaries at work. Such policies balance distinctive national visions of desirable futures driven by science and technology against fears of either not realizing those futures or causing unintended harm in the pursuit of technological advances. S&T policies thus provide unique sites for exploring the role of political culture and practices in stabilizing particular imaginaries, as well as the resources that must be mobilized to represent technological trajectories as being in the ‘national interest’. (Jasanoff and Kim 2009, p. 121) Each socio-technical imaginary entails an implicit understanding of what is socially desirable. The concept builds on ‘technoscientific imaginaries’, which are ‘imbued with implicit understandings of what is good or desirable in the social world writ large’. In that sense, technoscientific imaginaries are simultaneously also ‘social imaginaries’, encoding collective visions of the good society (Jasanoff and Kim 2009, p. 122). In the authors’ case study, nuclear power in the United States and South Korea, the ‘national interest’ has been reimagined according to different socio-technical imaginaries in the two countries (Jasanoff and Kim 2009, p. 124). Here the analytical concept ‘socio-technical imaginary’ will be adapted in two ways: while Jasanoff and Kim (2009) compared two countries, our focus is divergent imaginaries within EU policy. And this has increasingly linked technoscientific advance with global economic competitiveness (Jessop 2005, Felt et al. 2007). More specifically, we focus on agro-food innovation, whose rival imaginaries draw on different technoscientific paradigms, as presented next. 2.3. Paradigms of agro-food innovation Contending imaginaries elaborate different socio-technical and economic forms of agrofood innovation. These differences can be theorized as different technoscientific paradigms (see Table 1, lower part). Paradigms entail different accounts of engineering, product quality and knowledge systems. These differences have been theorized as binary typologies in the sense that each aspect has two alternative accounts, as shown in the two main columns. The first typology distinguishes between genetic engineering and agroecological engineering. Also known as life sciences, genetic engineering aims to modify plants to enhance productivity in adverse conditions – e.g. caused by pests, pathogens, drought, saline environments and unfertile soils – or to design plants for new objectives such as altered nutritional contents. By contrast, agroecological engineering aims to design agricultural systems that require as few agrochemicals and energy inputs as possible. Instead such systems rely on ecological interactions between biological components to enable agricultural systems to boost their own soil fertility, productivity and crop protection (Vanloqueren and Baret 2009, p. 972). A combination of factors has generally locked out agroecology from research policy: agricultural research systems created a technological and institutional lock-in situation that severely hinders or stops the development of one of the technological paradigms, in this case agroecological engineering, though both paradigms make sense and make science. . . . Agroecology has stayed however on the margins of the agricultural sciences, as it is distant from the main scientific approach as well as from the technological regime and the larger economic and political dominant trends. (Vanloqueren and Baret 2009, p. 980) 46 Table 1. L. Levidow et al. Hybrid theoretical framework for rival visions of the KBBE. Vision Life Sciences Agroecology Theoretical concept (imaginary or paradigm) Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Sociotechnical imaginary: the public good (extending Jasanoff and Kim 2009) Converging (bio, nano, info) Organic short-loop recycling technologies for identifying processes using renewable valuable substances, optimizing resources more efficiently, e.g. by their composition, using maintaining and linking on-farm renewable resources more resources, while also enhancing efficiently, expanding their farmers’ knowledge of renewable availability and thus overcoming resources. constraints. Economic imaginary: Global value chains, especially for Shorter agro-food supply chains future markets linking agriculture with energy relocalizing agro-food–energy (extending Jessop and other industrial products, as a production and consumption, 2005) basis for privatizable knowledge, gaining consumer support, and thus enhancing European thus helping producers to gain economic competitiveness in from the value that they add. global markets. Agroecological engineering: Genetic engineering and life Technoscientific designing agricultural systems sciences: modifying plants for engineering paradigm that minimize need for external greater productivity or for new (paraphrasing objectives, e.g. nutritional content, inputs, instead relying on Vanloqueren and ecological interactions. via capital-intensive knowledge Baret 2009) production. Quality in sociotechnical Decomposability of qualities via Integral/comprehensive product paradigm converging technologies, for identity via holistic methods and (paraphrasing Allaire recomposition into profitable quality characteristics and Wolf 2004) combinations for extra market recognizable by consumers, as a value. basis for their support. Computable data for novel inputs Knowledge for validating Knowledge in and/or outputs which can gain comprehensive product identities sociotechnical market advantage. Proprietary of various kinds, e.g. organic paradigm certification, agroecological information dependent on public (paraphrasing Allaire and Wolf 2004) reference networks, especially for production methods, territorial characteristics, specialty products, matching compositional qualities farmers’ markets, etc. with consumer preferences. Notes: For two rival visions of the KBBE, a hybrid theoretical framework can link several complementary concepts. Each vision entails complementary sociotechnical and economic imaginaries of a desirable, feasible Europe; the first two rows elaborate such theories for this case study. Each vision also draws upon different paradigms of agro-food engineering, product quality and knowledge; the last three rows paraphrase the theory, which is anyway specific to the case study of agro-innovation. The two columns summarize our overall theoretical framework as binary typologies: each aspect has two divergent accounts. The second typology distinguishes between forms of product quality. Converging technologies seek to identify, extract and decompose specific qualities, towards their eventual recomposition into profitable combinations. By contrast, an integral product identity depends on holistic methods and quality characteristics recognizable by consumers, as a basis for their support (Allaire and Wolf 2004). Finally, different qualities correspond to divergent knowledge systems. Within a decomposability paradigm, research seeks computable data for single traits or functional attributes (e.g. based on genetic characteristics) which can enhance novel inputs Agro-industrial monoculture systems – making farmers dependent on external inputs, undermining their knowledge, distancing consumers from agri-production knowledge, etc. Agroecological methods for maintaining and linking on-farm resources (plant genetic diversity and biocontrol agents), thus minimizing farmers’ dependence of external resources. Eco-functional intensification via farmers’ knowledge of agro-ecological methods: improving nutrient recycling techniques, enhancing biodiversity and improving the health of soils, crops and livestock. Converting agricultural waste into bioenergy in on-farm small-scale units, thus substituting for external inputs. Agro-ecological processes, in mixed and integrated farming, for optimizing use of energy and nutrients, linked with shorter agro-food chains. Ecological processes (e.g. nutrient recycling, soil as a living system, whole-farm systems, etc.) which can be used by farmers for agricultural production. Farmers’ collective experiential knowledge of biological resources, ecological processes and product quality, as a basis to minimize dependence on external inputs. Scientific research to explain why/how some agroecological practices are effective. Open-source exchange of information and biological materials (organicEprints). Shorter agro-food chains, based on consumers’ trust and greater proximity to producers, as a basis for valorizing their knowledge of biological resources, cultivation methods and food culture. Inefficiency (of farm inputs, processing methods and outputs) – disadvantaging European agro-industry, which falls behind in global market competition for technoscientific advance. More efficient plant-cell factories as biomass sources for diverse industrial products, thus substituting for fossil fuels and expanding available resources in the global economy. Sustainable intensification via smart inputs from lab knowledge: enhancing external inputs, engineering their compositional qualities and increasing land productivity. Redesigning plants and processing methods for more efficiently converting biomass into energy and other industrial products. Sustainable production and conversion of biomass (or renewable raw materials) for various food, health, fibre, energy and other industrial products. Mechanical-informatics properties as a natural cornucopia which must be identified, unlocked, mined and commercialized in value chains. Computable data for more efficient, flexible agro-inputs, production methods and/or outputs which can gain advantage in value chains. Laboratory research to create databases of standard information. Privatizable knowledge, verified by pre-competitive research and public reference standards. Global value chains realizing market value in commodities (agro-inputs and outputs) and proprietary knowledge, as a basis for capital-intensive knowledge to gain from added value. Organics industry, organics institutes, COPA’s organics section, environmental NGOs Agroecology Multinational companies, some SMEs, plant scientists, COPA Life sciences Notes: The text in this table paraphrases stakeholders’ statements promoting two rival visions for sustainable agriculture. Each vision appropriates and recasts key terms from the other. Some text draws upon concepts in Table 1. Economy Knowledge Biological resources Agriculture–energy linkages: substituting bioenergy for fossil fuels Knowledge-Based Bio-Economy (KBBE) Eco-efficiency as intensification: using renewable resources more efficiently Solution in sustainable agriculture Stakeholder networks via European Technology Platforms Issue or term Societal challenges: threats to overcome Vision Table 2. Diagnoses and solutions according to two visions of the KBBE. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Critical Policy Studies 47 Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 48 L. Levidow et al. and outputs. Although dependent on publicly shared knowledge, each firm may attempt to develop proprietary information systems. By contrast, an integral product identity paradigm seeks to valorize distinctive comprehensive qualities which can be socially validated for/by consumers in various forms, e.g. organic certification, territorial characteristics, specialty labels or farmers’ markets (Allaire and Wolf 2004). These innovation paradigms have some complementary aspects. Genetic engineering complements the decomposability of qualities for more lucrative recompositions. Likewise agroecology complements agro-food relocalization: ‘Agroecologists privilege alternative food systems operating at a regional scale or based on closer farmer–consumer relationships, or product networks that mobilize localized resources and have strong identities’ (Vanloqueren and Baret 2009, p. 981). These complementary aspects correspond to distinctive visions of the KBBE, as summarized in Table 1. In sum, the KBBE narrative has two divergent visions, each combining socio-technical and economic imaginaries along different lines. Likewise each vision combines different technoscientific paradigms of agro-food innovation. Accordingly, each vision frames key terms of the KBBE – knowledge, biological resources and economy – in its own image, as summarized in Table 2. Drawing on our hybrid analytical framework, the next three sections survey the KBBE narrative and then its two rival visions in turn – life sciences and agroecology – corresponding literally to Vision documents of stakeholder networks. In each section, the first sub-section analyzes how the vision links economic with socio-technical imaginaries in advocating specific research priorities. Then the second sub-section analyses its influence on research priorities of the European Commission. 3. KBBE as a narrative of societal progress As a narrative, the KBBE builds upon earlier EU policy discourses. It links a sociotechnical imaginary of eco-efficient innovation with an economic imaginary of European competitiveness. Going further, the KBBE envisages abundant renewable bio-resources for overcoming environmental constraints and thus achieving sustainable development. Promoting specific research agendas towards a KBBE, industry-wide consortia have gained deference in routine procedures of the European Commission’s Framework Programme 7, as shown in this section. 3.1. Racing for European competitiveness The KBBE narrative extends earlier EU policies on the knowledge-based economy (e.g. CEC 1993), especially the Lisbon agenda. These policy frameworks have promoted biotechnology and life sciences as symbols of European progress. However, European protests deterred European investment in agricultural biotechnology in the late 1990s. Later the life sciences were relaunched as the KBBE, emphasizing non-food uses of renewable raw materials. Economic competitiveness has been the main treaty basis for the EU’s R&D budget, which comprises half the EU budget. According to the Lisbon Treaty: The Union shall have the objective of strengthening its scientific and technological bases by achieving a European research area in which researchers, scientific knowledge and technology circulate freely, and encouraging it to become more competitive, including in its industry. (EU Council 2007, p. 85) Critical Policy Studies 49 This familiar imperative has been extended by the KBBE narrative. At the 2007 Cologne Summit of the European Council, its German president declared, ‘Europe has to take the right measures now and to allocate the appropriate resources to catch up and take a leading position in the race to the Knowledge-Based Bio-Economy’ (EU Presidency 2007, p. 6). Likewise when the Belgian presidency hosted a follow-up conference on the KBBE, the Directorate-General (DG) for Research Commissioner stated: Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Today, Europe has a strong life sciences and biotechnology research base to support the development of a sustainable and smart Bio-Economy. It has a leading position in chemical and enzyme industries and a fast growing biotechnologies sector. However, a lot of work still needs to be done in order to fully exploit the potential of the sector today and ensure that Europe remains competitive tomorrow. (Geoghegan-Quinn 2010, p. 3) Alongside the focus on economic competitiveness, the KBBE narrative also extends earlier environmental policy through the idea of eco-efficiency, which is now equated with sustainable development. This linkage has a long history in EU environmental policy, which has sought to achieve ‘sustainable industrial development, involving the formulation of the concept of ecoefficiency, and partnerships between governments and industry, using industry’s capacity for innovation’ (CEC 1998, p. 5). This policy incorporated a similar account of eco-efficiency from global business lobbies advocating market instruments for sustainable development (Schmidheiny 1992). Such discourse illustrates how socio-technical and economic imaginaries are combined; societal progress is equated with ‘sustainable’ economies, in turn dependent upon eco-efficient innovations. The KBBE narrative thereby links environmental and economic sustainability through the life sciences: living matter will be used more efficiently, thus substituting for fossil fuels and synthetic chemicals. In this vision, sustainability is equated with more efficiently redesigning and using renewable raw materials, as a basis to enhance global economic competitiveness and thus European prosperity. At its launch conference the KBBE had this initial vision: The EU’s ambition is to build the world’s most competitive knowledge-based economy implies the existence of an efficient and effective knowledge-based bio-economy: a sustainable economy based on renewable resources. This will help wean Europe off its dependence on diminishing oil supplies and will enable it to better compete with fossil-fuel rich areas of the world by levelling the energy playing field. It will also lead to the creation of new and innovative goods and services that will enhance Europe’s competitiveness and meet the needs of its citizens. (DG Research 2005, p. 3) These tasks require a ‘holistic approach’ – which means converging technologies. According to the DG Research Commissioner: The life sciences and biotechnology are significant drivers of growth and competitiveness here. These sciences will help us to live in a healthier and more sustainable fashion by finding more environmentally friendly production methods and pushing forward the frontiers of science . . . This requires a holistic approach that transcends the narrow confines of scientific disciplines – blending, for example, the bio- and nano-sciences – and cuts across policy areas: from research and innovation, to trade and health and consumer affairs. (DG Research 2005, pp. 1, 3) Combining socio-technical and economic imaginaries, this ‘holistic’ approach informs commitments to the life sciences. New industry-led networks elaborate research priorities to achieve eco-efficient and therefore sustainable innovation. In preparing Framework Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 50 L. Levidow et al. Programme 7 the Commission invited industry to establish European Technology Platforms (ETPs), especially to define research agendas that would attract industry investment. This arrangement was meant to fulfill the Lisbon agenda target of 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) being spent on research. ETPs were asked to involve ‘all relevant stakeholders’ in developing a ‘common vision’ emphasizing societal needs and benefits. For the agri-food-forestry-biotech sectors, ETPs were initiated mainly by industry organizations led by multinational companies with support from scientist organizations that had already formulated research agendas (e.g. EPSO/DG Research 2004, EPOBIO 2006). Each ETP published a vision of Europe for the year 2025. According to these ETPs, we need a European society in which all stakeholders understand and trust the concept of the bio-economy, whose public image must be improved through better communication (Becoteps 2011, p. 21). Given their commitments to capital-intensive research and innovation, ETPs cannot accommodate civil society organizations, which have remained marginal to the policy process. Membership in ETPs effectively defines who is (or is not) a relevant stakeholder, according to their prospective contribution to future value chains. 3.2. Routinizing deference to ETPs A prime target for stakeholder influence has been the Framework Programme 7 (FP7) on Food, Agriculture, Fisheries and Biotechnology (FAFB; see Figure 2). As a means to address societal challenges, the FAFB program has aimed at ‘building a Knowledge Based Bio-Economy in Europe by bringing together science, industry and other stakeholders to exploit emerging research opportunities that address social, environmental and economic challenges’ (DG Research/FAFB 2006a, p. 3). This research agenda defines the KBBE as ‘the sustainable, eco-efficient transformation of renewable biological resources into Figure 2. FAFB program, from DG Research PowerPoint presentation, 2006. Source: European Commission. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Critical Policy Studies 51 health, food, energy and other industrial products’. This socio-technical imaginary assigns beneficent characteristics to such products: ‘Eco-efficient products are less polluting and less resource-intensive in production, and allow a more effective management of biological resources’, according to the FAFB program (DG Research/FAFB 2006a, p. 3). When FP7 began, approximately half the calls were drawn from proposals of ETPs, in turn representing mainly capital-intensive industry. The food, crops and forestry Technology Platforms were among those whose proposals had the greatest coverage in FP7 priorities (DG Research 2007, p. vii). Beyond the general perspective in their strategic research agendas, each ETP elaborates specific proposals for research topics; these proposals are regularly sent to the Commission at the start of each annual procedure for setting the next year’s work program (interview, ETP PftF, 5 December 2008, interview, ETP Food for Life, 4 March 2009, interview, DG Research-E/FAFB, 10 October 2008). This procedure routinizes a dependence on industry proposals and turns their socio-technical imaginary into well-resourced practices. The Commission has deferred to ETPs as if they were neutral experts on both the socio-technical and economic prospects of research proposals. The process outsources such expertise, thus reinforcing and validating the ETPs’ imaginaries. ETPs’ strategic research agendas lighten the Commission’s internal evaluation process, according to several interviews with staff in the FAFB program. For example: The SRA [strategic research agenda] was written by respected scientists. We have to assume that it is the best document possible. So our internal process is of secondary importance. (Interview, DG Research-E/FAFB, 10 October 2008) Through this routine deference, an industry-led agenda is represented as an expert judgment about societal challenges and optimum solutions via research. However, the KBBE narrative has attracted divergent accounts of the societal challenges that Europe faces, especially constraints on natural resources and more ‘sustainable’ ways to use them. Rival stakeholder networks have promoted different visions, diagnoses and solutions – in particular, life sciences versus agroecology. The next two sections analyze those two contending visions in turn. Each section firstly shows how the vision elaborates distinctive imaginaries of an economic community and technoscientific advance. Then the section analyses the vision’s influence on EU agri-research. 4. Dominant vision: life sciences In the dominant life sciences vision of the KBBE, a socio-technical imaginary of converging technologies is linked with an economic imaginary of global value chains, as if this linkage were building a European economic community. These capital-intensive research agendas have gained a prominent place in FP7 funding priorities, thus marginalizing others. 4.1. Promoting eco-efficient inputs and conversion processes The life sciences vision foresees a transition from fossil fuels to abundant renewable resources, thanks to converging technologies, thus linking an economic imaginary with a socio-technical imaginary. When the Technology Platform ‘Plants for the Future’ launched its Vision 2025, the DG Research Commissioner said: 52 L. Levidow et al. Scientific and technological progress, especially in plant biotechnology and genomics, will have to play a role in achieving this transition, in particular under the constraints of limited availability of arable land, climate change and increased seasonal weather. (EPSO/DG Research 2004, p. 6) A major societal challenge is defined as rising food demand and resource constraints – which must be addressed through more efficient production methods. According to the above technology platform, for example: Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 The increased demand for animal products should be met by ensuring the sustainable production of high-quality, sufficient, and affordable feed. The composition of feed could be optimised in terms of macro and micronutrients for both nutritional efficiency and environmental issues. (Plants for the Future TP 2007a, p. 5) Efficiency benefits are attributed to novel inputs: In the coming decades, we anticipate the creation of more efficient plants (able to use water and fertiliser more efficiently and to be self-resistant to pests), leading to more efficient farms and new economic opportunities. (Plants for the Future TP 2007a, p. 9) More recently an expert report predicted a rise in global population to 9 billion by 2050 and changing dietary patterns. Consequently, ‘annual meat production will need to rise by over 200 million tonnes to reach 470 million tonnes’ by 2050, posing an imperative for ‘increasing input efficiencies’ in grain production (FAO 2009, pp. 1, 2). This warning has been widely cited as an expert basis for the need to devise more efficient inputs, especially for increasing the productivity of farmland – what the Royal Society (2009) has called ‘sustainable intensification’. As the technoscientific solution, ‘Biotechnology and other modern technologies, including long-term selection programmes, give new ways to improve productivity, efficiency and robustness’, according to a consortium of Technology Platforms (Becoteps 2011, pp. 8, 9). By framing the societal problem as low efficiency, increased production and consumption of meat becomes a solution to societal challenges, rather than a problem of resource demands. An eco-efficiency techno-fix proposes to accommodate global markets, as if these were exogenous to agro-food production. Here agriculture is recast for producing raw materials as degradable biomass. The KBBE is thereby ‘the sustainable production and conversion of biomass into various food, health, fibre and industrial products and energy’; such conversion ‘is also sustainable, being efficient, producing little or no waste, and often using biological processing’, according to a consortium of European Technology Platforms (Becoteps 2011, p. 5). Likewise a key challenge is ‘sustainable feedstock production’; the post-2013 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) must help ‘to maintain a competitive supply of raw materials’ (Clever Consult BVBA 2010, p. 11). To increase resource availability, the life sciences vision also promotes horizontal integration across sectors – food, feed, energy and other industrial products. Agriculture is seen as ‘oil wells of the 21st century’ (BioMat Net 2006), i.e. like a mineral reserve for extracting renewable resources as biomass which can be cracked into its various components for further processing. According to proponents, technological innovation provides new employment opportunities – dependent upon horizontally integrating agriculture with energy. According to a Technology Platform: Critical Policy Studies 53 Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 the production of green energy will also face the exceptional challenge of global industrial restructuring in which the very different value chains of agricultural production and the biorefining industries must be merged with the value chains of the energy providers. (Plants for the Future TP 2007b, p. 33) For diversifying the sources and uses of biomass, bio-refineries already convert oilseeds or grain into liquid fuel and ‘co-products’, which can be used as feed. The latter even gains a bonus in greenhouse gas savings under the Renewable Energy Directive (EC 2009), on the assumption that co-products substitute for production elsewhere and so reduce global demand on resources (CEC 2010, p. 13). The rationale further naturalizes the societal challenge to increase grain and thus meat production via eco-efficient methods. Accordingly, some crops are being genetically modified for compositional changes – e.g. for commercially more valuable feed and/or for easier breakdown of cell walls. In particular, efforts towards lignocellulosic fuels illustrate how the dominant vision frames societal problems for bio-engineering solutions. Lignin in plant cell walls impedes their breakdown, thus limiting the use of the whole plant as biomass for various uses including energy. For agricultural, paper and biofuel feedstock systems, ‘lignin is considered to be an undesirable polymer’ (EPOBIO 2006, p. 27). As a solution, ‘this larger-scale research effort was considered essential to achieve the foundation for designing in planta strategies to engineer bespoke [custom-made] cell walls optimised for integrated biorefinery systems’ (EPOBIO 2006, p. 34). Thus plants must be redesigned as more readily degradable biomass. As a greater ambition, an ‘integrated diversified biorefinery’ would convert biomass into various industrial products. These strategies attempt to optimize valuable products from novel inputs, e.g. to ‘develop new trees and other plant species chosen as energy and/or fibre sources, including plantations connected to biorefineries’, according to the Biofuels Technology Platform (EBTP 2008, SRA-23, 24). Its precursor organization had drawn an analogy between plant material and crude oil: ‘New developments are ongoing for transforming the biomass into a liquid “biocrude”, which can be further refined, used for energy production or sent to a gasifier’ (Biofrac 2006, p. 21). By projecting a decomposability paradigm onto natural resources, the bio-crude metaphor naturalizes the use and redesign of plants as functional substitutes for fossil fuels, towards horizontally integrating agriculture with other industries, as a path towards sustainable development. In this eco-efficiency scenario, waste can be successively turned into raw materials for the next stage: ‘It will be necessary to optimise closed-loop cycles and biorefinery concepts for the use of wastes and residues in order to develop advanced biomass conversion technology’, according to the biofuel industry (EBTP 2010, p. 16). Agriculture becomes a biomass producer; residues become waste biomass for industrial processes and recycling; bio-refineries will process biomass into a diverse range of eco-efficient and therefore environmentally sustainable products. New bio-based industrial products are meant to comprise a broad sector aiming to replace oil with biomass feedstock, to be converted more efficiently, sustainably and lucratively. For example, R&D seeks ‘closed loop biorefineries that produce no waste’ (SusChem 2005, p. 26), while also seeking an advantage in future value chains: In Europe we have different companies developing the feedstock, the enzymes, the polymers, etc. – different stakeholders across the value chain. European companies are investing abroad in a specific aspect of the value chain . . . European companies would like to stay here but are active everywhere, wherever it is competitive to produce their products. They are global players. (Interview, SusChem, 29 July 2010) Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 54 L. Levidow et al. Through global horizontal integration across multiple industries and partners, value chains become even longer than in the agro-food feed system, thus multiplying competitive tensions within Europe as well as cooperative opportunities globally. To enhance these opportunities, this agenda advocates several policy changes – e.g. easier means to obtain patents on ‘biotechnological inventions’, especially with EU-wide legal force, higher EUwide targets for biofuels, and public procurement criteria favoring ‘green’ products (e.g. Biofrac 2006, Plants for the Future TP2007b, DG Enterprise 2009). As an economic imaginary, the ‘value chains’ concept forms the basis for mobilizing financial and political investment in R&D. Biotech is promoted as a prime tool and beneficiary, especially as a means to capture market value. Patents are cited as a key benchmark for Europe’s knowledge base and for its place in global competition. For example, ‘Knowledge and intellectual property will be critical to fulfilling the goals outlined in the other four challenges’ (Plants for the Future TP 2007a, p. 9). Patents are presumed as a means to gain and protect income from new scientific knowledge, especially for biological resources which are otherwise freely reproducible by farmers for re-use and exchange. However, tensions arise between proprietary versus public-access knowledge; rivalry for patents could deter research partnerships (interviews, DG Research-E/FAFB, 10 October 2008, 4 March 2009). To bypass such rivalry, proposals emphasize cooperation for generic knowledge: ‘To avoid IPR [intellectual property right] issues, such [knowledge] networks are best used in the development of less commercially sensitive information such as life-cycle analysis, performance data and assessment of best available technology’, according to the Biofuels Technology Platform (EBTP 2008, p. SDD-5). In this vision, common benefits are expected for a European economic community competing against foreign rivals. Representing the more industrialized farmers, the Committee of Professional Agricultural Organisations (COPA) has asserted ‘that new technologies must be an important part of the European research effort, with biotechnology as one of the cornerstones’ (COPA 2004, p. 4). It has supported biotech as a route to novel techniques for farmers to reduce their input costs and increase productivity. COPA originally supported ETPs in 2005 but played a minimal role in shaping their R&D agendas. A few years later, COPA expressed doubts about a future KBBE benefiting European farmers. In particular, the presumed ‘common vision’ sits uneasily with primary producers at the bottom of future value chains. For example, bio-refineries might import biomass from the cheapest sources, or they might be sited near those sources outside Europe. To gain from adding value to natural resources, a French farmers’ cooperative has sought partnerships with public sector research institutes developing crops for non-food uses (e.g. bio-plastics) and/or crops needing special cultivation methods; but the private sector has little interest or capacity to develop such novel crops (interview, COPA, 26 August 2010). These difficulties manifest inherent tensions between capital-intensive industries and farmers, i.e. between upper and lower parts of global value chains. Such tensions are smoothed over by socio-technical and economic imaginaries underpinning the dominant KBBE narrative, e.g. the race for ‘European competitiveness’. 4.2. Funding the life sciences How did EU research priorities respond to ETPs’ proposals? From its average annual budget of C200 million, the FAFB program has allocated approximately one-quarter to Activity 2.3: ‘Life sciences, biotechnology and biochemistry for sustainable non-food products and processes’. Critical Policy Studies 55 As that title indicates, biotech research was largely shifted to non-food uses, including energy and other industrial products; biotech had a less prominent role in the food-related activity. ‘Life sciences’ priorities emphasize molecular-level changes in plants, especially as the means to link environmental with economic sustainability. For example: Plants can act as cheap, renewable ‘factories’ for the production of chemicals, recombinant proteins and industrial raw materials of value to a wide range of non-food industrial sectors, at the same time improving their environmental and economic potential. (DG Research/FAFB 2006b, p. 47) Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 From the start, the FAFB program emphasized life sciences and converging technologies, especially as a means to identify biological characteristics which could enhance value chains in future markets. In the KBBE concept, knowledge refers to convergence of technologies – bio, info, nanotech, cognitive sciences. Their convergence is necessary in order to identify, standardise and so guarantee the composition of products at the molecular level. Such reliability also links with economy and market value. (Interview, DG Research-E/FAFB, 24 November 2009) The pervasive adjective ‘green’ means plants providing substances which can replace fossil fuels and thus enhance sustainability. For example, the call for research on ‘Green Oils’ aims to develop ‘market driven, hardy, viable and profitable oil seed crops with enhanced traits derived from conventional and biotechnological breeding techniques which exploit the post genomic knowledge base’ (DG Research 2006, p. 45). Here green and natural mean any product of biological processes. Eco-efficient innovations also aim to integrate agriculture with biofuel production and thus expand available resources. Efforts to break down plant cell walls are expected to bring profits and save resources: We have a technological priority with cellulose. We are looking at ways to get access to the cellulose within the cell structure. We are looking at microbes that can access the cellulose easily; such microbes would be an El Dorado. Then you don’t have to take potential food crops and use them for fuels – which is wrong and ultimately not sustainable. (Interview, DG Research-E/FAFB, 23 October 2009) R&D priorities expect such economic and environmental benefits, thanks to converging technologies which can generate novel data on genetic characteristics, standardize them and link them with valuable substances. These agendas are naturalized through anthropomorphic metaphors of nature, e.g. metabolic engineering will enhance knowledge for ‘green factories’ to provide efficient engineering of high-yield and quality products; research will expand the biochemical diversity of natural product libraries; biocatalytic processes will provide high efficiency and low environmental impacts; modern biotechnology will provide systemics for cataloguing and therefore preserving microbial diversity, etc. (DG Research/FAFB 2008). Thus R&D priorities coincide closely with strategic research agendas of ETPs, e.g. Plants for the Future. Such priorities and expectations elaborate a decomposability paradigm as a means to substitute renewable resources for synthetic chemicals, as in examples above. Through converging technologies, the R&D aims: 56 L. Levidow et al. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 to improve the productivity and composition of raw materials and bio-mass feedstocks for optimised conversion to high added-value products including biological resources utilisable in pharmaceutical industry and medicine, while exploiting natural or enhanced terrestrial and aquatic organisms as novel sources. (DG Research/FAFB 2008, p. 42) Along with the FAFB program, the FP7 energy research program has funded a joint call for proposals on ‘sustainable bio-refineries’, initially offering C80 million total in grants. The overall program has several aims which include: ‘enhancing energy efficiency, including by rationalising use and storage of energy; addressing the pressing challenges of security of supply and climate change, whilst increasing the competitiveness of Europe’s industries’ (DG Research/FAFB 2006a, p. 4). For the latter aim, second generation biofuels are expected to ‘boost innovation and maintain Europe’s competitive position in the renewable energy sector’ (CEC 2007a, p. 11). In these ways, agriculture is linked with energy for proprietary knowledge in global value chains. Like industry lobbies (EBTP 2008), FP7 favors biomass-to-liquid fuel (BTL) technology for several reasons, complementing the EU’s Strategic Energy Technology Plan (CEC 2009). BTL offers links with other industries and export markets, as a potential basis for multiplying value chains. It also complements the existing transport infrastructure, as emphasized by industry lobbyists: liquid fuels are the preferred choice for road transport due to their relatively higher energy density and the fact that their use, particularly as blends, is more compatible with existing fuel distribution systems and requires little or no modification to power trains. (EBTP 2008, SRA-1) In sum, the dominant vision links socio-technical and economic imaginaries for future innovations which can sustainably expand current industrial infrastructures, in the name of sustainable development. This vision dominates FP7 research priorities. Next let us examine how other stakeholders elaborated a rival vision of the KBBE, as a basis for different R&D priorities. 5. Rival vision: agroecology Opposing both the agro-industrial system and putative alternatives via life sciences, civil society networks have promoted different socio-technical and economic imaginaries – e.g. territorial food cultures, agro-food relocalization and agroecological methods. This vision was brought together in an alliance formed by numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the European Coordination Via Campesina. Formerly the Coordination Paysanne, it represents smaller-scale farmers who use fewer external inputs and/or promote ‘quality’ products recognizable by consumers. According to their common declarations for European food sovereignty: The ways in which we grow, distribute, prepare and eat food should celebrate Europe’s cultural diversity, providing sustenance equitably and sustainably . . . e.g. via the production and consumption of local, seasonal, high quality products reconnecting citizens with their food and food producers. (EPFS 2009, p. 1) Agroecological forms of production must be defined as the standard form of production in the EU. (Food SovCap 2010) Critical Policy Studies 57 Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Likewise many agronomists promote greater self-sufficiency via low-external input methods that enhance ecological processes (Boussard and Trouvé 2010). The above promotional efforts have been focused on new rules for agricultural subsidy, as a central campaign activity. Their agroecological vision corresponds to research priorities which have been marginal, even locked out of state research programs (Vanloqueren and Baret 2009). To overcome these barriers, organic farming organizations established a network to advocate agroecological research. Their vision links a socio-technical imaginary where farmers share knowledge of renewable resources and organic recycling processes, with an economic imaginary where they gain value through lower external inputs and shorter, more localized food-supply chains. 5.1. Promoting agroecology as eco-efficiency The organics industry sought to influence research policy, initially by proposing a Technology Platform for Sustainable Organic and High Welfare Food and Farming Systems. According to its proposal, such systems ‘are an important and fast-growing part of the European knowledge-based bio-economy’. The proposal included ‘industry objectives of improving (i) ecological and social sustainability, (ii) food quality and safety, (iii) production efficiency and profitability and (iv) introduction of innovation’ (IFOAM-EU Group 2006). Thus it advocated agroecological approaches in ways that recast the KBBE narrative. Like the proposals for a Technology Platform from capital-intensive industries, this one was submitted to Framework Programme 6 as a Coordination and Support Action, but it did not gain a sufficiently high score. Even without funds or sponsorship from the European Commission, organics promoters built broad stakeholder support including relevant commercial actors across the agro-food supply chain as well as environmental NGOs. To establish a Technology Platform Organics, they published a Vision for an Organic Food and Farming Research Agenda to 2025 (Niggli et al. 2008), by analogy to Vision 2025 documents of officially recognized ETPs. Key terms from the KBBE narrative were recast to favor agroecology. For example: Organic agriculture and food production are innovative learning fields for sustainability and are therefore of special interest to European societies. . . . In order to maintain a leading position in this innovative political and economic field, research activities are crucial. (Niggli et al. 2008, p. 9) Like other ETPs, Technology Platform Organics next published a Strategic Research Agenda, which linked ‘innovation’ with public goods such as ecosystem services, ecoefficiency, farmers’ knowledge, learning and competitive advantage (see Figure 3). Organic farming achieves the ‘most efficient use of nutrients by keeping their cycles short and as closed as possible’ (Schmid et al. 2009, p. 23). Its improvement needs a ‘system-based approach’ including field experiments, farm-level studies, participatory on-farm research and modeling (Schmid et al. 2009, p. 24). According to their problem diagnosis, organic farming faces a problem of low productivity, which can be increased through agroecological engineering, here called ‘eco-functional intensification’: Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 58 L. Levidow et al. Figure 3. Three themes for organic food and farming research. Source: TP Organics Strategic Research Agenda (Schmid et al. 2009). The weakness of organic agriculture so far remains its insufficient productivity and the stability of yields. This could be solved by means of appropriate ‘eco-functional intensification’, i.e. more efficient use of natural resources, improved nutrient recycling techniques and agroecological methods for enhancing diversity and the health of soils, crops and livestock. (Niggli et al. 2008, p. 34, cf. Schmid et al. 2009, p. 59) In those ways, ‘eco-functional intensification’ means intensifying agroecological processes and thus increasing productivity, without conventionalizing organic farming. An advocate was invited to give a keynote speech at the European Commission’s conference on sustainable development in a session jointly organized by the Environment and FAFB sections of DG Research (Micheloni 2009). This novel concept gained great interest from the organics section of COPA, especially as a way for farmers to reduce their input costs; on this basis, it has advocated ‘a European knowledge sharing and transfer platform for organic and low-external input farming’ (COPA 2010). Horizontal integration between agriculture and energy production provides the means to shorten organic cycles, as well as to substitute local resources for external inputs: Diversified land use can open up new possibilities for combining food production with biomass production and on-farm production of renewable energy from livestock manure, small biotopes, perennial crops and semi-natural non-cultivated areas. Semi-natural grasslands may be conserved and integrated in stockless farm operations by harvesting biomass for agro/bioenergy and recapturing nutrients from residual effluent for use as supplementary organic fertiliser on cultivated land. (Schmid et al. 2009, p. 26) As a socio-economic imaginary of producer cooperation, food relocalization will help farmers to capture more of the value that they add: The empowerment of local economies will be an important trend in European agriculture and food production. . . . New forms of cooperation will create more direct relationships with consumers, and learning and negotiation will build on and contribute to participatory and value based research and development activities. This will help to address the challenges of fair distribution of value along the food supply chain, from both the consumers’ and the producers’ point of view. (Niggli et al. 2008, pp. 29, 30) Critical Policy Studies 59 In this paradigm, consumer trust depends on a specific product identity, representing comprehensive qualities such as sustainable production methods and/or aesthetic characteristics (cf. Allaire and Wolf 2004). In all these ways, TP Organics recast key terms of the KBBE narrative to promote farmers’ knowledge of biodiversity as resources for agroecological methods and as societal benefits. TP Organics further elaborated its research proposals in consultation with farmers, food processors and distributors, partly through Europe-wide consultation meetings. With that broad support, TP Organics has attempted to influence research agendas, even without official recognition by the European Commission. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 5.2. Funding agroecology as a knowledge system An extra opportunity for agroecological research agendas came from policy discussions exploring diverse knowledges for agricultural innovation. The FAFB program has hosted foresight studies which were commissioned by the EU’s Standing Committee on Agricultural . According to the first report of the expert group, farmers often develop modest innovations but these are readily dismissed or ignored (SCAR FEG 2007, p. 8). As a more fundamental problem diagnosis by the expert group, research agendas have become more distant from producers’ knowledge, instead favoring specialist laboratory knowledge for agricultural inputs and processing methods (SCAR FEG 2007, p. 11). As ways forward, the expert group advocated agroecological approaches, in situ genetic diversity, farmers’ knowledge, etc. (SCAR CEG 2008). It also advocated new kinds of agricultural knowledge systems (AKSs) beyond the formal research system: ‘The AKSs that have been developed outside the mainstream, to support organic, fair trade, and agroecological systems, are identified . . . as meriting greatly increased public and private investment’ (SCAR FEG 2008, 42, also SCAR FEG 2011, pp. 87–89). These official reports were discussed at Europe-wide conference, highlighting the need for research valuing farmers’ knowledge of renewable resources. Going beyond organic agriculture per se, FP7 has given greater prominence to agroecological research, with calls totaling C20 million by 2010 and increasing thereafter. These funding calls appear especially within the activity on ‘increased sustainability of all production systems’ (though some also within ‘socio-economic research and support to policies’). Agroecology is seen as a means to solve problems of resource shortages and pollution, as well as to provide public goods such as ecosystem services. According to a research manager: Agro-ecology has been included in Framework Programmes as means to address environmental issues through agriculture. It matters for how agriculture is integrated into a wider ecosystem and environmental life cycle. (interview, DG Research/FAFB, 12 July 2010) Although the term agroecology does not appear in Commission texts, the FAFB program has included several agroecological themes: e.g. enhancing soil management and recycling organic waste via mixed farming, replacing chemical or copper pesticides with biocontrol agents, enhancing on-farm production of renewable energy, etc. These themes emphasize substitutes for external inputs, although some calls emphasize the aim to address climate change by reducing energy inputs. Notably, they have also included knowledge for enhancing market access, e.g. ‘Data network for better European organic market information’ (DG Research/FAFB 2009, 2010). Moreover the concept ‘eco-functional intensification’ gained prominence in the 2012 work program, e.g. in a call on ecological services: ‘through the 60 L. Levidow et al. design of diversified cropping systems it will further help to unlock the potential of ecofunctional intensification to achieve more stable yields and reduce pesticide use while also meeting environmental objectives’ (DG Research/FAFB 2011, p. 7). Most of these themes drew upon proposals from TP Organics. This success resulted partly from their scientific quality, in turn resulting from the networking method, especially consultations bringing together various experts and practitioners. According to a research manager: Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 TP Organics operates like a Technology Platform. It brings a sound reflection on research priorities through stakeholder consultation. Its Strategic Research Agenda has high-quality proposals, some of which were incorporated into FP7. (Interview, DG Research/FAFB, 5 October 2010) In those ways, a stakeholder network used a new opportunity in the more favorable context of the SCAR discussions on sustainable agriculture (e.g. SCAR FEG 2011). Consequently, FP7 funded research for an agroecological vision linking eco-functional intensification methods with agro-food-energy relocalization. Eventually ‘ecological intensification’ was included in the successor to FP7 (CEC 2011, p. 55). This vision gains strength by linking socio-technical and economic imaginaries. 6. Conclusion: two contending visions of the KBBE This article has asked questions about the EU’s agenda for a knowledge-based bioeconomy, especially how this defines societal challenges and proposes technoscientific solutions. To answer these questions, it has combined specific theoretical approaches from three areas: science and technology studies (Jasanoff and Kim 2009), critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2010) and cultural political economy (Jessop 2009). Also drawing on typologies of agri-innovation paradigms (Allaire and Woolf 2004, Vanloqueren and Baret 2009), our theoretical approach goes beyond the typologies to reveal the cultural construals of an imaginatively narrated policy process, as summarized in Table 1. The KBBE has gained prominence as the agricultural research and innovation agenda of the European Union. As a master narrative, the KBBE concept has served to mobilize EU institutions around apparently common aims for a future Europe. At the same time, the KBBE has encompassed two divergent visions of the future. In their own distinctive ways, each vision has promoted R&D agendas for making agricultural production more sustainable. These divergent visions are comprised of rival socio-technical and economic imaginaries – strategic discourses prefiguring a possible, desirable future. Stakeholder networks enact these rival imaginaries – life sciences and agroecology – as strategies to shape the future. Each vision links complementary socio-technical and economic aspects. The theoretical concept ‘socio-technical imaginaries’ originally meant to explain how national technoscientific projects gain legitimacy as means to a good society (Jasanoff and Kim 2009). Here the concept has been extended to a future Europe according to rival visions of the KBBE. The concept ‘economic imaginaries’ meant to explain how some potential, imagined relations become materialized in economic relations. In the KBBE case, such imaginaries inform future-oriented strategies to gain policy support and material investment for specific R&D priorities, alongside wider policies such as rules for agricultural subsidy, patents and public procurement. Together these efforts promote particular technoscientific paradigms and societal futures. Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 Critical Policy Studies 61 Each vision also combines paradigms of agricultural innovation with strategies for gaining market value. In the dominant vision of the life sciences, converging technologies complement decomposability for extending global value chains. In a rival vision, agroecology complements integral product integrity for short supply chains, also known as relocalization (Table 1, bottom). Claiming to promote ‘sustainable agriculture’, each vision appropriates and recasts key terms in its own image. An agroecological vision originally promoted holistic approaches as mixed farms integrating crops and animals, while a life sciences vision has recast ‘holistic’ as converging technologies to integrate agriculture with other industrial sectors via global value chains. Conversely, a life sciences vision has promoted ‘sustainable intensification’, while an agroecological vision has recast this as ‘eco-functional intensification’, i.e. intensifying ecological processes. Likewise, global business lobbies had long promoted eco-efficiency as a lower input–output ratio in capital-intensive production processes for global commodity production, while an agroecological vision has recast eco-efficiency as short-loop nutrient recycling by farmers. Analyzed as imaginaries, these rival visions likewise give different meanings to the same key terms – knowledge, biological resources and economy. They diverge over diagnoses of unsustainable agriculture, societal challenges, remedies through technoscientific knowledge and thus the aims of a knowledge-based bio-economy. From the two contending visions, rival stakeholder networks have promoted divergent research agendas, especially to influence research and innovation policy. In particular, the EU’s program has aimed to build a particular form of knowledge-based bio-economy, a concept which informed the EU’s FP7 Food, Agriculture, Fisheries and Biotechnology program. Accordingly, the FAFB program has favored lab and engineering knowledge for novel inputs which will make agricultural production more efficient and therefore sustainable. At the same time, the FAFB program has increasingly promoted agroecological research, thus overcoming its general lock-out from state research agendas. Alongside their rivalry for research funds, each stakeholder network also promotes various policies – e.g. as regards IPRs, ‘green’ public procurement, agricultural subsidy, etc. – which differentially shape market opportunities for the contending visions and their technoscientific paradigms. In sum, we developed a hybrid theoretical framework that helps to explain how some imaginaries are promoted, favored and ‘routinized in organizational operations’, as a basis for shaping institutional practices and thus societal futures (cf. Jessop 2009). Through policy frameworks which discursively naturalize technoscientific solutions and designate external expertise for them, specific future visions are materialized in institutional practices, especially in priorities for research funds. Indeed, having invited and funded ETPs, the European Commission routinely deferred to them as experts, thus routinizing the life sciences vision in research agendas. Yet the agroecology vision has also gained a significant place; this opportunity came from systematic efforts by stakeholder networks, alongside expert proposals to broaden agricultural knowledge systems. Meanwhile, through official language about ‘common visions’ for a future Europe, policy processes downplay tensions and reinforce dominant political–economic actors as neutral experts. Socio-technical imaginaries cast societal progress as dependent upon global economic competitiveness. Inequalities are hidden by imagining ‘Europe’ as a political–economic community competing against foreign rivals (cf. van Apeldoorn 2000). These tensions have been analyzed by linking such concepts from cultural political economy (Jessop 2005) and science and technology studies (Jasanoff and Kim 2009). Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 62 L. Levidow et al. The KBBE case also exemplifies wider tensions over research agendas for European progress. According to research ministers, the European Research Area should ‘democratise decision making, for a Science operating as a service to Society’ (EU Council 2008). Its shape remains ostensibly open by ‘inventing our future together’, according to Commission policy on the European Research Area. But the same policy invokes global competitiveness as an objective necessity and rationale for research priorities (CEC 2007b). Consequently, some pathways are favored and others are marginalized, partly in response to specific strategies of dominant stakeholder networks (Diedrich et al. 2011). According to some critiques, EU innovation policy is a master narrative imposing specific problem diagnoses and solutions, while pre-empting alternatives (Felt et al. 2007). To some extent, this critique describes ETPs’ roles in the KBBE area. However, its research priorities have been somewhat opened up to different problem-diagnoses, visions and agri-innovation pathways. Such openings depend upon stakeholder coalitions devising intervention strategies, building coalitions for alternative agendas and stimulating debate on policy choices. As in this case study, critical discourse analysis can sharpen and inform such debate. Our analysis effectively intervened in discussions among research managers, e.g. at SCAR events and our project workshop (CREPE 2010). Our research cooperation with civil society organizations informed their strategies for alternative agendas (Levidow and Oreszczyn 2012). For example, points from our analysis appeared in stakeholder documents criticizing the dominant agenda and promoting alternatives (e.g. TP Organics 2011a, 2011b). Our approach has wider implications for policymaking, R&D strategies and critical interventions into such processes. When a policy framework expresses or solicits a ‘common vision’ for research priorities towards ‘sustainable development’, this implies a process generating a coherent, consensual agenda. Yet such policy language conceals tensions among stakeholder aims – in this case, between the dominant life sciences vision and the rival agroecology vision – and even tensions within each one. Moreover, each vision abstracts from complex extra economic conditions necessary for the success of technoscientific solutions, as well as from societal conflicts around them (cf. Jessop 2005, 2009). Our theoretical framework has helped to illuminate those strategies, abstractions and tensions. Acknowledgements Research leading to these results has received funding from the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement n◦ 217647, entitled ‘Co-operative Research on Environmental Problems in Europe’ (CREPE) during 2008–10. For helpful comments on previous versions, we thank the CREPE project partners, our advisors (Helen Holder, Piet Schenkelaars, Silvio Funtowicz and Richard Worthington), numerous attendees at relevant events, Bob Jessop and anonymous referees of this journal. Notes on contributors Les Levidow is a senior research fellow at the Open University, UK, where he has been studying agri-environmental issues since the late 1980s. A long-running case study has been the AgBioTech controversy, focusing on the European Union, United States and their trade conflicts. This research was summarized in three special issues of journals, as well as two co-authored books: Governing the transatlantic conflict over agricultural biotechnology: contending coalitions, trade liberalisation and standard setting (Routledge, 2006); and GM food on trial: testing European democracy (Routledge, 2010). Critical Policy Studies 63 Kean Birch is an assistant professor in the Department of Social Science (Business and Society Program) at York University, Toronto. His current research interests range from the emerging bioeconomy to varieties of neoliberal restructuring. With Vlad Mykhnenko he co-edited The rise and fall of neoliberalism (Zed, 2010). Theo Papaioannou is a senior lecturer in innovation and politics of development at the ESRC Centre for Social and Economic Research on Innovation in Genomics (Innogen) and in the Development Policy and Practice Group (DPP) at the Open University, UK. He has researched and published extensively in the areas of innovation, politics and development. His recent co-authored publications include The limits to governance: the challenge of policy-making for the new life sciences (Ashgate, 2009). Downloaded by [Open University] at 08:50 30 April 2012 References Aho Report, 2006. Creating an innovative Europe [online]. 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